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The “Genuine link” Concept: Is It Possible to Enhance the Strength? “真链”概念:是否有可能提升实力?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-29 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.6.2021.3
S. Kuznietsov
The article focuses on ways and means of strengthening the real connection between a ship and a state of registration. The author emphasizes the prerequisites, the conditions, and the consequences of the registration of seagoing ships in the alternative registries. He notes the complex nature of the genuine link and criticize the consideration of the registration of ships in states as activities aimed exclusively at generating income. The author considers public and private aspects of the registration of ships, its functions, and some mechanisms for preventing violations related to the link between a state of registration and a ship”. The negative impact of open registers and flags of convenience on genuine link strengths arises from the business approach to the choice of jurisdiction adopted both of shipowners and “convenient” registers. Thus, “convenient registers” view relaxation of requirements as a specific service that they provide and as a competitive advantage against other registers. ISSN 2524-101X eISSN 2617-541X 66 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 6 2021 The issue can be mitigated by coordinating steps taken by international maritime organizations and port states. The author notes the weakness of the steps taken to strengthen the genuine link, the inefficiency of norms of the international agreements in this sphere, assess the proposed mechanisms for strengthening it, and note the need to toughening control within the limits of the inspection according to the procedures of the Port State Control. The keywords: genuine link, flag state, “flags of convenience”, jurisdiction, pollution, prevention, open register, port state, coastal state, Port State Control. Introduction The genuine link between a ship and a state of registration is the main element of the principle of freedom of navigation. There is no precise definition of what is meant by the genuine link in the Conventions of 1958 and 1982. Its objectives and purpose emerge from the obligations of a flag state enumerated in article 10 of the Convention on the High Seas and article 94 of the UNCLOS’82. It should be noted that the genuine link was originally intended as an economic and a social connection between the owner of a ship and a state of registration (D’Andrea, 2006, p. 1), and was not limited to only one fact of entering ships in the register. The legal significance of the registration of sea-going merchant ships is reduced to two instants: public and private. In the first case, the registration accurately reflects the actual and the legal situation of the national merchant fleet, in the second – serves to ensure public control over transactions made with ships (Kokin, 2008, p. 5). Despite being enshrined in the global international treaties, the genuine link does not work correctly today. It is “eroded”, its significance is distorted, and questions about its presence and effectiveness arise mainly in situations involving significant violations in the sphere of marine activities (IUU fi
