Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110204
Anthony Pahnke
This article explains how an interracial alliance that promotes a radical restructuring of agriculture, featuring African American small-scale producers, farmers of Euro-American descent, Latino farmworkers, and Indigenous people, has come into existence. As I argue, this coalition formed due to changes in international political economy and within transnational activist networks. Specifically, the implementation of neoliberal international trade deals beginning in the 1970s disrupted farmers’ livelihoods in the Global North and South. It drove migrants from countries such as Mexico and Guatemala to the United States with their experiences of agrarian reform, and it saw US farmers simultaneously begin to engage farmers of color in new and important ways. The transnational activist networks that facilitated visits and meetings subsequently provided opportunities for activists to learn from one another and have new experiences, which, as I explore, led people from diverse backgrounds to agree on various principles and forge a common vision.
{"title":"The Political Economy of Learning in Agrarian Contention","authors":"Anthony Pahnke","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110204","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110204","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article explains how an interracial alliance that promotes a radical restructuring of agriculture, featuring African American small-scale producers, farmers of Euro-American descent, Latino farmworkers, and Indigenous people, has come into existence. As I argue, this coalition formed due to changes in international political economy and within transnational activist networks. Specifically, the implementation of neoliberal international trade deals beginning in the 1970s disrupted farmers’ livelihoods in the Global North and South. It drove migrants from countries such as Mexico and Guatemala to the United States with their experiences of agrarian reform, and it saw US farmers simultaneously begin to engage farmers of color in new and important ways. The transnational activist networks that facilitated visits and meetings subsequently provided opportunities for activists to learn from one another and have new experiences, which, as I explore, led people from diverse backgrounds to agree on various principles and forge a common vision.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":" 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138620257","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110206
A. Meghji
In this article, I offer an engagement with Wacquant's checkerboard of ethnoracial violence. Drawing on material from the digitalized W. E. B. Du Bois archive, I focus on two theses of Du Boisian thought that I believe can enrich Wacquant's theorization of ethnoracial violence. In particular, I highlight how Du Bois emphasized (1) the process by which colonial violence gets (mis)recognized as nonviolence; and (2) how ethnoracial violence connects to capital accumulation as an essentially profitable enterprise. Bringing Du Bois’ work into the picture, I invite Wacquant to consider the relationship between ethnoracial violence and racial capitalism and to engage in a fuller discussion about the struggles in social space over the very definition of violence itself. I conclude by questioning how we might connect Wacquant's contemporary theorization with the work of intellectuals—such as Du Bois—who have put ethnoracial violence at the center of their concerns.
{"title":"On Violence, Race, and Social Theory","authors":"A. Meghji","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110206","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this article, I offer an engagement with Wacquant's checkerboard of ethnoracial violence. Drawing on material from the digitalized W. E. B. Du Bois archive, I focus on two theses of Du Boisian thought that I believe can enrich Wacquant's theorization of ethnoracial violence. In particular, I highlight how Du Bois emphasized (1) the process by which colonial violence gets (mis)recognized as nonviolence; and (2) how ethnoracial violence connects to capital accumulation as an essentially profitable enterprise. Bringing Du Bois’ work into the picture, I invite Wacquant to consider the relationship between ethnoracial violence and racial capitalism and to engage in a fuller discussion about the struggles in social space over the very definition of violence itself. I conclude by questioning how we might connect Wacquant's contemporary theorization with the work of intellectuals—such as Du Bois—who have put ethnoracial violence at the center of their concerns.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":" 479","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138610932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110202
Joohyun Park
Differential participation in violent protests has been explained in terms of protesters’ personal values, biographical availability, and network embeddedness. However, the form of mass protest may be influenced less by the microstructure of protesters and more by their collective past experiences of resistance. Through the South Korean candlelight protests of 2008 and 2016–2017, this article examines novices’ and repeaters’ perceptions of nonviolent protest. Onsite survey and interview data show that previous frustrating protest experiences in 2008 made repeater protesters more perseverant, even when violence was expected. Repeaters had little faith in “disciplined” protests, whereas novices hoped for change through “peaceful” protests. I argue that previous experiences of resistance and their outcomes influenced protesters’ perceptions on the efficiency and legitimacy of violent protest. By examining protesters’ varying perseverance, which mediates the condition of violence, this article advances the relationship between violence and civic participation.
