Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.520
Lina Marín Moreno, M. Montenegro
diversas. Apoyados en estos argumentos, la justificación de interés general para la construcción de megahidroeléctricas queda sin fundamento sólido. Through the case of the Hidroituango hydroelectric plant in Colombia, this article proposes that the implementation of megaprojects constitutes a proprietary device in which the expulsion of populations, damage to ecosystems, and deepening inequality converge. These three factors lead to the destruction of the body-territory from the capture of life forms to accumulate capital. Based on the Narrative Pro-ductions methodology and a process of co-theorization between the knowledge produced by the Ríos Vivos Movement, the narrative of the social leader Isabel Cristina Zuleta and interdisciplinary scientific research, we conclude that the struggles for permanence in the territory turn into struggles against the worst future scenarios of climate change, deterioration of the planet and the social and economic conditions of diverse communities. Based on these arguments, the general interest justification for the construction of mega-hydroelectric plants runs out of a solid foundation.
{"title":"Desterradas del río. Hidroituango y la destrucción del cuerpo-territorio por megaproyectos. Entre el interés general y el sostenimiento de la vida","authors":"Lina Marín Moreno, M. Montenegro","doi":"10.16993/iberoamericana.520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.520","url":null,"abstract":"diversas. Apoyados en estos argumentos, la justificación de interés general para la construcción de megahidroeléctricas queda sin fundamento sólido. Through the case of the Hidroituango hydroelectric plant in Colombia, this article proposes that the implementation of megaprojects constitutes a proprietary device in which the expulsion of populations, damage to ecosystems, and deepening inequality converge. These three factors lead to the destruction of the body-territory from the capture of life forms to accumulate capital. Based on the Narrative Pro-ductions methodology and a process of co-theorization between the knowledge produced by the Ríos Vivos Movement, the narrative of the social leader Isabel Cristina Zuleta and interdisciplinary scientific research, we conclude that the struggles for permanence in the territory turn into struggles against the worst future scenarios of climate change, deterioration of the planet and the social and economic conditions of diverse communities. Based on these arguments, the general interest justification for the construction of mega-hydroelectric plants runs out of a solid foundation.","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79864875","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-11DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.504
Benedicte Bull, F. Sanchez
In spite of the large number of studies of populism, few have discussed the relationship between populism and different types of elites, apart from showing the antielitism of the discourse that characterizes populist movements and leaders. This article argues that the relationship to elites is crucial to understand how populist regimes emerge, gain power and sustain themselves. Comparing Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Rafael Correa of Ecuador, we show that they were not simply two authoritarian leaders that gained power through democratic channels. They had profound similarities as populist leaders with a maniquean anti-elitist discourse. One difference between them was that Chavez emphasized and succeeded with, his construction of alternative elites after his confrontation with traditional, elites, while Correa did not. This is part of the explanation for why the “Citizens Revolution” of Rafael Correa collapsed, while chavismo has survived and turned increasingly authoritarian form under the leadership of Nicolas Maduro. The comparison serves to open a field of study of elites and the concentration of economic and political power under populist leaders of all shadows, that may enrich the study of populism. Resumen La multiplicidad de estudios sobre el populismo, mas alla explicar el antielitismo discursivo que lo caracteriza, dicen poco sobre los vinculos que tienen los distintos tipos de elites con los movimientos y lideres populistas. Por ello, abundando en el tema, este articulo plantea que el analisis del tipo de relacion de los populistas con las elites es crucial para comprender como evolucionan, llegan y permanecen -o no- en el poder. Se comparan los gobiernos de Hugo Chavez en Venezuela y Rafael Correa en Ecuador, para mostrar que no eran simplemente dos lideres autoritarios llegados al poder por canales democraticos, sino presidentes populistas con un discurso maniqueo, para despues mostrar sus distintas estrategias de relacion con las elites. Mientras Chavez tuvo una estrategia deliberada y exitosa de construccion de elites alternativas -luego de su choque frontal con las preexistentes- Correa fracasa en esa dimension, lo que explica en gran parte que, mientras la “Revolucion Ciudadana” de Correa se derrumbo, el chavismo sobrevive, a traves de un movimiento politico cada vez mas autoritario bajo el liderazgo de Maduro. El estudios de ambos casos sirve para mostrar, como el estudio de las elites enriquece la teoria populista pues, entender el cambio de elites abre un campo al estudio de la concentracion del poder economico y politico bajo lideres populistas de todo tipo. Palabras clave: elites; populismo; Venezuela; Ecuador; Hugo Chavez; Rafael Correa
