In the review/edit/review stages, the "acknowledgements" section on p. 289 did not fully emerge and the author of the article asked the editors to include a different version of the acknowledgements only after the proofs have been approved by the author and the article has been published. The information about this correction shall appear in Journal of Regional Security Vol. 18, No. 1 both, in print and online.
{"title":"Correction: \"(En)Acting Our Experience: Combat Veterans, Veteranality, and Building Resilience to Extremism,\" (2022, Vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 267-292)","authors":"Board Editorial","doi":"10.5937/jrs18-45569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs18-45569","url":null,"abstract":"In the review/edit/review stages, the \"acknowledgements\" section on p. 289 did not fully emerge and the author of the article asked the editors to include a different version of the acknowledgements only after the proofs have been approved by the author and the article has been published. The information about this correction shall appear in Journal of Regional Security Vol. 18, No. 1 both, in print and online.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135947795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.5937/jouregsec20220829-003
Georgi Asatryan
{"title":"Fravel Taylor: Active defense: China's military strategy since 1949, Princeton University Press, 2019","authors":"Georgi Asatryan","doi":"10.5937/jouregsec20220829-003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jouregsec20220829-003","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"71240185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Irrespective of the historical period, there are always events of central importance which shape trends in international relations. Around them formed systems, paradigms, contours of rivalry, often turning into wars. Sometimes, periods of peaceful coexistence occur. According to numerous political scientists, such an event is the growing rivalry between the United States and China. Particular prerequisites for the growing tension were noticeable even during the presidency of Barack Obama. During Donald Trump’s mandate in the White House, the totality of contradictions reached a red line, which resulted in further tightening of their relations. Under the current US President, Joseph Biden, US – Chinese relations have reached, perhaps, a certain point, after which we can almost talk about an open confrontation on multiple fields, such as the trade, economy, technology, cyberspace, human rights, the military and geopolitics.
{"title":"Fravel, Taylor. 2019. Active Defense: China’s Military Strategy since 1949. Princeton University Press, 396 pp. $ 24.95 (Paperback)","authors":"Georgi Asatryan","doi":"10.5937/jrs0-33149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-33149","url":null,"abstract":"Irrespective of the historical period, there are always events of central importance which shape trends in international relations. Around them formed systems, paradigms, contours of rivalry, often turning into wars. Sometimes, periods of peaceful coexistence occur. According to numerous political scientists, such an event is the growing rivalry between the United States and China. Particular prerequisites for the growing tension were noticeable even during the presidency of Barack Obama. During Donald Trump’s mandate in the White House, the totality of contradictions reached a red line, which resulted in further tightening of their relations. Under the current US President, Joseph Biden, US – Chinese relations have reached, perhaps, a certain point, after which we can almost talk about an open confrontation on multiple fields, such as the trade, economy, technology, cyberspace, human rights, the military and geopolitics.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45024192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Book review Auslin, Michael R. 2020. Asia’s New Geopolitics: Essays on Reshaping the Indo-Pacific. Hoover Institution Press, 263 pp. $21.72 (Paperback)","authors":"Georgi Asatryan","doi":"10.5937/jrs0-33148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-33148","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46835304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study analyzes how the process of integrating ethnically-distinct enclaves into state organizations after conflict, specifically in the field security, affects stability and patterns of violence after institutional settlements. The primary argument I develop is that integrating existing local security networks as ‘new entrants’ into the official ‘market of public goods’ can bind potential spoilers to state institutions and disincentivize them from using violence. However as new entrants to the market, they are overshadowed by established state institutions. To gain a share of the market, they engage in ‘capture’ of local institutions by aligning with local political leaders, who can affect the regulations of local security and policing within distinct locales. In this sense local security capture, though often paradoxical to rule of law institutions, can not only facilitate policing of a distinct group, but enforce state institutions. Findings from three cases - Kosovo, Serbia, and North Macedonia - further illustrate that foreign peace actors are key in the process of facilitating capture by preventing the state from monopolizing security.
