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Dynamics, Stability & Tradition: The Role of the Religions of Iranian Speakers in Central and Eastern Asia 动态、稳定与传统:中亚和东亚讲伊朗语的宗教角色
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.46586/er.11.2022.9771
Yuki Kasai
Various religions were transmitted through the Silk Roads, a famous system of trade routes. For this transmission, the Iranian speakers played a vital role. They travelled on the Silk Roads, migrating and establishing colonies alongside their trade networks and leading to the geographical expansion of their activity fields. Because of their vast activities, some Iranian languages are counted as a lingua franca, or the shared language for communication, on the Silk Roads. The Iranian speakers adhered to Buddhism, Christianity (Church of the East), Islam, Manichaeism, or Zoroastrianism. Some kept the religious practices of their homeland in these newly established colonies, while others converted to the local dominant religions. At times, their religious activities resulted in dynamic changes for themselves and their exchange partners whilst, at other times, they led to the establishment of new traditions which became stabilised within their settled communities.
各种宗教通过丝绸之路这条著名的贸易路线传播开来。在这次传播中,伊朗人发挥了至关重要的作用。他们沿着丝绸之路旅行,在他们的贸易网络旁边迁移和建立殖民地,并导致他们活动领域的地理扩张。由于其广泛的活动,一些伊朗语言被认为是丝绸之路上的通用语,或交流的共同语言。说伊朗语的人信奉佛教、基督教(东方教会)、伊斯兰教、摩尼教或琐罗亚斯德教。一些人在这些新建立的殖民地保留了他们祖国的宗教习俗,而另一些人则皈依了当地的主流宗教。有时,他们的宗教活动为他们自己和他们的交换伙伴带来了动态变化,而在其他时候,他们导致了新的传统的建立,这些传统在他们定居的社区内变得稳定。
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引用次数: 0
Nūrollāh Šūštarī on Shi’i Notables
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-15 DOI: 10.46586/er.13.2022.9636
R. Pourjavady
Nūrollāh Šūštarī’s (d. 1019/1610) Maǧāles al-moʾmenīn (Assemblies of the Believers) is an extensive work on distinguished Shi’i figures throughout history. The author, trained in Safavid lands, composed this work while residing in the Mughal empire. There, he was associated with the court of Akbar (r. 963–1014/[1556]–1605). The present article introduces various aspects of Šūštarī’s project and examines what might have motivated him to undertake such a significant task. It also touches on the internal challenges found in the circles of the Shi’i scholars, with which the author was intellectually engaged, and discusses later critics of the work, who blamed its author for including in it many Sufi figures of the classical and post-classical period. Furthermore, the possibility that the composition of the Maǧāles caused its author’s death will be discussed. With his authorship of this work, Šūštarī was pioneering a trend of writing Shi’i bio-bibliographical works, to which many scholars contributed up until the twentieth century.
Nūrollāh Šūštarī’s (d. 1019/1610) Maǧāles al-mo - men n(信徒集会)是一部关于历史上杰出的什叶派人物的广泛著作。作者在萨法维人的土地上受过训练,在莫卧儿帝国居住期间创作了这部作品。在那里,他与阿克巴宫廷(约963-1014 /[1556]-1605)有联系。本文介绍了Šūštarī项目的各个方面,并考察了可能促使他承担如此重要任务的原因。书中还触及了作者在学术上参与的什叶派学者圈子中发现的内部挑战,并讨论了后来对这本书的批评,这些批评指责作者在书中包含了许多古典和后古典时期的苏菲派人物。此外,还将讨论Maǧāles的成分导致其作者死亡的可能性。Šūštarī以他的这部著作,开创了一种写作什叶派生物目录学的潮流,直到二十世纪,许多学者都对此做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 1
The Dasātīr and the “Āẕar Kaivān school” in Historical Context: Origin and Later Development 历史语境中的Dasātīr与“Āẕar Kaivān学派”:缘起与发展
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-15 DOI: 10.46586/er.13.2022.9625
T. Aoki
The present paper aims to offer a new understanding of the so-called “Zoroastrian Illuminative philosophers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,” namely the Āẕar Kaivān school. In the twentieth century, this school was understood to be a Zoroastrian phenomenon originating from Āẕar Kaivān (1533–1618), who is believed to have been born at Estakhr (Iran) and later to have immigrated to Patna (India). One way to sketch their texts is to notice their contents as the Zoroastrian Illuminative school, as H. Corbin did. But it may be more likely that the first principle for this school is a matter of ancient Persian culture, especially the Āsmānī language. Until recently, we knew little for certain about the origin of this Āsmānī vocabulary, except the inference that it might be the product of Āẕar Kaivān himself. But Sadeghi (2020) shows that the earliest mention of what would become the Āsmānī vocabulary can be confirmed in the Persian dictionary Farhang-e Mo’aiyid al-Fożalāʾ, compiled in India in 1519. The origin of the essential points of the Āẕar Kaivān school is not Āẕar Kaivān himself, but there were probably some pioneers in the Delhi Sultanate in India before him. Adding to this, a closer look at their writings shows that this school is not a monolith, but a complex of various preceding elements. The Illuminative Philosophy is just one of them. As such, it becomes possible to arrive at the conclusion that the Āẕar Kaivān school is not Āẕar Kaivān’s school. He simply put together the various elements that preceded him.