本文着重探讨了加强船舶与船籍国之间实际联系的途径和手段。作者强调了海船在备选登记处登记的先决条件、条件和后果。他指出,真正的联系是复杂的,并批评将各国船舶注册视为专门为创造收入而进行的活动。撰文人审议了船舶登记的公共和私人方面、其职能以及防止与登记国与船舶之间的联系有关的侵权行为的一些机制”。开放注册和方便旗对真正联系强度的负面影响源于船东和“方便”注册双方对管辖权选择的商业方法。因此,“方便的登记处”将放宽要求视为他们提供的一项特定服务,并将其视为与其他登记处相比的竞争优势。LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 6 2021国际海事组织和港口国采取协调措施可以缓解这个问题。作者指出,为加强真正的联系所采取的步骤不够充分,在这一领域的国际协定的准则没有效率,他评估了拟议的加强这种联系的机制,并指出有必要根据港口国管制的程序在检查范围内加强控制。关键词:真链、船旗国、“方便旗”、管辖权、污染、预防、公开注册、港口国、沿海国、港口国监督。船舶与登记国之间的真正联系是航行自由原则的主要内容。1958年和1982年《公约》对真正联系的含义没有精确的定义。其目标和宗旨源于《公海公约》第10条和《联合国海洋法公约》第94条所列举的船旗国的义务。值得注意的是,真正的联系最初是作为船东和船籍国之间的经济和社会联系(D 'Andrea, 2006, p. 1),并不局限于船舶登记这一事实。海上商船注册的法律意义减少到两个时刻:公共和私人。在第一种情况下,注册准确地反映了国家商船队的实际和法律状况,在第二种情况下,它可以确保公众对与船舶进行的交易进行控制(Kokin, 2008, p. 5)。尽管在全球国际条约中得到了体现,但真正的联系在今天并没有正确地发挥作用。它受到“侵蚀”,其意义被歪曲,对其存在和效力的质疑主要是在涉及海洋活动领域内重大违规行为的情况下(非法不管制捕鱼、事故、污染)。这是由于其国家的备选船舶登记和“方便旗”(FoC)的“广泛”做法。对FoC吸引力的研究主要是出于经济考虑;到目前为止,这些国家的注册流程相对容易和快速,税收法规宽松,没有最低工资或低于最低工资67 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 6 2021船员最低工资,缺乏船舶维护法规,劳动法和环境法法规薄弱,缺乏船舶监测、控制和监视能力的基础设施(Petrossian等人,2020)。后者使FoC具有吸引力,不仅因为经济原因,而且还因为从事不同的非法活动,从逃避航运法规到走私或人口贩运等犯罪活动。虽然《船舶登记条件公约》是在35年前通过的,但其生效的前景仍然模糊。与此同时,出现了一个复杂的问题,即寻找参与或成为犯罪原因的船舶的最终受益所有人,以及寻找补偿所造成损害的方法- -加强真正的联系,确保其强度的问题。本文分析了弱化船舶与其注册国之间真正联系的做法,并探讨了加强这种联系、提高效率的途径。本文第一部分阐述了现代意义上的真实环节概念,并界定了偏离真实环节保障要求的原因和条件。作者考虑了真正的联系的本质和标准,注意到它的复杂性,并批评营利性有时是登记手续的唯一方面。文章的第二部分论述了干涉航行权,对船舶登记的公法和私法方面进行了分类。 文章的第三部分致力于寻找解决方案,以加强船舶与注册国之间的真正联系,以对抗海洋污染。1. 在几乎所有的现代国家,无论是沿海国家还是内陆国家,船舶注册都存在一些差异,这被认为是68 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 6 2021国家对船舶监督的一种形式。各国利用船舶有权在国家旗帜下航行时的登记来审查船舶数量、是否遵守国家关于转让和转让的安全立法、安全标准以及航行领域的其他规则(《水报》,2020年,第10页)。特殊文献承认船舶及其权利的登记是一项“重要的国家职能”(Georgiev, 2008)。船舶在一个或另一个国家登记意味着它们之间的真正联系。《1982年联合国海洋法公约》关于货真价实链接的规范是各加入国最常用的标准,各加入国自行制定实施和遵守这些标准的机制1(《1982年联合国海洋法公约》第91条第一部分)。《联合国海洋法公约》第94条规定的船旗国义务的履行,就是实现船旗国与其登记在册的船舶之间的真正联系。此外,船舶与船旗国之间的真正联系在任何情况下都应通过登记来确保,主要登记和备选登记都应如此。同时,1982年《联合国海洋法公约》并未就此作出任何指示,也不意味着存在多个船舶登记册。根据Negret (2016, p. 27)的观点,上述登记所产生的经济和社会联系可以结合以下几个方面:1)船东的船队对公开登记的国民经济做出贡献;(二)船舶雇用公开登记国民;3)船东在公开注册国设有业务基地(即办事处和陆上雇员);(四)船舶定期访问公开登记国港口。作者合理地假设了真实环节的复杂性。同时,从登记或船旗国对登记船舶履行其职责中获利是登记的主要意义,有时是唯一意义。计划通过一份单独的文件,以进一步具体化船舶登记的国际规则。69 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 6 2021不能被认为是主要的。特别是在1982年联合国海洋法公约第94条的意义上。当然,由于吸引船东,国家预算的额外收入将更容易成为登记的条件,但这不能也不应该是其登记的主要目的。此外,船舶登记根本不可能是一项产生收入的活动。此外,规定的登记费应专门用于船舶登记和维持登记服务工作人员的行政费用。在联合国国际法院关于1970年“巴塞罗那牵引”一案的判决所附的另一份意见中,F. Jessup法官指出,“真正联系”的概念与个人和公司的公民身份有关。关于船舶的国籍,F. Jessup认为可以通过评估管理、所有权、管辖权和控制权等因素的存在与否来确定(Jessup法官的单独意见,第188页)。