The Nazi occupation of France gave rise to one of the most important debates within French Trotskyism and the Fourth International: the European national question and the demands for democracy. The national problem presented different aspects in different countries, and throughout Europe it fueled the rise of resistance movements against the occupiers. The French Trotskyists were no strangers to this phenomenon, and the debate over whether they should join the maquis was fundamental in the face of the possibility of a socialist revolution in the postwar period. We will attempt to demonstrate that the position of the French Trotskyists on the Resistance was far from univocal. When the partisan movements in Italy and France became mass movements, the majority of the leadership of the Parti ouvrier internationaliste, with Marcel Hic at the helm, developed a favorable policy towards the maquis, but found strong opposition within the party and the European Provisional Secretariat of the Fourth International. The efforts of some POI leaders to join the resistance were abandoned after the Gestapo raids on the party in October 1943. In mid-1945, a new opportunity for the French Trotskyists emerged with the participation of André Calvès in a Communist maquis, but it was lost due to the policy adopted by the new French section, the Parti communiste internationaliste.
纳粹占领法国引发了法国托洛茨基主义和第四国际内部最重要的辩论之一:欧洲民族问题和对民主的要求。民族问题在不同的国家表现出不同的方面，在整个欧洲，它助长了反对占领者的抵抗运动的兴起。法国托洛茨基主义者对这种现象并不陌生，面对战后社会主义革命的可能性，关于他们是否应该加入马奎斯的争论是根本性的。我们将试图证明，法国托洛茨基主义者对抵抗运动的立场远不是单一的。当意大利和法国的党派运动变成群众运动时，以马塞尔·希克为首的国际主义党的大多数领导层制定了对马基的有利政策，但在党内和第四国际欧洲临时秘书处内部遭到了强烈反对。1943年10月，盖世太保对POI进行突袭后，一些POI领导人放弃了加入抵抗运动的努力。1945年中期，法国托洛茨基主义者出现了一个新的机会，安德烈·卡尔维茨加入了共产主义马奎斯，但由于新成立的法国支部——共产国际主义者党(partii Communist internationalistist)所采取的政策，这个机会失去了。
{"title":"The French Trotskyism and the debate on partisan resistance: 'Ohé Partisans!', a Trotskyist experience in the maquis (1943-1945)","authors":"V. Luparello, D. Gaido","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.202","url":null,"abstract":"The Nazi occupation of France gave rise to one of the most important debates within French Trotskyism and the Fourth International: the European national question and the demands for democracy. The national problem presented different aspects in different countries, and throughout Europe it fueled the rise of resistance movements against the occupiers. The French Trotskyists were no strangers to this phenomenon, and the debate over whether they should join the maquis was fundamental in the face of the possibility of a socialist revolution in the postwar period. We will attempt to demonstrate that the position of the French Trotskyists on the Resistance was far from univocal. When the partisan movements in Italy and France became mass movements, the majority of the leadership of the Parti ouvrier internationaliste, with Marcel Hic at the helm, developed a favorable policy towards the maquis, but found strong opposition within the party and the European Provisional Secretariat of the Fourth International. The efforts of some POI leaders to join the resistance were abandoned after the Gestapo raids on the party in October 1943. In mid-1945, a new opportunity for the French Trotskyists emerged with the participation of André Calvès in a Communist maquis, but it was lost due to the policy adopted by the new French section, the Parti communiste internationaliste.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The interwar period experienced an unprecedented paramilitarization because, in many cases, important political forces sought to achieve power more through the use of violence than through the ballot box. This article analyses this process, with special reference to the role of young people and to what happened in Germany and Spain. It shows the fragility of democracy in the period analyzed and how this is a historical construction that can never be considered to be safe from its enemies.
{"title":"Political violence, paramilitary organisations and democracy in the interwar period","authors":"Sandra Souto Kustrín","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.216","url":null,"abstract":"The interwar period experienced an unprecedented paramilitarization because, in many cases, important political forces sought to achieve power more through the use of violence than through the ballot box. This article analyses this process, with special reference to the role of young people and to what happened in Germany and Spain. It shows the fragility of democracy in the period analyzed and how this is a historical construction that can never be considered to be safe from its enemies.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71045083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The European Ancien Régime ended in a context of civil war, in which the popular sectors embraced a new relationship with politics. The role played in this process by counterrevolutionary and royalist militias, has received less attention from historian than their revolutionary counterparts. I will first provide an overview of European royalist militias. Then I will focus on three of these forces, created during the Restorations in Naples (1799), France (1815) and Spain (1823). Finally, from these particular cases, I will offer a comparative approach on the role of arms in counterrevolutionary political participation across Europe.