本文旨在对所谓的“16和17世纪的琐罗亚斯德教启蒙哲学家”,即Āẕar Kaivān学派,提供一种新的理解。在二十世纪,这所学校被认为是一种琐罗亚斯德教现象,起源于Āẕar Kaivān(1533-1618),据信他出生在Estakhr(伊朗),后来移民到巴特那(印度)。概述他们的文本的一种方法是注意到他们的内容作为琐罗亚斯德教光照派,正如H.科尔宾所做的那样。但更有可能的是,这所学校的第一原则与古代波斯文化有关,尤其是Āsmānī语言。直到最近,我们对这个Āsmānī词汇的起源知之甚少,除了推断它可能是Āẕar Kaivān自己的产物。但Sadeghi(2020)表明,最早提到的Āsmānī词汇可以在1519年在印度编写的波斯语词典farhange Mo 'aiyid al-Fożalā - n中得到证实。Āẕar Kaivān学派要点的起源并不是Āẕar Kaivān本人,但在他之前的印度德里苏丹国可能有一些先驱者。除此之外,仔细研究他们的作品就会发现,这个学派并不是一个庞然大物,而是由各种先前的元素组成的综合体。启迪哲学只是其中之一。因此,有可能得出结论,Āẕar Kaivān学校不是Āẕar Kaivān的学校。他只是把在他之前的各种元素组合在一起。
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引用次数: 1
Did the Āẕar Kaivānīs Know Zoroastrian Middle Persian Sources? Āẕar Kaivānīs知道琐罗亚斯德教的中波斯来源吗?
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-15 DOI: 10.46586/er.11.2020.8895
K. Rezania
The Āẕar Kaivānīs, a syncretistic religious school in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, combined elements from Islam, Zoroastrianism, Buddhism and Ešrāqī philosophy. The Dasātīr, written by the first authority of the group, Āẕar Kaivān (943/1533–1028/1618), is a bilingual text. Its first language is an artificial encrypted language, represented as the language of heaven; the second is a specific form of New Persian, i.e., with few Arabic words. This article argues that Dasātīr’s author employed the Zoroastrian Zand as a model for the construction of his book. It moreover demonstrates the trace of some Middle Persian lexemes in it. Accordingly, it concludes that the Āẕar Kaivānīs were familiar with the Zoroastrian Middle Persian literature, if perhaps only superficially. The article also scrutinizes where and when contact occurred between Zoroastrianism and the Āẕar Kaivānī school. As a result, it discusses the Zoroastrian concept of secret language and the necessity of its translation and interpretation, which provided the Āẕar Kaivānīs with the possibility to include the notion of a secret book in their own system of thought.
Āẕar Kaivānīs是16和17世纪的一个融合的宗教学校,结合了伊斯兰教、琐罗亚斯德教、佛教和Ešrāqī哲学的元素。该组织的第一权威Āẕar Kaivān(943/1533-1028/1618)撰写的Dasātīr是双语文本。它的第一语言是一种人工加密的语言,表现为天堂的语言;第二种是新波斯语的一种特殊形式,即很少有阿拉伯词。本文认为Dasātīr的作者采用了琐罗亚斯德教的土地作为模型来构建他的书。此外,它还显示了一些中古波斯词汇的痕迹。因此,它得出结论,Āẕar Kaivānīs熟悉琐罗亚斯德教的中波斯文学,如果可能只是表面上的。这篇文章还详细分析了琐罗亚斯德教与Āẕar Kaivānī学派之间的联系发生在何时何地。因此,它讨论了琐罗亚斯德教的秘密语言概念及其翻译和解释的必要性,这为Āẕar Kaivānīs提供了在他们自己的思想体系中包含秘密书籍概念的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
Exploring Patronage, Genre, and Scholar-Bureaucracy: The Trans-Imperial Career of Ḫvāndamīr (d. 1534) 探究赞助、体裁和士大夫官僚制:Ḫvāndamīr的跨帝国生涯(1534年)
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-15 DOI: 10.46586/er.13.2022.9629
C. Mitchell
This paper examines the life, career, and patronage of the great statesman and historian, Ghiyath al-Dīn Ḫvāndamīr. Ḫvāndamīr lived and worked during a dynamic period of early modern Islamic history, marking the terminus of the great Timurid empire and the genesis of no less than three major polities in Iran, Central Asia, and South Asia: the Safavids, the Uzbeks, and the Mughals. During the first three decades of the sixteenth century, Ḫvāndamīr produced numerous texts across a multitude of genres, all the while dextrously navigating violent dynastic upheaval and negotiating new terms of patronage in different imperial settings. This paper examines a number of these patronized texts towards the objective of understanding more about how such “men of the pen” understood the act of patronage; specifically, Ḫvāndamīr’s approach to text and genre may have been shaped by the terms and conditions of these different negotiated “trans-imperial” relationships.