{"title":"Élites y populistas: los casos de Venezuela y Ecuador","authors":"Benedicte Bull, F. Sanchez","doi":"10.16993/iberoamericana.504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.504","url":null,"abstract":"In spite of the large number of studies of populism, few have discussed the relationship between populism and different types of elites, apart from showing the antielitism of the discourse that characterizes populist movements and leaders. This article argues that the relationship to elites is crucial to understand how populist regimes emerge, gain power and sustain themselves. Comparing Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Rafael Correa of Ecuador, we show that they were not simply two authoritarian leaders that gained power through democratic channels. They had profound similarities as populist leaders with a maniquean anti-elitist discourse. One difference between them was that Chavez emphasized and succeeded with, his construction of alternative elites after his confrontation with traditional, elites, while Correa did not. This is part of the explanation for why the “Citizens Revolution” of Rafael Correa collapsed, while chavismo has survived and turned increasingly authoritarian form under the leadership of Nicolas Maduro. The comparison serves to open a field of study of elites and the concentration of economic and political power under populist leaders of all shadows, that may enrich the study of populism. Resumen La multiplicidad de estudios sobre el populismo, mas alla explicar el antielitismo discursivo que lo caracteriza, dicen poco sobre los vinculos que tienen los distintos tipos de elites con los movimientos y lideres populistas. Por ello, abundando en el tema, este articulo plantea que el analisis del tipo de relacion de los populistas con las elites es crucial para comprender como evolucionan, llegan y permanecen -o no- en el poder. Se comparan los gobiernos de Hugo Chavez en Venezuela y Rafael Correa en Ecuador, para mostrar que no eran simplemente dos lideres autoritarios llegados al poder por canales democraticos, sino presidentes populistas con un discurso maniqueo, para despues mostrar sus distintas estrategias de relacion con las elites. Mientras Chavez tuvo una estrategia deliberada y exitosa de construccion de elites alternativas -luego de su choque frontal con las preexistentes- Correa fracasa en esa dimension, lo que explica en gran parte que, mientras la “Revolucion Ciudadana” de Correa se derrumbo, el chavismo sobrevive, a traves de un movimiento politico cada vez mas autoritario bajo el liderazgo de Maduro. El estudios de ambos casos sirve para mostrar, como el estudio de las elites enriquece la teoria populista pues, entender el cambio de elites abre un campo al estudio de la concentracion del poder economico y politico bajo lideres populistas de todo tipo. Palabras clave: elites; populismo; Venezuela; Ecuador; Hugo Chavez; Rafael Correa","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48373493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-17DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.497
Monica Naime
Literature on organization theory has long argued that organizations’ communication has an impact on their legitimacy, which is necessary for their survival. Nonetheless, studies focus on private organizations rather than public ones. This article examines how legitimacy is constructed by communicating through time. Using a mixed-method content-analysis, the paper focuses on the press releases of the Mexican Office of the Prosecutor concerning the 2014 disappearance of 43 students in Ayotiznapa. Findings indicate that, in order to pursue legitimacy, the organization uses mostly rationalization and authorization strategies, whereas normalization and moralization strategies are seldom used. Unlike private organizations, the legal system and the nature of the public service provided are relevant for public organizations, and these influence the strategies used to communicate for legitimacy. The article concludes by discussing implications for theory and practice. Resumen La literatura sobre teoria de la organizacion ha sostenido durante mucho tiempo que la comunicacion organizacional tiene impacto en su legitimidad, la cual es necesaria para su supervivencia. No obstante, los estudios se concentran en las organizaciones privadas mas que en las publicas. Este articulo examina como una organizacion publica se comunica para obtener legitimidad a traves del tiempo. Utilizando un analisis de contenido de metodo mixto, el trabajo se centra en los comunicados de prensa de la Procuraduria General de la Republica en Mexico relativos a la desaparicion en 2014 de 43 estudiantes en Ayotiznapa. Los resultados indican que, para lograr mayor legitimidad, la organizacion utiliza principalmente estrategias de racionalizacion y autorizacion, mientras que las estrategias de normalizacion y moralizacion rara vez se utilizan. A diferencia de las organizaciones privadas, el sistema legal y la naturaleza del servicio publico que se provee son relevantes para las organizaciones publicas, y estos influencian las estrategias usadas para comunicar hacia la legitimidad. El articulo concluye discutiendo las implicaciones para la teoria y para la practica. Palabras clave: legitimidad; organizacion; comunicacion; analisis de contenido; Mexico
