This essay uses entangled political economy to explore how concerns over Covid-19 have influenced conduct within the public square. Entangled political economy represents a merging of ideas that Frank Knight (1933) and Harold Lasswell (1936) set forth to indicate that politics and economics dealt with the same societal material. We explore the relationship between entanglement and public reason within a context of Michael Polanyi’s (1962) conceptualization of a Republic of Science. The point of our paper is not to offer some critique of particular policy measures but to advance our understanding of how democratic societies operate in stressful times. It seems patently clear that Covid-19 presents some difficult problems of public health regarding a sometimes-lethal contagious disease that spreads through personal interaction. Times of crisis like that which many people think Covid-19 presents surely amplifies the challenges that policy formation presents to democratic societies. Our interest in this paper, however, lies not in selecting among different policies that people have proposed to combat the pandemic. Rather, we explore the properties of different organizational arrangements through which contestation among political, economic, and scientific entities influence the emergence of societal outcomes. To do this, we adopt the approach of entangled political economy which Wagner (2016) summarizes. Entangled political economy contrasts with the standard notion of additive political economy. With additive political economy, political action is independent of economic action as is entailed in the presumption that political action offsets market failures. In contrast, with entangled political activity there is continual interaction between political and economic entities, sometimes to mutual advantage and sometimes not, but politics and economics do not represent distinct realms of activity in any case. At the core of our analysis lies recognition of the wisdom of Frank Knight’s oft-made remark that our most severe problem with knowledge does not lie in what we don’t know but rather lies in what we know that isn’t true. There might well be one best response to Covid-19, but there is no universal agreement about what that response might be. Many people claim to know what’s best, and not all of them can be right. In the face of such systemic ignorance, there is no effective option to relying on processes of social contestation to winnow down the possibilities. Hence, we focus on contestation within a policy-making processes that entails interaction among political, economic, and scientific entities. That contestation, moreover, cuts across different linguistic communities. The scientific community mostly uses languages grounded in concepts and categories of such fields as molecular biology, epidemiology, virology, and statistics. The commercial or economic community mostly works with languages grounded in revenue, costs, and profits. The political c
本文使用纠缠的政治经济学来探讨对Covid-19的担忧如何影响公共广场内的行为。纠缠的政治经济学代表了弗兰克·奈特(Frank Knight, 1933)和哈罗德·拉斯韦尔(Harold Lasswell, 1936)提出的观点的融合，表明政治和经济学处理的是相同的社会材料。我们在迈克尔·波兰尼(1962)科学共和国概念化的背景下探讨纠缠与公共理性之间的关系。我们这篇论文的重点不是对特定的政策措施提出一些批评，而是促进我们对民主社会在紧张时期如何运作的理解。很明显，Covid-19提出了一些公共卫生难题，这是一种有时致命的传染病，通过人际互动传播。像许多人认为Covid-19所带来的危机时期，肯定会放大政策形成对民主社会的挑战。然而，我们对本文的兴趣不在于从人们提出的防治这一流行病的不同政策中进行选择。相反，我们探索了不同组织安排的属性，通过这些组织安排，政治、经济和科学实体之间的争论影响了社会结果的出现。为此，我们采用了瓦格纳(Wagner, 2016)总结的纠缠政治经济学方法。纠缠型政治经济学与累加型政治经济学的标准概念形成对比。在加法政治经济学中，政治行动独立于经济行动，因为政治行动抵消了市场失灵的假设。相比之下，在纠缠的政治活动中，政治和经济实体之间存在着持续的互动，有时是互利的，有时不是，但政治和经济在任何情况下都不代表不同的活动领域。我们分析的核心在于承认弗兰克·奈特(Frank Knight)常说的一句话的智慧:我们最严重的知识问题不在于我们不知道的东西，而在于我们知道的不真实的东西。对Covid-19可能有一种最佳应对措施，但对于这种应对措施可能是什么，人们没有普遍的共识。许多人声称知道什么是最好的，但并非所有人都是正确的。面对这种系统性的无知，除了依靠社会争论的过程来筛选可能性之外，没有任何有效的选择。因此，我们将重点放在需要政治、经济和科学实体之间相互作用的决策过程中的争论。