1982年《联合国海洋法公约》及其前身1958年《公海公约》规范的相对“软”性质,实质上导致了自由行动权实践的扩散。此外,在20世纪末,在传统的海洋国家建立了具有特殊、简化的登记规则的国际(“第二”、“开放”、“替代”或“平行”)船舶登记制度。采取这一措施的原因是寻求一种折衷办法,目的是阻止国内船东将船舶从国家管辖范围转移到经济上更有吸引力的“方便船旗国”公开登记国。对于从事国际商业航行的船舶,它们已经成为一种引入比国家注册制度更灵活的手段(Grejner, 2003年,第16页)。FoC是一种现象,虽然没有明确的法律定义,但十多年来一直存在并得到世界各国的承认。国际运输工人联合会70 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 6 2021最积极地使用了“方便旗”一词。ITF在其正式文件协定中引入了这一术语)(方便旗;ITF协议)。 从ITF的角度来看,FoC的认定是一个三重判断,需要考虑外国籍船舶的数量、人权和工会权利的社会记录、安全和环境等因素
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引用次数: 1
Ukrainian Maritime Policy: Stranded in a Transit 乌克兰海事政策:在过境途中搁浅
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-29 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.6.2021.1
Sergiy Kivalov
Some aspects of the formation and realization of the modern maritime policy of Ukraine have been defined in the article. Its legal basis has been considered, its changes and updates have been monitored. The possibility and the ability to develop the documents of long-term planning in the maritime industry have been noted. At the same time, the belatedness and the lack of actual mechanisms for ensuring the execution of their norms lead to a stagnation of systemic reforms and a comprehensive update of public administration of the sphere. The attention is focused on the importance of a systematic approach to the transformation of legislative and law enforcement practices in the sphere of maritime and port activities in Ukraine, ensuring stability and continuity in their administration. The positive and negative practices in the exercise of powers by some subjects of realization of the maritime and port policy of Ukraine have been described. The pernicious practice of distance and situational intervention of a state in solving problems of the maritime and port industries as a strategic component of its political, social, and economic stability has been emphasized. Author suggests that introduction of modern methodology, such as maritime spatial planning may have positive impact on the effectiveness of Ukrainian maritime policy. When considering the development of the coastal regions as one of the directions of the maritime policy of Ukraine, it has been noted the advantages of creating and functioning the free economic zones in them. The characteristic of the experience of creation and work, as well as the specifics of such forms of trade facilitation (the preferential legal and financially-economic regimes, the presence of a particular specialization of entrepreneurial and investment activities, etc.), shows the economic expediency of granting such status to the port cities and the coastal regions. It has been noted that the free economic zones today are an active means of state policy, capable equally of reanimating depressed territory and giving an additional impetus to the regional points of growth.