{"title":"Peaceful or Disciplined?","authors":"Joohyun Park","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110202","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Differential participation in violent protests has been explained in terms of protesters’ personal values, biographical availability, and network embeddedness. However, the form of mass protest may be influenced less by the microstructure of protesters and more by their collective past experiences of resistance. Through the South Korean candlelight protests of 2008 and 2016–2017, this article examines novices’ and repeaters’ perceptions of nonviolent protest. Onsite survey and interview data show that previous frustrating protest experiences in 2008 made repeater protesters more perseverant, even when violence was expected. Repeaters had little faith in “disciplined” protests, whereas novices hoped for change through “peaceful” protests. I argue that previous experiences of resistance and their outcomes influenced protesters’ perceptions on the efficiency and legitimacy of violent protest. By examining protesters’ varying perseverance, which mediates the condition of violence, this article advances the relationship between violence and civic participation.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"2 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138625557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110203
Benjamin Farrer, Linda Doyle, Soleil Smith
Extinction Rebellion emerged in 2018 in the United Kingdom, and their activism quickly attracted the media spotlight, leading to similar groups springing up around this world. This swift ascendancy led to considerable interest in what is new or different about them. In this article, we review existing theories about this, and add an additional perspective. We argue that their most innovative feature is how they connect their tactics to their goals—i.e. their disruptive strategy. We use an original survey of members to support this argument. Our conclusions help pinpoint what is innovative about Extinction Rebellion UK, as well as to better understand their lessons for the broader environmental movement, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.
{"title":"Goals, Strategies, and Tactics","authors":"Benjamin Farrer, Linda Doyle, Soleil Smith","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110203","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Extinction Rebellion emerged in 2018 in the United Kingdom, and their activism quickly attracted the media spotlight, leading to similar groups springing up around this world. This swift ascendancy led to considerable interest in what is new or different about them. In this article, we review existing theories about this, and add an additional perspective. We argue that their most innovative feature is how they connect their tactics to their goals—i.e. their disruptive strategy. We use an original survey of members to support this argument. Our conclusions help pinpoint what is innovative about Extinction Rebellion UK, as well as to better understand their lessons for the broader environmental movement, especially in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"5 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138625522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110205
Loïc Wacquant
Ethnoracial violence is a dynamic and multilayered phenomenon whose definition is at stake not only in academe but also in reality itself. It comes in two varieties, expressive and instrumental, when it serves to buttress the other four elementary forms of racial domination, namely, categorization, discrimination, segregation, and seclusion. I point out that the phenomenon is relatively rare and burdened with heavy moral baggage. I introduce distinctions based on directionality (vertical, horizontal), scale of the actors involved (individual, group, or state), degree of spectacularization, and type of ethnic classification system (categorical, gradational). The imperial domain offers an especially fruitful terrain for the comparative investigation and theoretical elaboration of the dynamics of racialization, violence, and the state. Students of human brutality in history should join hands with comparative scholars of race to throw new light on their explosive intersection.
{"title":"A Checkerboard of Ethnoracial Violence","authors":"Loïc Wacquant","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110205","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110205","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Ethnoracial violence is a dynamic and multilayered phenomenon whose definition is at stake not only in academe but also in reality itself. It comes in two varieties, expressive and instrumental, when it serves to buttress the other four elementary forms of racial domination, namely, categorization, discrimination, segregation, and seclusion. I point out that the phenomenon is relatively rare and burdened with heavy moral baggage. I introduce distinctions based on directionality (vertical, horizontal), scale of the actors involved (individual, group, or state), degree of spectacularization, and type of ethnic classification system (categorical, gradational). The imperial domain offers an especially fruitful terrain for the comparative investigation and theoretical elaboration of the dynamics of racialization, violence, and the state. Students of human brutality in history should join hands with comparative scholars of race to throw new light on their explosive intersection.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":" 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138612102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110103
Robyn E. Gulliver, R. Banks, K. Fielding, W. Louis
This article examines the strategies used by a democratic state to suppress dissent by criminalizing social protest activities. We compile and tabulate new legislation in Australia affecting protest rights from 2010 to 2020. Using data collected from the Facebook pages of 728 environmental groups and climate-related arrests reported in media articles, we then examine connections between climate change protest and protest criminalization in Australia between 2010 and 2019. Australian governments are shown to have criminalized climate protest via large-scale arrests by introducing laws curtailing protest freedoms and expanding police and corporate discretionary power in the application of those laws. State, corporate, and media actors are shown to engage in the rhetorical criminalization of climate protest, portraying protesters as threats to economic and political interests and to national security. However, the ongoing growth of climate change activism indicates that these criminalization strategies seeking to prevent climate protest may have been largely ineffective.
