There may be two distinct dimensions of conservative political ideology, namely, economic conservatism and social conservatism. Investigating the implications of this for consumer behavior, we posit that economic conservatives express a higher preference for automated (but not manual) consumer products because the outputs that automated products produce are predictable and satisfy economic conservatives ’ need for predictability. Results from study 1 support our theorizing, with study 2 implicating the role of need for predictability and study 3 ruling out work ethic as a rival mechanism. We obtain inconsistent fi ndings about social conservatism, however. Our results add nuance to the research on political ideology by examining its two distinct dimensions (economic vs. social conservatism) and to the literature on technology adoption by highlighting one other variable that distinguishes automated from manual products (output predictability).
{"title":"Retracted: Economic Conservatism Predicts Preference for Automated Products","authors":"Eugene Chan, Gavin Northey, Sylvie Borau","doi":"10.1086/719578","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719578","url":null,"abstract":"There may be two distinct dimensions of conservative political ideology, namely, economic conservatism and social conservatism. Investigating the implications of this for consumer behavior, we posit that economic conservatives express a higher preference for automated (but not manual) consumer products because the outputs that automated products produce are predictable and satisfy economic conservatives ’ need for predictability. Results from study 1 support our theorizing, with study 2 implicating the role of need for predictability and study 3 ruling out work ethic as a rival mechanism. We obtain inconsistent fi ndings about social conservatism, however. Our results add nuance to the research on political ideology by examining its two distinct dimensions (economic vs. social conservatism) and to the literature on technology adoption by highlighting one other variable that distinguishes automated from manual products (output predictability).","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"287 - 295"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49075688","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Political ideology has been shown to influence consumer behavior across various domains such as recycling intentions, message appeals, brand attachment, and willingness to pay. In the marketplace, brand activism is becoming more common, with brands taking sides on a controversial sociopolitical issue. In a series of three studies, we examine whether consumers’ brand attitudes and willingness to pay for the brand is influenced by brand activism and whether this effect is moderated by consumers’ political ideology. Furthermore, we examine whether the issue type (pro-liberal vs. pro-conservative) and type of activism (authentic, absent, slacktivism) interact with political ideology to drive distinct consumer brand response. Importantly, we establish both affective as well as cognitive routes as potential drivers of these effects. Theoretical and managerial implications of the findings are also discussed.
{"title":"A Tale of Two “Ideologies”: Differences in Consumer Response to Brand Activism","authors":"N. Garg, Geetanjali Saluja","doi":"10.1086/719584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719584","url":null,"abstract":"Political ideology has been shown to influence consumer behavior across various domains such as recycling intentions, message appeals, brand attachment, and willingness to pay. In the marketplace, brand activism is becoming more common, with brands taking sides on a controversial sociopolitical issue. In a series of three studies, we examine whether consumers’ brand attitudes and willingness to pay for the brand is influenced by brand activism and whether this effect is moderated by consumers’ political ideology. Furthermore, we examine whether the issue type (pro-liberal vs. pro-conservative) and type of activism (authentic, absent, slacktivism) interact with political ideology to drive distinct consumer brand response. Importantly, we establish both affective as well as cognitive routes as potential drivers of these effects. Theoretical and managerial implications of the findings are also discussed.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"325 - 339"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44785346","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research examines how exposing conservative (vs. liberal) consumers to a framed logo improves their evaluation of the promoted brand relative to seeing an unframed version of that logo. A core effect reveals that framed, but not unframed, logos generally elicit more favorable product purchase intentions as conservativism increases. Such an effect is theorized to occur because framed stimuli are symbolically aligned with a need for structure that is typically associated with conservatism. Consistent with this possibility, liberals who are primed to think about structure exhibit responses similar to those made by conservatives (i.e., more favorable evaluations of framed logos). The effect observed among conservatives is eliminated, however, when frames are viewed as restrictions on freedom. The implications of these findings are also extended to examine whether framing messages that endorse governmental recommendations to adopt COVID-curbing behavior influences how conservatives respond to these advocacies.