本文对乌克兰现代海洋政策形成和实现的一些方面进行了界定。对其法律依据进行了审议,对其变化和更新情况进行了监测。已经注意到制定海运业长期规划文件的可能性和能力。与此同时,确保执行其规范的滞后和缺乏实际机制,导致系统性改革停滞不前,公共行政领域全面更新。重点关注以系统的方式转变乌克兰海事和港口活动领域的立法和执法做法的重要性,确保其管理的稳定性和连续性。介绍了一些主体为实现乌克兰的海洋和港口政策而行使权力的积极和消极做法。强调了一个国家在解决海运和港口业问题方面的远距离和情境干预的有害做法,这是其政治、社会和经济稳定的战略组成部分。作者认为,引入现代方法论,如海洋空间规划,可能会对乌克兰海洋政策的有效性产生积极影响。在将沿海地区的发展视为乌克兰海洋政策的方向之一时,人们注意到在这些地区建立和运作自由经济区的好处。创造和工作经验的特点,以及这种形式的贸易便利化的具体情况(优惠的法律和财政经济制度,创业和投资活动的特殊专业化等),表明给予港口城市和沿海地区这种地位在经济上是权宜之计。人们注意到,如今的自由经济区是一种积极的国家政策手段,同样能够振兴萧条的领土,并为地区增长点提供额外的动力。
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引用次数: 1
AEOs’ Institution Development in the EU and Ukraine: Common Standards in Different Perceptions 欧盟与乌克兰AEOs制度发展:不同认知下的共同标准
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-25 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.5.2021.4
Tetyana Ostrikova
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引用次数: 2
Legal Status of Offshore (Deep-Water) Oil Rigs: Coastal State Jurisdiction and Countering Oil Spills Threats 近海(深水)石油钻井平台的法律地位:沿海国家管辖权和应对漏油威胁
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-25 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.5.2021.3
Kishore Vaangal
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引用次数: 2
Seaports in the BRI: Challenges, Solutions and Emerging Regulations “一带一路”建设中的港口:挑战、解决方案和新规
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-25 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.5.2021.2
V. Serafimov, O. Stets, Andriy Shkolyk
The article examines ways to increase the efficiency of seaport projects within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. It considers the new challenges and threats posed by the COVID-19 pandemic and the crisis in the maritime sphere. The first direction of the research was an analysis of the current ISSN 2524-101X eISSN 2617-541X 15 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 5 2021 stage of the implementation of the BRI in the global port industry, attempts to strengthen the influence of the People’s Republic of China (the PRC) on the national port facilities and the reasons for the wrecking of the large, planned projects. The authors note the “rigidity” of China’s “soft power” in promoting and consolidating influence on the maritime port industry. The second part of the article describes the modern practice of implementing the BRI in Europe. The positive and negative aspects of cooperation of the People’s Republic of China with the EU countries are considered. The focus is on the strengthening influence of regionalism in the European port policy under conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, the authors point out a natural gradual “cooling” of attitude towards the Chinese investment projects in connection with the focus on strategic sectors of the economy of the EU member states, reinforced by the spread of the pandemic. Based on the analysis, the ways to increase confidence in Chinese investment in the European region are proposed. The third direction of the analysis is the growth of the BRI northern segment, the beginning of the formation of the Ice Silk Road, and the investment projects of the PRC in the seaports of the traditional near-arctic states. The key words: the Belt and Road Initiative, ports, the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, the COVID-19 pandemic, the China’s Arctic Policy, the Northern Sea Route. Introduction China’s global initiative “One Belt, One Road” unites the two projects – “The Economic Belt of the Silk Road” and “The 21st Century Maritime Silk Road”. This is the ambitious strategy announced by Xi Jinping in 2013 for the development of modern China to increase the influence on the world arena, revive dialogue of peoples and cultures, stimulate economic development and investments, strengthen, and expand transport communications (Belt and Road Initiative). The BRI is being continued as a global development program, an important strategic measure for the implementation of China’s policy of openness and coordinated regional development (Jiashu, 2021, p. 46). In its research, it is really necessary to abandon the excessive globalization and focus on individual elements (as recommended by Jean-Marc F. Blanchard (2021)), differentiation of projects and countries, and elaboration more specific proposals and formulations in cooperation agreements. 