{"title":"The Criminalization of Climate Change Protest","authors":"Robyn E. Gulliver, R. Banks, K. Fielding, W. Louis","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110103","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article examines the strategies used by a democratic state to suppress dissent by criminalizing social protest activities. We compile and tabulate new legislation in Australia affecting protest rights from 2010 to 2020. Using data collected from the Facebook pages of 728 environmental groups and climate-related arrests reported in media articles, we then examine connections between climate change protest and protest criminalization in Australia between 2010 and 2019. Australian governments are shown to have criminalized climate protest via large-scale arrests by introducing laws curtailing protest freedoms and expanding police and corporate discretionary power in the application of those laws. State, corporate, and media actors are shown to engage in the rhetorical criminalization of climate protest, portraying protesters as threats to economic and political interests and to national security. However, the ongoing growth of climate change activism indicates that these criminalization strategies seeking to prevent climate protest may have been largely ineffective.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"114 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79374263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110104
Hedy Greijdanus, Sara Panerati, T. Postmes, R. Spears
We examine how anti-Trump democrats (N = 460), prior to the 2020 election, managed their options to protest, focusing on when moderate collective action predicts more radical intentions to protest. We investigate the relationship of moderate action involvement and effectiveness with radical action intentions and the effects of various other variables such as intergroup emotions, group identification, and political vs. participative efficacy. Although moderate action involvement is correlated with radical intentions, the effectiveness of moderate action is negatively related to radical intentions. Analogously, while political efficacy positively predicts radical action, participative efficacy negatively predicts radical action, both with increasing moderate action experience. Social-identity-based collective action models explain this radical use of political violence as protest (e.g., ESIM) and the counteracting effect of efficacy forms (SIDE, NTL).
{"title":"From Moderate Action to Radical Protest Intentions","authors":"Hedy Greijdanus, Sara Panerati, T. Postmes, R. Spears","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110104","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000We examine how anti-Trump democrats (N = 460), prior to the 2020 election, managed their options to protest, focusing on when moderate collective action predicts more radical intentions to protest. We investigate the relationship of moderate action involvement and effectiveness with radical action intentions and the effects of various other variables such as intergroup emotions, group identification, and political vs. participative efficacy. Although moderate action involvement is correlated with radical intentions, the effectiveness of moderate action is negatively related to radical intentions. Analogously, while political efficacy positively predicts radical action, participative efficacy negatively predicts radical action, both with increasing moderate action experience. Social-identity-based collective action models explain this radical use of political violence as protest (e.g., ESIM) and the counteracting effect of efficacy forms (SIDE, NTL).","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"188 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75390657","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110102
Matthew Abbey
In this article, I focus on how activism and art disrupt the necessity of queer migrants having to perform the role of the “good,” law-abiding migrant who desires inclusion into the nation. More specifically, I analyze how performing crime and illegality challenges the necessity of queer migrants who claim asylum adhering to stereotypes of vulnerability so as to be seen as deserving of legal status. First, I examine the #Rockumenta activism by LGBTQIA+ Refugees Welcome to understand how queer migrants engage with criminality to avoid being silenced. Next, I explore the photography series I Am Illegal by an anonymous artist to understand how queer migrants challenge the designation of illegality by immigration regimes. Instead of trying to prove anything to the viewer about queer migrants, I suggest both activist and artistic interventions shift the focus toward the inherent violence of immigration regimes.