{"title":"Legitimacy of Public Organizations Through Time: Communicating the Case of the 43 Disappeared Students in Mexico","authors":"Monica Naime","doi":"10.16993/iberoamericana.497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.497","url":null,"abstract":"Literature on organization theory has long argued that organizations’ communication has an impact on their legitimacy, which is necessary for their survival. Nonetheless, studies focus on private organizations rather than public ones. This article examines how legitimacy is constructed by communicating through time. Using a mixed-method content-analysis, the paper focuses on the press releases of the Mexican Office of the Prosecutor concerning the 2014 disappearance of 43 students in Ayotiznapa. Findings indicate that, in order to pursue legitimacy, the organization uses mostly rationalization and authorization strategies, whereas normalization and moralization strategies are seldom used. Unlike private organizations, the legal system and the nature of the public service provided are relevant for public organizations, and these influence the strategies used to communicate for legitimacy. The article concludes by discussing implications for theory and practice. Resumen La literatura sobre teoria de la organizacion ha sostenido durante mucho tiempo que la comunicacion organizacional tiene impacto en su legitimidad, la cual es necesaria para su supervivencia. No obstante, los estudios se concentran en las organizaciones privadas mas que en las publicas. Este articulo examina como una organizacion publica se comunica para obtener legitimidad a traves del tiempo. Utilizando un analisis de contenido de metodo mixto, el trabajo se centra en los comunicados de prensa de la Procuraduria General de la Republica en Mexico relativos a la desaparicion en 2014 de 43 estudiantes en Ayotiznapa. Los resultados indican que, para lograr mayor legitimidad, la organizacion utiliza principalmente estrategias de racionalizacion y autorizacion, mientras que las estrategias de normalizacion y moralizacion rara vez se utilizan. A diferencia de las organizaciones privadas, el sistema legal y la naturaleza del servicio publico que se provee son relevantes para las organizaciones publicas, y estos influencian las estrategias usadas para comunicar hacia la legitimidad. El articulo concluye discutiendo las implicaciones para la teoria y para la practica. Palabras clave: legitimidad; organizacion; comunicacion; analisis de contenido; Mexico","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48375718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-23DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.496
Adolfo Garcé, Alejo González
Since the late 1980s, Chile and Uruguay have discussed the convenience of increasing the autonomy of their central banks. In Chile, in the midst of the transition to democracy and after heated debates between experts, rapid progress was made towards autonomy. In Uruguay, on the other hand, there was no significant academic debate. The controversy was intense, but it took place in parliament. As a result, the shift towards autonomy was more limited when compared to Chile. This difference cannot be explained neither by the evolution of the inflation rate, nor by the ideology of the ruling elite, nor by institutional design. To account for the dissimilar results, the focus is placed on the nature of the relationship that experts and politics have in each country, captured through the concept of the Political Knowledge Regime. Resumen Desde fines de la decada del ochenta, en Chile y Uruguay se discutio respecto a la conveniencia de incrementar la autonomia de sus bancos centrales. En Chile, en plena transicion a la democracia, y luego de exigentes intercambios entre expertos, se avanzo rapidamente hacia la autonomia. En Uruguay, en cambio, no hubo un debate academico significativo. La controversia fue intensa, pero transcurrio en el parlamento. El resultado fue que el giro hacia la autonomia fue mas limitado que en Chile. Esta diferencia no puede ser explicada ni por la evolucion de la tasa de inflacion, ni por la ideologia de la elite gobernante, ni por el diseno institucional. Para dar cuenta de los diferentes resultados se los coloca a la luz de la naturaleza del vinculo entre expertos y politica en cada pais, capturada mediante el concepto de Regimen Politico de Conocimiento. Palabrasclave: Democracia; Tecnocracia; Regimen Politico de Conocimiento; Independencia del Banco Central; Chile; Uruguay