{"title":"Politics, Promotions, and Pandemics: Political Ideologies Shape Consumers’ Responses to Framed versus Unframed Brand Logos and COVID-19 Recommendations","authors":"Mina Kwon, A. Manikas, M. Barone","doi":"10.1086/719577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719577","url":null,"abstract":"This research examines how exposing conservative (vs. liberal) consumers to a framed logo improves their evaluation of the promoted brand relative to seeing an unframed version of that logo. A core effect reveals that framed, but not unframed, logos generally elicit more favorable product purchase intentions as conservativism increases. Such an effect is theorized to occur because framed stimuli are symbolically aligned with a need for structure that is typically associated with conservatism. Consistent with this possibility, liberals who are primed to think about structure exhibit responses similar to those made by conservatives (i.e., more favorable evaluations of framed logos). The effect observed among conservatives is eliminated, however, when frames are viewed as restrictions on freedom. The implications of these findings are also extended to examine whether framing messages that endorse governmental recommendations to adopt COVID-curbing behavior influences how conservatives respond to these advocacies.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"296 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45954389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bryan M. Buechner, J. Clarkson, Ashley S. Otto, Garrett Ainsworth
Research has long discussed the personal and collective benefits of cultural consumption. Yet not all cultural experiences are the same, as experiences vary in whether they benefit consumers’ understanding of global or local cultures. The present research proposes that consumer preferences for these discrete types of cultural experiences vary by their political ideology. Across four studies, liberals prefer global consumption experiences, whereas conservatives prefer local consumption experiences. Moreover, these preferences are driven by differences in cognitive flexibility and are shown to emerge from different learning styles (breadth or depth). Furthermore, these preferences are independent of openness, cultural identity, and mental construal, and have implications for marketing and public policy decisions. Collectively, these findings detail the role of political ideology and cognitive flexibility in shaping consumer preferences for different types of cultural experiences and thereby offer a nuanced perspective on the impact of liberal and conservative consumers in shaping cultural consumption.
{"title":"Political Ideology and Cultural Consumption: The Role of Flexibility in Shaping Liberal and Conservative Preferences for Global-Local Experiences","authors":"Bryan M. Buechner, J. Clarkson, Ashley S. Otto, Garrett Ainsworth","doi":"10.1086/719582","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719582","url":null,"abstract":"Research has long discussed the personal and collective benefits of cultural consumption. Yet not all cultural experiences are the same, as experiences vary in whether they benefit consumers’ understanding of global or local cultures. The present research proposes that consumer preferences for these discrete types of cultural experiences vary by their political ideology. Across four studies, liberals prefer global consumption experiences, whereas conservatives prefer local consumption experiences. Moreover, these preferences are driven by differences in cognitive flexibility and are shown to emerge from different learning styles (breadth or depth). Furthermore, these preferences are independent of openness, cultural identity, and mental construal, and have implications for marketing and public policy decisions. Collectively, these findings detail the role of political ideology and cognitive flexibility in shaping consumer preferences for different types of cultural experiences and thereby offer a nuanced perspective on the impact of liberal and conservative consumers in shaping cultural consumption.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"266 - 275"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43604935","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Previous research has established that both liberals and conservatives tend to reject charity appeals that are incongruent with their political ideologies. We posit that a brief mindfulness intervention can improve consumers’ evaluations of charity appeals whose values appear incongruent with their political ideology. In four studies, we show that a brief mindfulness meditation increases evaluations of charity appeals among consumers with incongruent political ideologies. The effect is mediated by openness to experience and disappears when consumers are under a high cognitive load. The findings offer implications for how to increase generosity to charities on both sides of the political divide.
{"title":"“Open to Give”: Mindfulness Improves Evaluations of Charity Appeals That Are Incongruent with the Consumer’s Political Ideology","authors":"Amy Errmann, Yuri Seo, F. Septianto","doi":"10.1086/719580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719580","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research has established that both liberals and conservatives tend to reject charity appeals that are incongruent with their political ideologies. We posit that a brief mindfulness intervention can improve consumers’ evaluations of charity appeals whose values appear incongruent with their political ideology. In four studies, we show that a brief mindfulness meditation increases evaluations of charity appeals among consumers with incongruent political ideologies. The effect is mediated by openness to experience and disappears when consumers are under a high cognitive load. The findings offer implications for how to increase generosity to charities on both sides of the political divide.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"276 - 286"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45247213","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research has shown that conservatives tend to oppose the distribution of welfare to other people. However, are conservatives less likely than liberals to accept welfare for themselves? We find that the difference in liberals’ and conservatives’ welfare enrollment depends on whether the welfare program has a work requirement policy. A natural field experiment shows that when the supplemental nutritional program (SNAP) had a work requirement, liberals and conservatives were equally likely to enroll in this program. In the absence of a work requirement, conservatives were less likely than liberals to enroll in it. Follow-up experiments replicate this result and demonstrate the underlying mechanism: conservatives’ adherence to binding moral values (loyalty, authority, and purity; Graham, Haidt, and Nosek 2009) makes them hesitant to accept welfare without a work requirement. Policy makers can deploy marketing messages to mitigate this effect and boost conservatives’ enrollment in such welfare programs.