{"title":"Queer Migration and the Performance of Crime and Illegality","authors":"Matthew Abbey","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110102","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In this article, I focus on how activism and art disrupt the necessity of queer migrants having to perform the role of the “good,” law-abiding migrant who desires inclusion into the nation. More specifically, I analyze how performing crime and illegality challenges the necessity of queer migrants who claim asylum adhering to stereotypes of vulnerability so as to be seen as deserving of legal status. First, I examine the #Rockumenta activism by LGBTQIA+ Refugees Welcome to understand how queer migrants engage with criminality to avoid being silenced. Next, I explore the photography series I Am Illegal by an anonymous artist to understand how queer migrants challenge the designation of illegality by immigration regimes. Instead of trying to prove anything to the viewer about queer migrants, I suggest both activist and artistic interventions shift the focus toward the inherent violence of immigration regimes.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"21 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73852147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110101
G. Travaglino, Cristina d’Aniello
This special issue explores the complex and multifaceted relationship between crime and protest. Crime may in some circumstances be considered a legitimate form of resistance against oppressive authorities. It may also be seen as an unacceptable form of violence or a symptom of social disorganization. Similarly, while protest is a tool for promoting social justice, it may be criminalized and treated as a threat to public order. The articles in this issue draw on a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to examine various aspects of the relationship between crime and protest. They explore strategies used by governments to suppress dissent, the relationship between moderate and radical protest actions, and the ways in which marginalized groups challenge the designations of illegality by immigration regimes. The articles demonstrate how crime and protest are deeply intertwined, and they provide new insights into the complexities of social activism and the challenges faced by those who engage in it.
{"title":"Crime as Protest, Protest as Crime","authors":"G. Travaglino, Cristina d’Aniello","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110101","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This special issue explores the complex and multifaceted relationship between crime and protest. Crime may in some circumstances be considered a legitimate form of resistance against oppressive authorities. It may also be seen as an unacceptable form of violence or a symptom of social disorganization. Similarly, while protest is a tool for promoting social justice, it may be criminalized and treated as a threat to public order. The articles in this issue draw on a range of theoretical and methodological approaches to examine various aspects of the relationship between crime and protest. They explore strategies used by governments to suppress dissent, the relationship between moderate and radical protest actions, and the ways in which marginalized groups challenge the designations of illegality by immigration regimes. The articles demonstrate how crime and protest are deeply intertwined, and they provide new insights into the complexities of social activism and the challenges faced by those who engage in it.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76804359","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-01DOI: 10.3167/cont.2023.110105
Matthieu Clément
This article discusses some theoretical issues relating to recent trends in global policing. It puts forward the argument that the growth in the scale of anti-police and anti-government protests since 2019 is an intensification of the repercussions of the global crisis of political economy since the 2008 crash and subsequent austerity measures. The focus is developments in the United States and the United Kingdom, where states and their agents of social control have hitherto relied upon a relatively stable hegemony in terms of public tolerance of the government monopoly of violence as exercised on the streets. However, the police–public consensus is fragile and governing institutions are finding it increasingly difficult to accept it. The repressive security measures employed by state agents only partly explain the current fragility in public trust in the police. We must also consider the institutional inability to recognize the degree of reform required to reassure citizens that their public safety is guaranteed. I explore how criminalization processes are feeding back upon public authorities, creating double binds from which they are struggling to extricate themselves.
{"title":"Deconstructing Criminalization Processes","authors":"Matthieu Clément","doi":"10.3167/cont.2023.110105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3167/cont.2023.110105","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article discusses some theoretical issues relating to recent trends in global policing. It puts forward the argument that the growth in the scale of anti-police and anti-government protests since 2019 is an intensification of the repercussions of the global crisis of political economy since the 2008 crash and subsequent austerity measures. The focus is developments in the United States and the United Kingdom, where states and their agents of social control have hitherto relied upon a relatively stable hegemony in terms of public tolerance of the government monopoly of violence as exercised on the streets. However, the police–public consensus is fragile and governing institutions are finding it increasingly difficult to accept it. The repressive security measures employed by state agents only partly explain the current fragility in public trust in the police. We must also consider the institutional inability to recognize the degree of reform required to reassure citizens that their public safety is guaranteed. I explore how criminalization processes are feeding back upon public authorities, creating double binds from which they are struggling to extricate themselves.","PeriodicalId":36466,"journal":{"name":"Contention","volume":"60 1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89353755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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