自上世纪80年代末以来，智利和乌拉圭一直在讨论提高本国央行自主权的便利性。在智利，在向民主过渡的过程中，在专家之间进行了激烈的辩论之后，在自治方面取得了迅速进展。另一方面，在乌拉圭，没有重大的学术辩论。争论是激烈的，但它发生在议会。因此，与智利相比，向自治的转变更为有限。这种差异既不能用通胀率的演变来解释，也不能用统治精英的意识形态来解释，也不能用制度设计来解释。为了解释不同的结果，重点放在每个国家的专家和政治关系的性质上，通过政治知识制度的概念来捕捉。恢复智利、智利和乌拉圭关于促进中央银行逐步自治的讨论。在智利，全面过渡是民主的，在过渡性和过渡性方面是专家的，在自治方面是快速发展的。在乌拉圭，在冈比亚，没有一场辩论具有学术意义。争论激烈，争论激烈，争论激烈。在智利，有两个地方是自治的。这种差异并不是一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释，一种解释。对位dar东西de los不同resultados se洛杉矶coloca一拉鲁兹de la naturaleza del vinculo之间expertos y politica在《国家报》报道,capturada mediante el concepto de方案de Conocimiento政客。Palabrasclave:汇总;Tecnocracia;经济政治体制;中央银行独立性;智利;乌拉圭
{"title":"Entre la democracia y la tecnocracia: El debate sobre la autonomía del Banco Central en Chile y Uruguay en tiempos del Consenso de Washington","authors":"Adolfo Garcé, Alejo González","doi":"10.16993/iberoamericana.496","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.496","url":null,"abstract":"Since the late 1980s, Chile and Uruguay have discussed the convenience of increasing the autonomy of their central banks. In Chile, in the midst of the transition to democracy and after heated debates between experts, rapid progress was made towards autonomy. In Uruguay, on the other hand, there was no significant academic debate. The controversy was intense, but it took place in parliament. As a result, the shift towards autonomy was more limited when compared to Chile. This difference cannot be explained neither by the evolution of the inflation rate, nor by the ideology of the ruling elite, nor by institutional design. To account for the dissimilar results, the focus is placed on the nature of the relationship that experts and politics have in each country, captured through the concept of the Political Knowledge Regime. Resumen Desde fines de la decada del ochenta, en Chile y Uruguay se discutio respecto a la conveniencia de incrementar la autonomia de sus bancos centrales. En Chile, en plena transicion a la democracia, y luego de exigentes intercambios entre expertos, se avanzo rapidamente hacia la autonomia. En Uruguay, en cambio, no hubo un debate academico significativo. La controversia fue intensa, pero transcurrio en el parlamento. El resultado fue que el giro hacia la autonomia fue mas limitado que en Chile. Esta diferencia no puede ser explicada ni por la evolucion de la tasa de inflacion, ni por la ideologia de la elite gobernante, ni por el diseno institucional. Para dar cuenta de los diferentes resultados se los coloca a la luz de la naturaleza del vinculo entre expertos y politica en cada pais, capturada mediante el concepto de Regimen Politico de Conocimiento. Palabrasclave: Democracia; Tecnocracia; Regimen Politico de Conocimiento; Independencia del Banco Central; Chile; Uruguay","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79060367","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-16DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.495
Ole Jakob Løland
Jair Messias Bolsonaro won the 2018 presidential elections in Brazil with the support of nearly 70% of the Evangelicals and around 50% of the Catholics in the country. This article aims at exploring some of the politically influential theologies disseminated by some of Bolsonaro’s religious allies by constructing three theological typologies: Neoliberal supernaturalism, apocalyptic dualism and neoconservative Catholicism. These theological ideas gain relevance through an alliance between religious groups and the political right that based on the movement’s key issues and cultural conditions is comparable to the Christian Right in the United States. The rise of Bolsonaro and the turn to the right in Brazilian politics can partly be understood as an effect legitimated by this new political alliance of three politically conservative Christian forces and their theologies: traditional Pentecostalism, neo-Pentecostalism and neoconservative Catholicism. Although there are authoritarian traits within what can be labelled Brazil’s new Christian Right, this political phenomenon can also be said to contribute to Brazilian democracy. Resumo Jair Messias Bolsonaro venceu as eleicoes presidenciais de 2018 no Brasil com o apoio de quase 70% dos evangelicos e cerca de 50% dos catolicos do pais. Este artigo tem como objetivo explorar algumas das teologias politicas e influentes que sao disseminadas por alguns dos aliados religiosos de Bolsonaro, construindo tres tipologias teologicas: Sobrenaturalismo neoliberal, dualismo apocaliptico e neoconservatismo catolico. Sobrenaturalismo neoliberal, dualismo apocaliptico e neoconservatismo catolico. Alem disso, argumentamos que a Nova Direita Crista no Brasil e comparavel ao fenomeno “the Christian Right”, tipico dos Estados Unidos, devido as condicoes politicas e bandeiras morais semelhantes. A ascensao de Bolsonaro e a virada para a direita na politica brasileira podem ser em parte entendidas como um efeito dessa nova alianca politica legitimado de tres forcas cristas politicamente conservadoras e suas teologias: o pentecostalismo tradicional, o neopentecostalismo e o catolicismo neoconservador. Embora haja tracos autoritarios dentro do que pode ser chamado a Nova Direita Crista do Brasil, tambem se pode reconhecer esse fenomeno politico como uma contribuicao a democracia brasileira.