{"title":"Arming the people in defense of the King: counterrevolutionary and royalist militias in Europe (1789-1830)","authors":"Álvaro París Martín","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.214","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.214","url":null,"abstract":"The European Ancien Régime ended in a context of civil war, in which the popular sectors embraced a new relationship with politics. The role played in this process by counterrevolutionary and royalist militias, has received less attention from historian than their revolutionary counterparts. I will first provide an overview of European royalist militias. Then I will focus on three of these forces, created during the Restorations in Naples (1799), France (1815) and Spain (1823). Finally, from these particular cases, I will offer a comparative approach on the role of arms in counterrevolutionary political participation across Europe.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044612","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A case of sodomy in XIXth Century Concepción (Chile)","authors":"Marcelo Valenzuela Cáceres","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.194","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Protected areas, in addition to their natural and scientific importance, are a reflection of the set of cultural values and perceptions of the society that has decided to preserve them. The protection of nature is thus a complex issue; it must be considered in a holistic way and with a historical perspective, to give visibility to the, often latent, environmental conflicts that characterize the processes of these spaces being officially designated. This historiographic and methodological proposal is framed within environmental history, and relies on tools from this field and other related areas, such as political ecology, environmental anthropology and geography, which enable an examination beyond accepted natural and scientific values of these places which focuses on the more human and social aspects of the processes involved in the designation of a protected natural area. It is, therefore, an interdisciplinary approach to an intrinsically interdisciplinary issue, as any environmental issue is, the protection of nature being one of them.
{"title":"The protection of Nature: problems, methods and historiography","authors":"Judit Gil Farrero","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.199","url":null,"abstract":"Protected areas, in addition to their natural and scientific importance, are a reflection of the set of cultural values and perceptions of the society that has decided to preserve them. The protection of nature is thus a complex issue; it must be considered in a holistic way and with a historical perspective, to give visibility to the, often latent, environmental conflicts that characterize the processes of these spaces being officially designated. This historiographic and methodological proposal is framed within environmental history, and relies on tools from this field and other related areas, such as political ecology, environmental anthropology and geography, which enable an examination beyond accepted natural and scientific values of these places which focuses on the more human and social aspects of the processes involved in the designation of a protected natural area. It is, therefore, an interdisciplinary approach to an intrinsically interdisciplinary issue, as any environmental issue is, the protection of nature being one of them.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044880","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On January 1st, 1959, at dawn, General Fulgencio Batista fled to the Dominican Republic and the triumphant guerrillas entered Havana. It was the birth of the guerrilla myth in Latin America. In the following years, guerrilla movements emerged in all the countries of the region (with the sole exception of Costa Rica), arousing enormous fear, both in Washington and in all Latin American governments. This article analyzes, first, the impact that the Cuban Revolution produced and the erroneous responses that occurred in Washington as well as within the Organization of American States, and which only served to radicalize Cuban leaders. Secondly, it reviews the two counterinsurgency models that were implemented in the region—those founded in the English School and inspired by the idea of “winning the hearts and minds” of the population, and those of the French School and the Doctrine of National Security, inspired by the idea of the internal enemy.
{"title":"The Cuban Revolution, the birth of the guerrilla myth in Latin America and the counterinsurgent reactions","authors":"Eduardo Pizarro Leongómez","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.212","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.212","url":null,"abstract":"On January 1st, 1959, at dawn, General Fulgencio Batista fled to the Dominican Republic and the triumphant guerrillas entered Havana. It was the birth of the guerrilla myth in Latin America. In the following years, guerrilla movements emerged in all the countries of the region (with the sole exception of Costa Rica), arousing enormous fear, both in Washington and in all Latin American governments. This article analyzes, first, the impact that the Cuban Revolution produced and the erroneous responses that occurred in Washington as well as within the Organization of American States, and which only served to radicalize Cuban leaders. Secondly, it reviews the two counterinsurgency models that were implemented in the region—those founded in the English School and inspired by the idea of “winning the hearts and minds” of the population, and those of the French School and the Doctrine of National Security, inspired by the idea of the internal enemy.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Spanish women’s magazines, especially from the reign of Isabel II on, acted as a significant means of expressing the social image of women and transmitting the predominant bourgeois female archetype. However, the turbulent Spanish stage of the final decades of the 19th century will lead to this apparently immutable model being redefined under the influence of the debates and initiatives surrounding the female question. The aim of this article is to present as a case study La Guirnalda (Madrid, 1867-1883), which allows the model of femininity propagated by the dominant strata of society to be reconstructed, the tools employed to this end and the adaptation of the ideal in the face of the influence of counter-models.
{"title":"The ideal of feminity spread by 'La Guirnalda' (1867-1883)","authors":"Raquel Irisarri Gutiérrez","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.198","url":null,"abstract":"Spanish women’s magazines, especially from the reign of Isabel II on, acted as a significant means of expressing the social image of women and transmitting the predominant bourgeois female archetype. However, the turbulent Spanish stage of the final decades of the 19th century will lead to this apparently immutable model being redefined under the influence of the debates and initiatives surrounding the female question. The aim of this article is to present as a case study La Guirnalda (Madrid, 1867-1883), which allows the model of femininity propagated by the dominant strata of society to be reconstructed, the tools employed to this end and the adaptation of the ideal in the face of the influence of counter-models.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the changes that occurred in the way the military personnel implicated in crimes of rebellion in Argentina were tried in the late 19th and early 20th century. We focus on the study of the decisions of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation in the face of the uprisings of 1893 and 1905 to explore the formation of a republican military jurisdiction and the strengthening of the punitive capacities of the state in a context of strong political conflict. It is argued that the causes of military rebels confronted various different conceptions about the revolution, freedom, and civil guarantees.