本文考察了伟大的政治家和历史学家Ghiyath al- d Ḫvāndamīr的生活、事业和赞助。Ḫvāndamīr生活和工作在早期现代伊斯兰历史的一个充满活力的时期,标志着伟大的帖木儿帝国的终结,以及在伊朗、中亚和南亚不少于三个主要政治的起源:萨法维、乌兹别克和莫卧儿。在16世纪的前三十年里,Ḫvāndamīr创作了许多不同类型的文本,同时巧妙地驾驭了剧烈的王朝动荡,并在不同的帝国背景下谈判了新的赞助条款。本文考察了一些这样的赞助文本,目的是更多地了解这些“作家”是如何理解赞助行为的;具体来说,Ḫvāndamīr对文本和类型的处理方式可能是由这些不同的“跨帝国”关系的条款和条件所塑造的。
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引用次数: 1
Jain Life Reimagined: An Examination of Jain Practice and Discourse during the Covid-19 Pandemic 重新想象耆那教的生活:在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间耆那教的实践和话语的检查
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-10 DOI: 10.46586/er.12.2021.9179
Claire Maes
This article analyzes the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the religious practices and the public discourse of Jains in the U.S.A. and India. On the institutional level, I show how Jain organizations made extensive efforts to connect digitally with their community members when collective, in-person celebrations and temple visits were either reduced in number, limited in capacity, or cancelled because of the pandemic. Given the new importance of Jain online platforms, I address their potential role in both blurring sectarian boundaries and creating authentic sacred spaces. On the individual level, I examine the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on the everyday religious practices of Jains. I conducted eight semi-structured interviews over Zoom between November 2020 and January 2021. I argue that while there is a great diversity of individual Jain responses, a common feature appears to be a significant increase of Jains participating in scholarly religious activities. In terms of the ways in which Jains talk, write, and reflect on the COVID-19 pandemic, I theorize that the Jain discourse on the COVID-19 pandemic is characterized by environmental concerns and by the processes of scientization and universalization. Building on the work of Knut Aukland (2016) that examines the role of science in contemporary Jain discussions, I define scientization as the ongoing process where Jains underline the convergence of their religion with modern science. With the term universalization, I refer to the noticeable trend among Jains to argue for the need to teach Jainism beyond the Jain community by showing its contemporary relevance and applicability to overcome global problems, such as the COVID-19 pandemic.