{"title":"Local security capture after conflict in the Western Balkans: new security entrants and stability","authors":"C. Jackson","doi":"10.5937/jrs0-31813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-31813","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes how the process of integrating ethnically-distinct enclaves into state organizations after conflict, specifically in the field security, affects stability and patterns of violence after institutional settlements. The primary argument I develop is that integrating existing local security networks as ‘new entrants’ into the official ‘market of public goods’ can bind potential spoilers to state institutions and disincentivize them from using violence. However as new entrants to the market, they are overshadowed by established state institutions. To gain a share of the market, they engage in ‘capture’ of local institutions by aligning with local political leaders, who can affect the regulations of local security and policing within distinct locales. In this sense local security capture, though often paradoxical to rule of law institutions, can not only facilitate policing of a distinct group, but enforce state institutions. Findings from three cases - Kosovo, Serbia, and North Macedonia - further illustrate that foreign peace actors are key in the process of facilitating capture by preventing the state from monopolizing security. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46448631","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
State capture is a deliberate political undertaking, the main goal of which is the acquisition of unrestricted state power that in turn enables the unhindered and unsanctioned pursuit of the narrow interests of political elites to the detriment of the public good. Due the very nature of how they are organised and operate, the security services first become targets of these processes, later becoming their principle agents. Indeed, political elites and security services are natural partners in this endeavour, with the very process of state capture coming to resemble a complex intelligence operation. Even though the experiences of many countries bear this out, attempts to research the role of security services in a systematic and theoretically grounded manner remain rare. Using recent theoretical definitions of state capture as a springboard, this study aims to determine the factors, conditions and mechanisms that facilitate the rapid capture of security services and their further use in capturing the state. This will be explored through the example of Serbia – a country that, two decades on from the start of its democratic transformation, is now a captured state sliding towards autocracy.
{"title":"State Capture of and by the Security Services in Serbia","authors":"P. Petrović","doi":"10.5937/jrs0-29333","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs0-29333","url":null,"abstract":"State capture is a deliberate political undertaking, the main goal of which is the acquisition of unrestricted state power that in turn enables the unhindered and unsanctioned pursuit of the narrow interests of political elites to the detriment of the public good. Due the very nature of how they are organised and operate, the security services first become targets of these processes, later becoming their principle agents. Indeed, political elites and security services are natural partners in this endeavour, with the very process of state capture coming to resemble a complex intelligence operation. Even though the experiences of many countries bear this out, attempts to research the role of security services in a systematic and theoretically grounded manner remain rare. Using recent theoretical definitions of state capture as a springboard, this study aims to determine the factors, conditions and mechanisms that facilitate the rapid capture of security services and their further use in capturing the state. This will be explored through the example of Serbia – a country that, two decades on from the start of its democratic transformation, is now a captured state sliding towards autocracy.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43955983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Will China’s rise lead to Chinese hegemony? Most International Relations scholars would answer in the negative, contending the road to a global hegemony remains well beyond Beijing’s capabilities. In Asia, however, China’s formidable economy, technological advancement, rapidly modernizing military forces, and geopolitical moves look outright hegemonic – a fact that United States attempts to “pivot” and “rebalance” to that region have put into sharp relief. To assess the prospects of a new regional hegemony, this paper considers the “economic,” “security” and “cultural” relations of eleven Asian states with both Beijing and Washington. The overall results induce skepticism about China’s ability to reorder its region. Although significant and growing, China’s network of “strategic partners” is minor compared to that centered on the United States. Sightings of an Asian Pax Sinica are at best premature.
{"title":"China and its Region: An Assessment of Hegemonic Prospects","authors":"Srdjan Vucetic","doi":"10.31235/osf.io/mu8hg","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/mu8hg","url":null,"abstract":"Will China’s rise lead to Chinese hegemony? Most International Relations scholars would answer in the negative, contending the road to a global hegemony remains well beyond Beijing’s capabilities. In Asia, however, China’s formidable economy, technological advancement, rapidly modernizing military forces, and geopolitical moves look outright hegemonic – a fact that United States attempts to “pivot” and “rebalance” to that region have put into sharp relief. To assess the prospects of a new regional hegemony, this paper considers the “economic,” “security” and “cultural” relations of eleven Asian states with both Beijing and Washington. The overall results induce skepticism about China’s ability to reorder its region. Although significant and growing, China’s network of “strategic partners” is minor compared to that centered on the United States. Sightings of an Asian Pax Sinica are at best premature.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43182903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Nordic countries interact with Russia not only in the Baltic Sea region but also in the Barents region and the Polar Arctic. In order to get a full picture of the underlying dynamics, individual Nordic Russia-relations should be studied in a comprehensive framework. The framework applied here is one of great power wedging in regional dynamics. With geopolitical differences and mutual idiosyncracies, the Nordic soil has traditionally been fertile for great powers seeking to 'divide and rule', and Russia has apparently succeeded since about 2000. However, in the wake of Russia's involvement in the Ukraine conflict and the election of Donald Trump as US president, geopolitical interests seem to be converging with fairly even threat perceptions being found in Nordic capitals. This will strengthen security and defence cooperation, although a common Nordic Russia-policy is unlikely. All four countries, in particular Sweden, face difficult dilemmas in this new situation.