{"title":"The Political Conditions and Theological Foundations of the New Christian Right in Brazil","authors":"Ole Jakob Løland","doi":"10.16993/iberoamericana.495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.495","url":null,"abstract":"Jair Messias Bolsonaro won the 2018 presidential elections in Brazil with the support of nearly 70% of the Evangelicals and around 50% of the Catholics in the country. This article aims at exploring some of the politically influential theologies disseminated by some of Bolsonaro’s religious allies by constructing three theological typologies: Neoliberal supernaturalism, apocalyptic dualism and neoconservative Catholicism. These theological ideas gain relevance through an alliance between religious groups and the political right that based on the movement’s key issues and cultural conditions is comparable to the Christian Right in the United States. The rise of Bolsonaro and the turn to the right in Brazilian politics can partly be understood as an effect legitimated by this new political alliance of three politically conservative Christian forces and their theologies: traditional Pentecostalism, neo-Pentecostalism and neoconservative Catholicism. Although there are authoritarian traits within what can be labelled Brazil’s new Christian Right, this political phenomenon can also be said to contribute to Brazilian democracy. Resumo Jair Messias Bolsonaro venceu as eleicoes presidenciais de 2018 no Brasil com o apoio de quase 70% dos evangelicos e cerca de 50% dos catolicos do pais. Este artigo tem como objetivo explorar algumas das teologias politicas e influentes que sao disseminadas por alguns dos aliados religiosos de Bolsonaro, construindo tres tipologias teologicas: Sobrenaturalismo neoliberal, dualismo apocaliptico e neoconservatismo catolico. Sobrenaturalismo neoliberal, dualismo apocaliptico e neoconservatismo catolico. Alem disso, argumentamos que a Nova Direita Crista no Brasil e comparavel ao fenomeno “the Christian Right”, tipico dos Estados Unidos, devido as condicoes politicas e bandeiras morais semelhantes. A ascensao de Bolsonaro e a virada para a direita na politica brasileira podem ser em parte entendidas como um efeito dessa nova alianca politica legitimado de tres forcas cristas politicamente conservadoras e suas teologias: o pentecostalismo tradicional, o neopentecostalismo e o catolicismo neoconservador. Embora haja tracos autoritarios dentro do que pode ser chamado a Nova Direita Crista do Brasil, tambem se pode reconhecer esse fenomeno politico como uma contribuicao a democracia brasileira.","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49374609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-17DOI: 10.16993/IBEROAMERICANA.459
C. Zurbriggen, Mariana González-Lago, Matilda Baraibar, W. Baethgen, N. Mazzeo, M. Sierra
Agricultural intensification in Latin America has led to accelerated soil erosion, water pollution and food with pesticide residues, which are all signs of unsustainable development. In Uruguay, agricultural intensification with continuous cropping has threatened the country’s primary natural resource: its soil. At the same time, incentives for further intensification and specialization are high, since particularly soybeans have offered the highest (short-term) economic margins. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion about governance for sustainable development through an in-depth critical examination of the main flagship public policy response in Uruguay to soil degradation: the Soils Use and Management Plans (SUMP). SUMP indeed has managed to change cultivation practices in a more sustainable direction. The analysis shows that the relative success of SUMP is partly due to its experimental policy design which has allowed for collective knowledge construction and reflexive learning. It also shows that Uruguay’s long history of accumulated domestic soil expertise and state intervention rendered trust in the regulative process among producers and ultimately a high degree of acceptance. Nevertheless, while this policy is found innovative and promising, there is still a need for improvement of governance designs, if genuinely sustainable development is to be achieved.