16 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 5 2021 However, after eight years of its implementation, it is possible to note significant results, difficulties, and updating prospects. The transport-related aspe
为此,“一带一路”倡议成为中国输出世界秩序观和参与国际关系方式的软实力工具(Costa,2020,第41页)。总的来说,“一带一路”海港航线在几乎所有方面的运作都面临着巨大的变化,包括财务、管理、程序和监管。方法本研究将“一带一路”倡议的海事部分放在参与国港口业发展的背景下进行考虑,因为“一带一步”倡议基础设施项目的实施。上述发展评估包括三个主要因素的影响:新冠肺炎疫情、海洋业危机和新兴的“一带一路”软法律。1.“一带一路”倡议在本研究框架内,“一带一步”倡议的海洋部分是最有趣的,它将“蓝色经济通道”结合在一起:1)第一条从中国通往印度洋、非洲和地中海的“通道”;2) 第二条通道连接澳大利亚和南太平洋;3) 第三条通道,通过北冰洋连接中国和欧洲(中国扩大对全球港口的投资;“一带一路”倡议下的海上合作愿景)。此外,结合陆地部分,它旨在改变中亚和中亚国家的地缘政治现实,这些国家无法直接进入海上运输公路和偏远市场(Idan,2018)。18 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 5 2021“一带一路”倡议海事部分的组成部分之一,以及航运和造船业的发展,是加强港口业。海港在世界贸易和供应链中的作用每年都在上升。作为世界上最大的生产国之一,中国有兴趣通过世界上已经相当大的“年轻”海港建立、改进、加速和寻找替代贸易方式,无论是在密集的航运路线上,还是在海事通信不足的地区。港口和海事基础设施是中国推进互联互通“一带一路”倡议的一些核心要素(Ghiretti,2021,第2页)。例如,2019年,中国在集装箱船停靠量最多(72.583艘)和干散货船停靠量最大(60.420艘)的国家中排名第一,在油轮和其他液体散货船抵达量最多(40.702艘)方面排名第三(《2020年海运评论》,第69页)。2020年,十大港口中有五个位于中国(上海、宁波、香港、青岛和厦门)(《2020年海运评论》,第77页)。此外,“一带一路”战略的重要组成部分是港口的参与。“一带一路”倡议海上合作愿景(“一带一路”倡议海上合作愿景)指出了共建港口、扩大港口伙伴关系和港口联盟、在港口地区建立自由经济区的重要性。然而,有时联合港口建设或大量贷款会导致中国公司“接管”国家港口。这种情况发生在斯里兰卡汉班托塔市的深水港及其邻近地区(Abi Habib,2018)。根据Isaac Kardon(2021)的文章,中国公司拥有大西洋31个港口、印度洋25个港口、太平洋21个港口和地中海16个港口的股份。从地区来看,欧洲有22个,中东和非洲北部有20个,美洲有18个,亚洲南部和东南部有18个;撒哈拉以南的非洲有9个。19 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 5 2021其中53个港口位于关键的海上走廊附近。其中10个靠近英吉利海峡,9个靠近马六甲海峡和霍尔木兹海峡,6个靠近苏伊士运河,4个靠近巴拿马运河、直布罗陀海峡和土耳其海峡(Kardon,2021,第3页)。因此,中华人民共和国的经济影响力扩展到世界上许多主要港口。其有效管理的构建有多种目标——从帮助需要融资的国家港口行业到加强其对世界航运的影响力,形成对中国航运公司的保护主义政策,以及改善/简化中国进出口业务的物流。众所周知,“一带一路”倡议旨在国家之间的广泛合作,以创建一个新的世界秩序,在这个秩序中,中国成为一个新超级大国,并引入其并不总是与西方自由文明价值观一致的价值观。与港口方向发展相关的是在“一带一路”框架内规划的两个大型海上通道建设项目。尼加拉瓜的一个项目是巴拿马运河的替代项目。众所周知,由于缺乏资金、社会紧张和腐败风险,该项目失败了(Goldberg,2018)。
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引用次数: 2
The 5th Anniversary of Lex Portus Journal: Emerging Transnational Law of Supply Chains Lex Portus期刊出版5周年:新兴的跨国供应链法
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-25 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.5.2021.1
Borys Kormych, T. Averochkina
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引用次数: 0
A Category “Public Order” and Limitations on Party Autonomy in Contracts for the Carriage of Passengers by Sea “公共秩序”范畴与海上旅客运输合同当事人意思自治的限制
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.4.2021.2
M. Arakelian, D. Ivanova, V. Tuliakov
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引用次数: 0
New Zealand – China FTA: Trade Growth amid Social Changes 新西兰-中国自由贸易协定:社会变化中的贸易增长
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-22 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101x.7.4.2021.1
Joanna Siekiera
Many legal and business mechanisms were introduced by the government in Wellington in order to enable trade practices of the Chinese partners. Asian immigrants to New Zealand do fill the real gap in the small labour market of Aotearoa by providing highly qualified and hard-working workers. As a consequence, almost every area of New Zealand’s social and economic life is subject to changes. This phenomenon of such new and unexpected demographic situation has been portrayed by coining a new name for the country a few years ago – Niu Chiland. In fact, the only ethnic group in New Zealand that increases every year is the Chinese. Although, according to official data, there are only 5% of Chinese in the