{"title":"The Nordic region: Can Russia 'divide and rule'? Four Russo-Nordic relations after Crimea and Trump","authors":"H. Mouritzen","doi":"10.5937/jrsl4-23155","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrsl4-23155","url":null,"abstract":"The Nordic countries interact with Russia not only in the Baltic Sea region but also in the Barents region and the Polar Arctic. In order to get a full picture of the underlying dynamics, individual Nordic Russia-relations should be studied in a comprehensive framework. The framework applied here is one of great power wedging in regional dynamics. With geopolitical differences and mutual idiosyncracies, the Nordic soil has traditionally been fertile for great powers seeking to 'divide and rule', and Russia has apparently succeeded since about 2000. However, in the wake of Russia's involvement in the Ukraine conflict and the election of Donald Trump as US president, geopolitical interests seem to be converging with fairly even threat perceptions being found in Nordic capitals. This will strengthen security and defence cooperation, although a common Nordic Russia-policy is unlikely. All four countries, in particular Sweden, face difficult dilemmas in this new situation.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45899843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A. Rodt, Johannes Tvilling, Peter Horne Zaartsdahl, Nabila Habbida, E. Gillette, Savannah Simons, Khadir Abdi, Jenny Berglund, Virginia Fernandez Arguedas, Sonja Stojanović Gajić, Marija Ignjatijevic
This article appraises the EU’s approach to preventing further insecurity in the Western Balkans and the Horn of Africa. The purpose of this endeavour is to determine whether EU efforts meet needs on the ground as well as in Brussels. The article identifies similar sources albeit different degrees of instability across the two regions. It reviews EU strategies and CSDP missions deployed in response and evaluates the effectiveness of two such missions: EULEX Kosovo and EUCAP Nestor/Somalia. The study does not find failures as such in the strategies developed or missions deployed, but it does conclude that while relatively effective from a EU perspective this approach is less effective in providing security on the ground.
{"title":"The EU approach to security provision in the Western Balkans and Horn of Africa","authors":"A. Rodt, Johannes Tvilling, Peter Horne Zaartsdahl, Nabila Habbida, E. Gillette, Savannah Simons, Khadir Abdi, Jenny Berglund, Virginia Fernandez Arguedas, Sonja Stojanović Gajić, Marija Ignjatijevic","doi":"10.5937/jrs14-22898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrs14-22898","url":null,"abstract":"This article appraises the EU’s approach to preventing further insecurity in the Western Balkans and the Horn of Africa. The purpose of this endeavour is to determine whether EU efforts meet needs on the ground as well as in Brussels. The article identifies similar sources albeit different degrees of instability across the two regions. It reviews EU strategies and CSDP missions deployed in response and evaluates the effectiveness of two such missions: EULEX Kosovo and EUCAP Nestor/Somalia. The study does not find failures as such in the strategies developed or missions deployed, but it does conclude that while relatively effective from a EU perspective this approach is less effective in providing security on the ground.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47752899","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rodt Peen Annemarie, Johannes Tvilling, Peter Horne-Zaartsdahl, Nabila Habbida, E. Gillette, Savannah Simons, Khadir Abdi, Jenny Berglund, Virginia Fernandez-Arguedas, Sonja Stojanović-Gajić, Marija Ignjatijevic
This article appraises the EU's approach to preventing further in security in the Western Balkans and the Horn of Africa. The purpose of this endeavour is to determine whether EU efforts meet needs on the ground as well as in Brussels. The article identifies similar sources albeit different degrees of instability across the two regions. It reviews EU strategies and CSDP missions deployed in response and evaluates the effectiveness of two such missions: EULEX Kosovo and EUCAP Nestor/Somalia. The study does not find failures as such in the strategies developed or missions deployed, but it does conclude that while relatively effective from an EU perspective this approach is less effective in providing security on the ground.
{"title":"The EU approach to security provision in the Western Balkans and the Horn of Africa","authors":"Rodt Peen Annemarie, Johannes Tvilling, Peter Horne-Zaartsdahl, Nabila Habbida, E. Gillette, Savannah Simons, Khadir Abdi, Jenny Berglund, Virginia Fernandez-Arguedas, Sonja Stojanović-Gajić, Marija Ignjatijevic","doi":"10.5937/jrsl4-22898","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5937/jrsl4-22898","url":null,"abstract":"This article appraises the EU's approach to preventing further in security in the Western Balkans and the Horn of Africa. The purpose of this endeavour is to determine whether EU efforts meet needs on the ground as well as in Brussels. The article identifies similar sources albeit different degrees of instability across the two regions. It reviews EU strategies and CSDP missions deployed in response and evaluates the effectiveness of two such missions: EULEX Kosovo and EUCAP Nestor/Somalia. The study does not find failures as such in the strategies developed or missions deployed, but it does conclude that while relatively effective from an EU perspective this approach is less effective in providing security on the ground.","PeriodicalId":36669,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Regional Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-08-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44831580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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