{"title":"Are Conservatives Less Likely Than Liberals to Accept Welfare? The Psychology of Welfare Politics","authors":"Shreyans Goenka, Manoj. T. Thomas","doi":"10.1086/719586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719586","url":null,"abstract":"Research has shown that conservatives tend to oppose the distribution of welfare to other people. However, are conservatives less likely than liberals to accept welfare for themselves? We find that the difference in liberals’ and conservatives’ welfare enrollment depends on whether the welfare program has a work requirement policy. A natural field experiment shows that when the supplemental nutritional program (SNAP) had a work requirement, liberals and conservatives were equally likely to enroll in this program. In the absence of a work requirement, conservatives were less likely than liberals to enroll in it. Follow-up experiments replicate this result and demonstrate the underlying mechanism: conservatives’ adherence to binding moral values (loyalty, authority, and purity; Graham, Haidt, and Nosek 2009) makes them hesitant to accept welfare without a work requirement. Policy makers can deploy marketing messages to mitigate this effect and boost conservatives’ enrollment in such welfare programs.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"305 - 315"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49000088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although the issue of gender inequality dominates the public discourse, the country is sharply divided along party lines about its importance and the way to deal with it. In this polarized context, marketers struggle to devise brand communication strategies that will successfully connect with equality-conscious female consumers. By integrating research in political ideology, sexism, and brand communications, this research uncovers the types of sexual appeals that are more likely to resonate with female consumers who endorse a liberal (vs. conservative) ideology. Results of three lab experiments and a secondary data set demonstrate that liberal (vs. conservative) women are more likely to reject brands that are associated with a sexually objectified image of women. Furthermore, this effect is driven by liberal women’s rejection of benevolent sexism. These results are discussed in terms of the contributions to political ideology and brand communications research, as well as the implications for marketers’ communication strategies.
{"title":"Women’s Attitudes toward Sexual Objectification in Brands: A Political Ideology Perspective","authors":"C. Torelli, Yafei Guo, Hyewon Cho","doi":"10.1086/719585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719585","url":null,"abstract":"Although the issue of gender inequality dominates the public discourse, the country is sharply divided along party lines about its importance and the way to deal with it. In this polarized context, marketers struggle to devise brand communication strategies that will successfully connect with equality-conscious female consumers. By integrating research in political ideology, sexism, and brand communications, this research uncovers the types of sexual appeals that are more likely to resonate with female consumers who endorse a liberal (vs. conservative) ideology. Results of three lab experiments and a secondary data set demonstrate that liberal (vs. conservative) women are more likely to reject brands that are associated with a sexually objectified image of women. Furthermore, this effect is driven by liberal women’s rejection of benevolent sexism. These results are discussed in terms of the contributions to political ideology and brand communications research, as well as the implications for marketers’ communication strategies.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"371 - 381"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47622355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We hypothesized that (a) political liberals would be more likely than conservatives to be “cultural omnivores” (i.e., to engage in a broader range of activities, experiences, and consumer products) and (b) the effect of ideology on cultural engagement would be explained, in part, by psychological differences in openness to new experiences. To investigate these hypotheses, we analyzed survey data from the 2016 National Consumer Survey based on more than 20,000 US respondents. Results confirmed that, even after adjusting for the effects of age, income, and regional differences in population density, liberalism was positively associated with the total number of cultural exposures across a wide range of domains, including movies, TV shows, live performances, music, magazines, websites, hobbies, and beer brands. The effect of ideology on cultural engagement was statistically mediated by openness. Implications of ideological asymmetry in politicultural sorting are discussed in terms of informational advantages associated with the structure and functions of liberal and conservative social networks.