{"title":"Experimentation in the Design of Public Policies: The Uruguayan Soils Conservation Plans","authors":"C. Zurbriggen, Mariana González-Lago, Matilda Baraibar, W. Baethgen, N. Mazzeo, M. Sierra","doi":"10.16993/IBEROAMERICANA.459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/IBEROAMERICANA.459","url":null,"abstract":"Agricultural intensification in Latin America has led to accelerated soil erosion, water pollution and food with pesticide residues, which are all signs of unsustainable development. In Uruguay, agricultural intensification with continuous cropping has threatened the country’s primary natural resource: its soil. At the same time, incentives for further intensification and specialization are high, since particularly soybeans have offered the highest (short-term) economic margins. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion about governance for sustainable development through an in-depth critical examination of the main flagship public policy response in Uruguay to soil degradation: the Soils Use and Management Plans (SUMP). SUMP indeed has managed to change cultivation practices in a more sustainable direction. The analysis shows that the relative success of SUMP is partly due to its experimental policy design which has allowed for collective knowledge construction and reflexive learning. It also shows that Uruguay’s long history of accumulated domestic soil expertise and state intervention rendered trust in the regulative process among producers and ultimately a high degree of acceptance. Nevertheless, while this policy is found innovative and promising, there is still a need for improvement of governance designs, if genuinely sustainable development is to be achieved.","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45806803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-08-25DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.474
Edmundo E. Bracho-Polanco
As Venezuela’s leader, Hugo Chavez utilized the media intensively and innovatively to boost his radical political project. The broadcast talk-show Alo Presidente became the most important component of his communication strategy, followed by his use of blanket broadcast messages. Chavez’s flagship program subverted liberal tenets, and has to this day served as a template in Latin America for populist communication. This study examined the ways Venezuelan journalists and media professionals have understood Chavez’s hyper-mediatic leadership –with special emphasis on Alo Presidente– and the impact the program and the official blanket messages had on their practice. A wide array of journalists, media practitioners, and commentators were interviewed about their views regarding Chavez’s media strategies and Alo Presidente, and tensions arising between different ideals of normative journalistic practice. Opinions among local journalists about the above-mentioned issues, this study found, are divided within a highly-polarized frame. And normative media ideals of liberal trends were challenged by pro-Chavez journalists, while an important faction of media professionals maintained that such practices are non-democratic. Resumen En calidad de lider de Venezuela, Hugo Chavez utilizo los medios comunicacionales de manera intensa e innovadora, para asi promover su radical proyecto politico. El programa televisivo Alo Presidente llego a convertirse en el componente mas importante de su estrategia comunicacional, seguido del uso de sus ‘cadenas’ audiovisuales. Este programa insignia de Chavez subvertia ideales liberales, y hasta el dia de hoy funciona como un modelo de comunicacion populista en America Latina. El presente estudio examina las formas en las que periodistas y profesionales de medios venezolanos entienden el liderazgo hiper-mediatico de Chavez –con especial enfasis en Alo Presidente– y el impacto que dicho programa y los mensajes ‘en cadena’ han ejercido en su oficio. Una amplia gama de periodistas, profesionales y comentaristas de medios fueron entrevistados sobre sus opiniones en relacion a las estrategias mediaticas de Chavez, Alo Presidente, y las tensiones que surgen entre variados ideales sobre la practica de periodismo normativo. El estudio revela que las opiniones de los periodistas locales sobre los asuntos arriba mencionados se dividen dentro de un marco de alta polarizacion. Igualmente, los ideales mediaticos normativos de tendencias liberales son desafiados por periodistas pro–Chavez, al tiempo que una faccion importante de profesionales de medios sostiene que tales practicas son anti-democraticas. Palabras clave: estudios de periodismo; periodismo y practica de los medios; normativa mediatica; populismo; Venezuela; Hugo Chavez; Alo Presidente