本文分析了COVID-19大流行对美国和印度耆那教徒的宗教习俗和公共话语的影响。在制度层面,我展示了耆那教组织如何在集体、亲自庆祝活动和寺庙访问数量减少、能力有限或因疫情而取消时,通过数字方式与社区成员建立联系。鉴于耆那教在线平台的新重要性,我提出了它们在模糊宗派界限和创造真正的神圣空间方面的潜在作用。在个人层面上,我研究了COVID-19大流行对耆那教徒日常宗教活动的影响。从2020年11月到2021年1月,我在Zoom上进行了八次半结构化采访。我认为,尽管耆那教徒的反应各不相同,但一个共同的特征似乎是耆那教徒参加学术宗教活动的人数显著增加。就耆那教徒谈论、写作和反思COVID-19大流行的方式而言,我认为耆那教徒关于COVID-19大流行的论述具有环境问题和科学化和普遍化过程的特点。Knut Aukland(2016)研究了科学在当代耆那教讨论中的作用,在此基础上,我将科学化定义为耆那教徒强调其宗教与现代科学融合的持续过程。我所说的普遍化是指耆那教徒中有一种明显的趋势,即认为有必要通过展示耆那教的当代相关性和适用性,在耆那教社区之外教授耆那教,以克服诸如COVID-19大流行等全球性问题。
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引用次数: 1
The Complexity of Religious Traditions in Quanzhou 泉州 under Mongol Rule: An Inscription from Chunyang 純陽 Cave in Mt. Qingyuan 清源, Quanzhou 蒙古统治下泉州宗教传统的复杂性——泉州清远山春阳洞碑文
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-01 DOI: 10.46586/er.11.2022.9746
Masaki Mukai
This paper discusses the complexity of the religious traditions in Quanzhou (Fujian, China), the largest international trade port under Mongol rule. The contribution of presumed Persian Muslim Pu Shougeng 蒲壽庚to the reconstruction of a Taoist-Buddhist shrine was taken as the case study. The external conditions surrounding his composite religious act (beyond private beliefs) were also observed in terms of individual goals, backgrounds, and social networks. For this purpose, the author presents the Chinese stone inscription from Quanzhou (in Fujian, China) titled “Zhong jian Qingyuan Chunyang dong ji 重建清源純陽洞記 (Record of Reconstruction of the Chunyang Cave in Qingyuan Mountain),” dated to the fourth year of Hou-Zhiyuan 後至元 (1338) during the Yuan period.
本文探讨了蒙古统治下最大的国际贸易港口泉州(中国福建)宗教传统的复杂性。以假定为波斯穆斯林的蒲寿庚为例,研究了他在重建道教和佛教寺庙中的贡献。围绕他的复合宗教行为(超越个人信仰)的外部条件也可以从个人目标、背景和社会网络方面观察到。为此,作者提出了一份来自中国福建泉州的石刻《仲建清远春阳洞重建记》,该石刻可追溯至元后至元四年(1338)。
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引用次数: 1
Vajramahākāla and the śaivasaugata rulers of Dharmāśraya and Siṅhasāri Vajramahākāla和Dharmāśraya和Siṅhasāri的尺子śaivasaugata
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.46586/er.13.2022.9678
Iain Sinclair
Impressive images of a ferocious deity holding a cleaver and skullcup emerged in precolonial Sumatra. The deity is depicted with a female partner on the sword Mandākinī, and as a monumental statue found at Dharmāśraya in the Sumatran highlands. These images are often said to represent (the Śivaite) Bhairava and king Ādityavarman (c. 1294–1374), but they have overt marks of Buddhist affiliation. It is shown here that they represent Vajramahākāla, as described in the Buddhist Ḍākinīvajrapañjara­tantra, and the bloodthirsty Kālī. Comparative photographic analysis confirms that the monumental Vajramahākāla is concurrently a portrayal of Kṛtanagara (r. 1268–1292), śaivasaugata ruler of the Javanese Siṅhasāri dynasty and overlord of Dharmāśraya. Vajramahākāla’s appeal as a unity figure for late Hindu-Buddhist polities is further illuminated by the careers of two Indians in the region, Tribhuvanarāja of Dharmāśraya (r. 1286) and the itinerant paṇḍita Gautamaśrī (fl. 1248–1268).
在前殖民时期的苏门答腊岛,出现了一幅令人印象深刻的图像,一个凶残的神手持切肉刀和头骨。神像被描绘成剑上的女性伴侣Mandākinī,是在Dharmāśraya苏门答腊高地发现的一座巨大的雕像。这些图像通常被认为是代表(Śivaite)巴拉瓦和国王Ādityavarman(约1294-1374),但它们有明显的佛教信仰标志。这里显示,他们代表Vajramahākāla,如佛教中描述的Ḍākinīvajrapañjara-tantra,和嗜血的Kālī。对比照片分析证实,纪念碑Vajramahākāla同时是Kṛtanagara(约1268-1292年)的写照,śaivasaugata爪哇Siṅhasāri王朝的统治者和Dharmāśraya的统治者。Vajramahākāla作为后期印度教-佛教政治的统一人物的吸引力,在该地区的两个印度人的职业生涯中得到了进一步的阐明,Dharmāśraya的Tribhuvanarāja(1286年)和巡回的paṇḍita Gautamaśrī(1248-1268年)。
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引用次数: 0
A Buddhist Bhairava? Kṛtanagara’s Tantric Buddhism in Transregional Perspective 佛教的巴拉瓦?Kṛtanagara跨区域视角下的密宗佛教
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.46586/er.13.2022.9653
Andrea Acri, Aleksandra Wenta
This article discusses some key aspects of the historical and religious background of the period of Kṛtanagara and his aftermath in East Java and Sumatra. Our analysis is based on a comparative study of Sanskrit, Old Javanese, and Tibetan textual sources and artistic vestiges (“medias”) to highlight the transregional networks of tantric Buddhism (“traditions”) that may have contributed to shape the king’s religio-political agenda. Having identified the enigmatic colossal statue at Padang Roco/Sungai Langsat in Dharmasraya (Central-Western Sumatra) as a Mahākāla bearing Śaiva iconographic contaminations, and as a product of Siṅhasāri-period East Java from Sino-Tibetan prototypes, we revive Moens’ (1924: 557) idea of an association between the icon and Kṛtanagara. Adding to the discussion on the Eastern Indian-style icon of Arapacana Mañjuśrī found near Candi Jago, we highlight further parallels that complement and fine-tune the idea advanced by previous scholars about the commonality of the tantric Buddhist paradigms practiced at the courts of Kṛtanagara and Kublai Khan, and propose that their legacy was adopted by the political elites of the subsequent generation in both Nusantara and China.