{"title":"Liberals as Cultural Omnivores","authors":"N. Rogers, J. Jost","doi":"10.1086/719581","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719581","url":null,"abstract":"We hypothesized that (a) political liberals would be more likely than conservatives to be “cultural omnivores” (i.e., to engage in a broader range of activities, experiences, and consumer products) and (b) the effect of ideology on cultural engagement would be explained, in part, by psychological differences in openness to new experiences. To investigate these hypotheses, we analyzed survey data from the 2016 National Consumer Survey based on more than 20,000 US respondents. Results confirmed that, even after adjusting for the effects of age, income, and regional differences in population density, liberalism was positively associated with the total number of cultural exposures across a wide range of domains, including movies, TV shows, live performances, music, magazines, websites, hobbies, and beer brands. The effect of ideology on cultural engagement was statistically mediated by openness. Implications of ideological asymmetry in politicultural sorting are discussed in terms of informational advantages associated with the structure and functions of liberal and conservative social networks.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"255 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60725609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Consumers served large meals are often confronted with the trade-off between wasting food and overconsumption. Although these outcomes are negatively correlated, researchers have rarely considered how individuals who subscribe to different political ideologies resolve this trade-off. Two experiments show that when consumers are served large portions, making the potential for food waste salient produces opposing reactions among liberals and conservatives. Liberals become concerned with avoiding the negative environmental consequences of food waste and eat more than normal (i.e., they overconsume) to prevent waste. In contrast, conservatives focus more on taking personal responsibility to avoid the negative consequences of overconsumption and eat less than normal, avoiding overconsumption but producing more food waste. Practical implications for marketers and researchers are discussed.
{"title":"Bringing Our Values to the Table: Political Ideology, Food Waste, and Overconsumption","authors":"Erick M. Mas, Kelly L. Haws, Kelly Goldsmith","doi":"10.1086/719583","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719583","url":null,"abstract":"Consumers served large meals are often confronted with the trade-off between wasting food and overconsumption. Although these outcomes are negatively correlated, researchers have rarely considered how individuals who subscribe to different political ideologies resolve this trade-off. Two experiments show that when consumers are served large portions, making the potential for food waste salient produces opposing reactions among liberals and conservatives. Liberals become concerned with avoiding the negative environmental consequences of food waste and eat more than normal (i.e., they overconsume) to prevent waste. In contrast, conservatives focus more on taking personal responsibility to avoid the negative consequences of overconsumption and eat less than normal, avoiding overconsumption but producing more food waste. Practical implications for marketers and researchers are discussed.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"350 - 359"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41773862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Brands have increasingly taken a stance on controversial sociopolitical issues. However, our knowledge of how politicized brands impact consumers in the context of interpersonal relationships is limited. The present studies investigate how consumers respond to politicized brands that are given as gifts. To understand this phenomenon, we frame our work within a gifting space composed of the giver, receiver, and branded gift, grounded within a broader environmental context. Three studies test a causal model derived from this framework. Study 1 reveals that gift recipients show less appreciation for politically incongruent gifts that threaten their identity, an effect magnified among consumers whose political identity is central to their self-concept. Study 2 finds that when givers’ persuasion attempts are not inferred, the negative impact of political identity incongruence on gift appreciation is reduced. Finally, study 3 demonstrates that incorporating congruent symbols into identity-incongruent brands enhances gift appreciation.
{"title":"Under a Political Cloud: How Politicized Brands Shape Gift Appreciation","authors":"William Ding, J. Joireman, David Sprott","doi":"10.1086/719587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/719587","url":null,"abstract":"Brands have increasingly taken a stance on controversial sociopolitical issues. However, our knowledge of how politicized brands impact consumers in the context of interpersonal relationships is limited. The present studies investigate how consumers respond to politicized brands that are given as gifts. To understand this phenomenon, we frame our work within a gifting space composed of the giver, receiver, and branded gift, grounded within a broader environmental context. Three studies test a causal model derived from this framework. Study 1 reveals that gift recipients show less appreciation for politically incongruent gifts that threaten their identity, an effect magnified among consumers whose political identity is central to their self-concept. Study 2 finds that when givers’ persuasion attempts are not inferred, the negative impact of political identity incongruence on gift appreciation is reduced. Finally, study 3 demonstrates that incorporating congruent symbols into identity-incongruent brands enhances gift appreciation.","PeriodicalId":36388,"journal":{"name":"Journal of the Association for Consumer Research","volume":"7 1","pages":"340 - 349"},"PeriodicalIF":2.6,"publicationDate":"2022-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48804548","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：