society of almost 5 million people, the real data is much larger. In Auckland, the country’s largest city and its business capital, having population of over 1.5 million, every fourth resident is of Chinese origin. The ISSN 2524-101X eISSN 2617-541X 8 LEX PORTUS VOL 7 ISS 4 2021 Free Trade Agreement turned out to be a breakthrough, as Wellington was the first capital among developed Western countries that decided to legally bind itself with the People’s Republic of China in 2008. In 2021, China and New Zealand signed the Protocol to amend the New Zealand-China agreement and to add some previously not taken into consideration spheres, such as e-commerce and environment. While New Zealand economy clearly shows benefits of trade with China, and anyhow sees any potential negative effects, like political dependence from this communist state not respecting human rights, between the politicians in Canberra and Beijing there continue to escalate tensions. Australia, contrary to New Zealand, is trying to contain Chinese imperialist’s appetite and stop Beijing before launching own sphere of interest in the Pacific region. The key words: New Zealand, China, trade, international trade, Chinese migration, Chinese minority, Pacific, South Pacific.
惠灵顿政府引入了许多法律和商业机制,以促进中国合作伙伴的贸易实践。来到新西兰的亚洲移民提供了高素质、勤奋的工人,填补了新西兰小劳动力市场的缺口。因此,新西兰社会和经济生活的几乎每个领域都在发生变化。这种新的、意想不到的人口状况的现象在几年前为这个国家创造了一个新名字——牛童。事实上,新西兰唯一一个每年都在增长的族群是华人。虽然,根据官方数据,在近500万人的社会中,只有5%的中国人,但实际数据要大得多。奥克兰是新西兰最大的城市和商业之都,人口超过150万,其中四分之一的居民是华裔。由于惠灵顿是西方发达国家中第一个在2008年决定与中华人民共和国建立法律约束力的首都,因此,《2021年自由贸易协定》被证明是一个突破。2021年,中新两国签署了《新中协定修订议定书》,增加了电子商务、环境等此前未考虑的领域。虽然新西兰经济清楚地显示出与中国贸易的好处,但无论如何也看到了任何潜在的负面影响,比如对这个不尊重人权的共产主义国家的政治依赖,堪培拉和北京的政客之间的紧张局势继续升级。与新西兰相反,澳大利亚正试图遏制中国帝国主义的胃口,并在北京在太平洋地区建立自己的利益范围之前阻止北京。关键词:新西兰,中国,贸易,国际贸易,华人移民,华人少数民族,太平洋,南太平洋。
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引用次数: 0
Administrative Restrictions in Ports: Practice of Crew Rotations During COVID-19 Pandemic 港口的行政限制:新冠肺炎大流行期间船员轮换的实践
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-01 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101X.7.3.2021.1
Dmytro Luchenko, I. Georgiievskyi
The article describes changes in imposing administrative restrictions for crew rotations in ports worldwide under the ongoing pandemic COVID-19 situation. The first part of the article provides a brief overview of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on seafarers’ well-being, considering the key role of seafarers in providing international trade, maritime security, and protection of the environment. The second part of the article describes the national and regional experience in addressing COVID-19 under crew rotations; highlights the main tendencies of strengthening/easing restrictions in seaports. The most typical restrictive administrative measures in crew rotations include dockage during the crew change off the port, ensuring social distancing, strict health monitoring, and the negative coronavirus test result, proof of being quarantined or staying on board given period. Furthermore, international organizations were considered efforts to minimize the impact of the pandemic on the stability of crew changes in ports. The recommended measures primarily focus on simplifying and stabilizing the crew changes procedures, including the unification of rotation procedures, adopting multilateral global management in the sphere, effective information exchange, etc. Lack of consolidated information about all administrative restrictions world’s largest ports has become a complex issue. In that regard, the non-state actors play an essential role in the information support of seafarers. However, such efforts can be enhanced by adding imperative rules, like daily updating of information by governments and implementing the control system with a possibility of sanctions implementation in ship detentions under Port State Control procedures.