{"title":"Chávez’s Aló Presidente and its Impact on Venezuela’s Journalistic Practice","authors":"Edmundo E. Bracho-Polanco","doi":"10.16993/iberoamericana.474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.16993/iberoamericana.474","url":null,"abstract":"As Venezuela’s leader, Hugo Chavez utilized the media intensively and innovatively to boost his radical political project. The broadcast talk-show Alo Presidente became the most important component of his communication strategy, followed by his use of blanket broadcast messages. Chavez’s flagship program subverted liberal tenets, and has to this day served as a template in Latin America for populist communication. This study examined the ways Venezuelan journalists and media professionals have understood Chavez’s hyper-mediatic leadership –with special emphasis on Alo Presidente– and the impact the program and the official blanket messages had on their practice. A wide array of journalists, media practitioners, and commentators were interviewed about their views regarding Chavez’s media strategies and Alo Presidente, and tensions arising between different ideals of normative journalistic practice. Opinions among local journalists about the above-mentioned issues, this study found, are divided within a highly-polarized frame. And normative media ideals of liberal trends were challenged by pro-Chavez journalists, while an important faction of media professionals maintained that such practices are non-democratic. Resumen En calidad de lider de Venezuela, Hugo Chavez utilizo los medios comunicacionales de manera intensa e innovadora, para asi promover su radical proyecto politico. El programa televisivo Alo Presidente llego a convertirse en el componente mas importante de su estrategia comunicacional, seguido del uso de sus ‘cadenas’ audiovisuales. Este programa insignia de Chavez subvertia ideales liberales, y hasta el dia de hoy funciona como un modelo de comunicacion populista en America Latina. El presente estudio examina las formas en las que periodistas y profesionales de medios venezolanos entienden el liderazgo hiper-mediatico de Chavez –con especial enfasis en Alo Presidente– y el impacto que dicho programa y los mensajes ‘en cadena’ han ejercido en su oficio. Una amplia gama de periodistas, profesionales y comentaristas de medios fueron entrevistados sobre sus opiniones en relacion a las estrategias mediaticas de Chavez, Alo Presidente, y las tensiones que surgen entre variados ideales sobre la practica de periodismo normativo. El estudio revela que las opiniones de los periodistas locales sobre los asuntos arriba mencionados se dividen dentro de un marco de alta polarizacion. Igualmente, los ideales mediaticos normativos de tendencias liberales son desafiados por periodistas pro–Chavez, al tiempo que una faccion importante de profesionales de medios sostiene que tales practicas son anti-democraticas. Palabras clave: estudios de periodismo; periodismo y practica de los medios; normativa mediatica; populismo; Venezuela; Hugo Chavez; Alo Presidente","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-08-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46247018","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-09DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.488
C. Bernardi
This paper investigates the conflicts between the conservative elite, workers’ organizations, and Mexican migrants in Arizona in the 1960s and 1970s when major confrontations occurred around the so-called ‘undocumented problem’. Through a labour history approach and the use of primary sources, this study returns the voice of seasonal workers, governors and Arizona’s Republican electoral body, union organizers and citizens, workers and anti-union associations. This article investigates, a) the role played by conservative political groups and southwestern capitalists in spreading anti-union and anti-migrant sentiments; b) the relation between status and contract in agricultural work; c) the recruitment and working conditions imposed on migrant workers; d) the political confrontation and conflicts that emerged between unions and migrant workers’ organizations in Arizona’s agricultural labour regime. In conclusion, although transnational organizing efforts led to success in labour confrontations, the exclusionary political practices against undocumented workers–like the wet line – resulted in the fragmentation of the ‘color line’ that ultimately exacerbated the frictions between farmworker unions and migrant workers. Resumen Este articulo investiga los conflictos entre la elite conservadora, las organizaciones de trabajadores y los migrantes mexicanos en Arizona en las decadas de 1960 y 1970, cuando se produjeron importantes