{"title":"Rebels or Mutineers? Military Justice and the making of a Republican order in Argentina, 1893-1905","authors":"Nicolás Silliti","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.215","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.215","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the changes that occurred in the way the military personnel implicated in crimes of rebellion in Argentina were tried in the late 19th and early 20th century. We focus on the study of the decisions of the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation in the face of the uprisings of 1893 and 1905 to explore the formation of a republican military jurisdiction and the strengthening of the punitive capacities of the state in a context of strong political conflict. It is argued that the causes of military rebels confronted various different conceptions about the revolution, freedom, and civil guarantees.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71045075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The military mobilization of society fostered by the liberal revolution included the promotion of the idea of the entire citizenship committing to the new order. They were not only to enjoy political rights alone, but also the right to bear arms. Consequently, a series of citizen militias, usually dependent on the municipalities and with a strong class component, were formed, heirs to a large extent of those existing in the Modern Age, but with the particularity of having much greater political implications and significance. The need to defend their own interests, together with the importance of them achieving strategic positions in the new scenario opened by the revolution, shook the local bourgeoisies from their usual aversion to enlistment and led them to get involved in these new armed militias. However, as the Old Regime was defeated and the revolution was revised towards a more moderate stance the militias became a problem: On the one hand, because of internal struggles for their control, and on the other, due to them becoming a focus of opposition to the central power, especially when the position was occupied by the political enemy.
{"title":"Citizen militias in the European liberal revolutions: the case of first Spanish liberalism","authors":"Gonzalo Butrón Prida","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.211","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.211","url":null,"abstract":"The military mobilization of society fostered by the liberal revolution included the promotion of the idea of the entire citizenship committing to the new order. They were not only to enjoy political rights alone, but also the right to bear arms. Consequently, a series of citizen militias, usually dependent on the municipalities and with a strong class component, were formed, heirs to a large extent of those existing in the Modern Age, but with the particularity of having much greater political implications and significance. The need to defend their own interests, together with the importance of them achieving strategic positions in the new scenario opened by the revolution, shook the local bourgeoisies from their usual aversion to enlistment and led them to get involved in these new armed militias. However, as the Old Regime was defeated and the revolution was revised towards a more moderate stance the militias became a problem: On the one hand, because of internal struggles for their control, and on the other, due to them becoming a focus of opposition to the central power, especially when the position was occupied by the political enemy.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044559","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The conquest of the Americas generated a remarkable number of epic discourses of a political and literary nature; these contributed to the reinforcement of imperial, religious and patriotic commonplaces. Concerned about the country’s having a negative image abroad, the political and intellectual elites at the service of Charles III and Charles IV fomented a defence of the conquistadores, despite the diffusion of a tangible current within European public opinion that was critical of military heroism. Within the framework of Bourbon reformism, I reconstruct groups and individuals who, from very different places and positions, enabled the success of this preponderant discourse, which underlined the close collaboration between the crown and the clergy. In addition to emphasizing the lack of transparency with which the conquest was commemorated, especially in the hands of clergymen, priests and missionaries, I analyse how the consolidation of this patriotic discourse collided with other, alternative interpretations that cast doubt on it. These latter interpretations, driven by the notions of critique, civilization and Enlightenment sensitivity –from a mournful attitude, full of regrets and frustration– allow us to question the stability of discourses about the Americas from both inside and outside the empire.
{"title":"The fissures of the nation: tensions and political-religious readings on the conquest of America in the 18th century","authors":"Nuria Soriano Muñoz","doi":"10.5565/rev/rubrica.195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/rubrica.195","url":null,"abstract":"The conquest of the Americas generated a remarkable number of epic discourses of a political and literary nature; these contributed to the reinforcement of imperial, religious and patriotic commonplaces. Concerned about the country’s having a negative image abroad, the political and intellectual elites at the service of Charles III and Charles IV fomented a defence of the conquistadores, despite the diffusion of a tangible current within European public opinion that was critical of military heroism. Within the framework of Bourbon reformism, I reconstruct groups and individuals who, from very different places and positions, enabled the success of this preponderant discourse, which underlined the close collaboration between the crown and the clergy. In addition to emphasizing the lack of transparency with which the conquest was commemorated, especially in the hands of clergymen, priests and missionaries, I analyse how the consolidation of this patriotic discourse collided with other, alternative interpretations that cast doubt on it. These latter interpretations, driven by the notions of critique, civilization and Enlightenment sensitivity –from a mournful attitude, full of regrets and frustration– allow us to question the stability of discourses about the Americas from both inside and outside the empire.","PeriodicalId":36376,"journal":{"name":"Rubrica Contemporanea","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71044941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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