文章描述了在新冠肺炎疫情持续的情况下,对全球港口船员轮换实施行政限制的变化。文章的第一部分简要概述了新冠肺炎疫情对海员福祉的影响,考虑到海员在提供国际贸易、海上安全和环境保护方面的关键作用。文章的第二部分介绍了国家和地区在船员轮换下应对新冠肺炎的经验;强调了加强/放松海港限制的主要趋势。船员轮调中最典型的限制性行政措施包括船员离港期间的停靠、确保社交距离、严格的健康监测、冠状病毒检测结果呈阴性、被隔离或在船上停留一段时间的证明。此外,国际组织被视为努力最大限度地减少疫情对港口船员变动稳定性的影响。建议的措施主要侧重于简化和稳定船员更换程序,包括统一轮调程序、在该领域采用多边全球管理、有效的信息交流等。缺乏关于世界最大港口所有行政限制的综合信息已成为一个复杂问题。在这方面,非国家行为者在海员的信息支持方面发挥着重要作用。然而,可以通过增加必要的规则来加强这种努力,比如政府每天更新信息,并实施控制系统,根据港口国控制程序对扣留船只实施制裁。
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引用次数: 7
The Baltic Resilience to China’s “Divide and Rule” 波罗的海对中国“分而治之”的抵御能力
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-31 DOI: 10.26886/2524-101X.7.2.2021.2
U. Bērziņa-Čerenkova
The article examines the interactions of the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania with China in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) format. First, it explores three most widespread criticisms of the Chinese BRI approach, namely: 1. The risk of Beijing becoming legitimating factor for strains on democracy, freedom and the rule of law; 2. Support towards the Chinese interpretation of values and tolerance of censorship; 3. Debt arising from infrastructure loans. Further, the article tries to establish to what extent did the Baltic states remain resilient to them, offering possible explanations to the Baltic cases along three lines – systemic resilience, discursive resilience, and financial resilience. The article concludes that BRI is taking different shapes in different regions, and that local political culture along with wider supra-national organizations determines the range and response to BRI, therefore, national institutional frameworks in combination with overwatch from supranational standard-enforcing institutions are the leading factors of countries’ resilience to risks stemming from BRI. Methodologically, the article employs qualitative approaches to data, including discourse analysis, document analysis and historic analysis. The primary sources include documents, agreements and statements of officials from China, the Baltic states, Italy, and the EU, as well as secondary sources including research publications, media reports, and mutually comparable national data.
本文考察了波罗的海国家爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛在“一带一路”倡议倡议中与中国的互动。首先,它探讨了对中国“一带一路”倡议最普遍的三种批评,即:1。北京成为民主、自由和法治压力合法化因素的风险;2.支持中国人对价值观的理解和对审查制度的宽容;3.基础设施贷款产生的债务。此外,文章试图确定波罗的海国家在多大程度上对它们保持了弹性,并从三个方面对波罗的海案例提供了可能的解释——系统弹性、话语弹性和金融弹性。文章得出结论,“一带一路”倡议在不同地区呈现出不同的形式,地方政治文化和更广泛的超国家组织决定了“一带一步”倡议的范围和响应,因此,国家制度框架与超国家标准执行机构的监督相结合,是各国抵御“一带一路”倡议风险的主要因素。在方法论上,本文采用了定性的方法来处理数据,包括话语分析、文献分析和历史分析。主要来源包括中国、波罗的海国家、意大利和欧盟官员的文件、协议和声明,以及次要来源,包括研究出版物、媒体报道和相互可比的国家数据。
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引用次数: 2
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Lex Portus
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