本文讨论了Kṛtanagara时期及其在东爪哇和苏门答腊的影响的历史和宗教背景的一些关键方面。我们的分析是基于对梵语、古爪哇语和藏语文本来源和艺术遗迹(“媒体”)的比较研究,以突出密宗佛教(“传统”)的跨区域网络,这可能有助于塑造国王的宗教政治议程。在确定了位于Dharmasraya(苏门答腊中西部)的Padang Roco/Sungai Langsat的神秘巨大雕像是Mahākāla带有Śaiva图像污染,并且是Siṅhasāri-period东爪哇汉藏原型的产物之后,我们恢复了Moens(1924: 557)关于图标与Kṛtanagara之间联系的想法。除了对在Candi Jago附近发现的东印度风格的Arapacana Mañjuśrī的讨论之外,我们强调了进一步的相似之处,这些相似之处补充和微调了先前学者提出的关于Kṛtanagara和忽必烈宫廷所实践的密宗佛教范式的共性的观点,并提出他们的遗产被努沙达拉和中国的下一代政治精英所采用。
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引用次数: 0
Buddhism, an Urban Village and Cultural Soft Power: An Ethnography of Buddhist Practitioners in Wutong 佛教、城中村与文化软实力:梧桐佛教修行者的民族志
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-23 DOI: 10.46586/er.13.2022.9709
Kai Shmushko
The article presents an ethnography of Buddhist practice groups in Wutong village, an urban village in the Shenzhen metropolis area, relating to the village's predicament through the 1990s and until 2019. It discusses the relationship between two intertwined forms of soft power employed by the Chinese regime: 1) The push for cultural consumption within the framework of the re-development of urban villages. 2) The PRC’s re-definition of Buddhism as a culture instead of a religion. The author examines different lay Buddhist actors in the village, which operate within the current restrictive government policy towards religious groups. The ethnography of Wutong shows the non-dichotomic dynamic of suppression and support articulated by the state towards Buddhism's cultural and religious consumption. It focuses on the dynamic between state control and people's agency over their spiritual and religious realities, especially on the urban fringes. The article suggests that the urban art village can be understood as a sphere where lay Buddhists subvert state regulation by creating alternative Buddhist spaces for lay practice, in the form of cultural commodities. However, the article addresses the liminality of such urban spaces, which, aside from opportunities for religious entrepreneurship, also creates a state of precariousness for urban village inhabitants, including Buddhist practitioners.
本文介绍了深圳大都市区城中村梧桐村佛教修行团体的民族志,涉及该村从20世纪90年代到2019年的困境。本文讨论了中国政权使用的两种相互交织的软实力形式之间的关系:1)在城中村再开发的框架内推动文化消费。2)中华人民共和国将佛教重新定义为一种文化而不是宗教。作者考察了村里不同的世俗佛教徒,他们在当前政府对宗教团体的限制性政策下运作。梧桐民族志显示了国家对佛教文化和宗教消费的压制和支持的非二分动态。它着重于国家控制和人民对其精神和宗教现实的代理之间的动态,特别是在城市边缘。文章认为,城市艺术村可以被理解为一个世俗佛教徒颠覆国家管制的领域,他们以文化商品的形式为世俗佛教徒创造了另一种佛教实践空间。然而,这篇文章指出了这种城市空间的局限性,除了为宗教创业提供机会之外,也为城中村居民(包括佛教从业者)创造了一种不稳定的状态。
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引用次数: 2
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