enfrentamientos en torno al llamado ‘problema de indocumentados’. Mediante un enfoque de historia laboral y el uso de fuentes primarias, el articulo da voz a los trabajadores temporales, gobernadores y al cuerpo electoral republicano de Arizona, organizadores sindicales y ciudadanos, trabajadores y asociaciones antisindicales. El estudio investiga el papel desempenado por los grupos politicos conservadores y los capitalistas del sudoeste en la difusion de los sentimientos anti-sindicales y migratorios; la relacion entre estatus y contrato en el trabajo agricola; las condiciones de reclutamiento y trabajo impuestas a los trabajadores migrantes; la confrontacion politica y los conflictos surgieron entre los sindicatos y las organizaciones de trabajadores migrantes en el regimen laboral agricola de Arizona. En conclusion, si bien los esfuerzos de organizacion transnacionales condujeron al exito en las confrontaciones laborales, las practicas politicas excluyentes contra los trabajadores indocumentados–como la wet line–resultaron en la fragmentacion de la ‘linea de color’ que finalmente exacerbo las fricciones entre los sindicatos de trabajadores agricolas y los trabajadores migrantes. Palabras clave: Mexico; Arizona; migracion; trabajo; sindicato; conservador
本文调查了20世纪60年代和70年代亚利桑那州保守派精英、工人组织和墨西哥移民之间的冲突，当时围绕所谓的“无证问题”发生了重大冲突。通过劳动历史方法和使用第一手资料，本研究返回了季节工、州长和亚利桑那州共和党选举机构、工会组织者和公民、工人和反工会协会的声音。本文考察了保守政治团体和西南资本家在传播反工会和反移民情绪中所起的作用;B)农业工作中地位与契约的关系;C)对移徙工人的招聘和工作条件;d)亚利桑那州农业劳工制度中工会和移民工人组织之间出现的政治对抗和冲突。总之，尽管跨国组织的努力在劳工对抗中取得了成功，但对无证工人的排他政治实践——如湿线——导致了“肤色线”的分裂，最终加剧了农场工人工会和移民工人之间的摩擦。从1960年到1970年，美国亚利桑那州的墨西哥移民的贸易组织在过去的几十年里一直在调查冲突，从1960年到1970年，美国亚利桑那州的墨西哥移民的贸易组织在调查冲突，从1960年到1970年，美国亚利桑那州的墨西哥移民的贸易组织在调查冲突。中间派的历史研究实验室是由初级选民组成的，是由临时选民组成的，是由亚利桑那州选举共和党派组成的，是由市民组成的，是由反选举共和党派组成的。研究小组调查了穷人群体、政治人士、保守派和资本主义者，并对移民的反信号情绪进行了扩散;农业贸易契约关系中心;非法移民和非法移民的重新安置条件;“冲突的政治对抗”，“外科手术中心”，“亚利桑那农业实验中心”的“非法移民组织”。结论,如果好洛通过organizacion transnacionales condujeron al exito在拉斯维加斯confrontaciones laborales,拉斯维加斯practicas politica excluyentes魂斗罗洛杉矶trabajadores indocumentados-como la湿line-resultaron En la fragmentacion de la“白de颜色”,finalmente exacerbo las fricciones之间洛杉矶sindicatos de trabajadores阿格里科拉y洛杉矶trabajadores移民。帕拉布拉斯克莱夫:墨西哥;亚利桑那州;migracion;找工作;sindicato;conservador
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Pub Date : 2020-06-01DOI: 10.16993/iberoamericana.487
C. González, F. Sánchez
The State and Regionalism in Latin America: An Elite-Approach during 19th-Century The mainstream studies on regionalism in Latin America have focused on the origins of 20th-Century regional organizations, ignoring the background of regionalism’s processes during the previous century. This paper explains the Hispano-American regionalism during the confederative period (1826–1865) under the insights of Neoclassical Realism. Based on this framework, we identify systemic and domestic variables, which affected Latin American foreign policies in their aim of building a confederation. Paradoxically, the European strategy to prompt a monarchical restoration in Latin America influenced the confederative plan, but the internal political weakness and the impossibility of mobilizing resources determined the failure of this regional initiative. Resumen Los estudios tradicionales sobre regionalismo en America Latina se han centrado en el origen de las organizaciones regionales del siglo XX, ignorando los procesos del siglo previo. Este articulo explica el regionalismo hispanoamericano durante el ciclo de cumbres confederativas (1826–1865) desde la perspectiva del Realismo Neoclasico. De esta manera, identificamos las variables sistemicas y domesticas que incidieron en las politicas exteriores de America Latina con el objetivo de construir una confederacion hispanoamericana. Paradojicamente, la estrategia europea de instaurar el orden monarquico influyo el plan confederativo, pero la debilidad politica interna y la imposibilidad de movilizar recursos, determinaron el fracaso de esta iniciativa regional. Palabras claves: America Latina; regionalismo; politica exterior; diplomacia; construccion del Estado; Realismo Neoclasico
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Pub Date : 2020-05-31DOI: 10.17855/jlas.2020.05.39.2.279
S. Ha
{"title":"A Study on environmental policies and implementation limits in Latin America: Focusing on Brazil and Mexico","authors":"S. Ha","doi":"10.17855/jlas.2020.05.39.2.279","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17855/jlas.2020.05.39.2.279","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36325,"journal":{"name":"Iberoamericana - Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78540368","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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