此外，这种争论跨越了不同的语言群体。科学界使用的语言大多基于分子生物学、流行病学、病毒学和统计学等领域的概念和类别。商业或经济社区主要使用基于收入、成本和利润的语言。政治团体的工作大多是基于公众认知的语言，并将技术类别和概念简化为直觉上合理或可信的。因此，争论的社会过程就像一个三环马戏团，主要政治圈的活动受到商业和科学圈内活动的影响，这种影响是双向的。我们从纠缠的政治经济学的角度考察了Covid-19的社会影响，该观点将社会解释为相互作用的企业的密集而复杂的生态。纠缠政治经济学的框架是建立在认识到知识的分散性的基础上的。在这个分析框架内，政策与其说是某个执政联盟的选择对象，不如说是通过政治竞争的组织结构过程形成的利益参与者之间相互作用的新结果(Podemska-Mikluch 2014)。纠缠政治经济学的框架让人想起了20世纪30年代与芝加哥大学有关的两位学术巨头弗兰克·h·奈特(Frank H. Knight, 1933)和哈罗德·d·拉斯韦尔(Harold D. laswell, 1936)的构想，他们两人都对经济学和政治领域提出了几乎一致的观点，近一个世纪后，这种观点现在被贴上了纠缠政治经济学的标签。在《经济组织》(The Economic Organization, 1933)一书中，奈特解释说，任何社会都必须解决同样的一系列问题:生产什么，如何生产，以及不同的人将获得多少产出。在非常小的社会中，这些决定可能是通过一些集体选择的程序明确做出的。在大型社会中，这种明确的选择是不可能的。尽管如此，即使在最大的社会中，这三套决定也是必要的。
{"title":"Pandemic Politics within a System of Entangled Political Economy","authors":"Marta Podemska-Mikluch, R. Wagner","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3682167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3682167","url":null,"abstract":"This essay uses entangled political economy to explore how concerns over Covid-19 have influenced conduct within the public square. Entangled political economy represents a merging of ideas that Frank Knight (1933) and Harold Lasswell (1936) set forth to indicate that politics and economics dealt with the same societal material. We explore the relationship between entanglement and public reason within a context of Michael Polanyi’s (1962) conceptualization of a Republic of Science. The point of our paper is not to offer some critique of particular policy measures but to advance our understanding of how democratic societies operate in stressful times.\u0000It seems patently clear that Covid-19 presents some difficult problems of public health regarding a sometimes-lethal contagious disease that spreads through personal interaction. Times of crisis like that which many people think Covid-19 presents surely amplifies the challenges that policy formation presents to democratic societies. Our interest in this paper, however, lies not in selecting among different policies that people have proposed to combat the pandemic. Rather, we explore the properties of different organizational arrangements through which contestation among political, economic, and scientific entities influence the emergence of societal outcomes. To do this, we adopt the approach of entangled political economy which Wagner (2016) summarizes. Entangled political economy contrasts with the standard notion of additive political economy. With additive political economy, political action is independent of economic action as is entailed in the presumption that political action offsets market failures. In contrast, with entangled political activity there is continual interaction between political and economic entities, sometimes to mutual advantage and sometimes not, but politics and economics do not represent distinct realms of activity in any case.\u0000At the core of our analysis lies recognition of the wisdom of Frank Knight’s oft-made remark that our most severe problem with knowledge does not lie in what we don’t know but rather lies in what we know that isn’t true. There might well be one best response to Covid-19, but there is no universal agreement about what that response might be. Many people claim to know what’s best, and not all of them can be right. In the face of such systemic ignorance, there is no effective option to relying on processes of social contestation to winnow down the possibilities. Hence, we focus on contestation within a policy-making processes that entails interaction among political, economic, and scientific entities. That contestation, moreover, cuts across different linguistic communities. The scientific community mostly uses languages grounded in concepts and categories of such fields as molecular biology, epidemiology, virology, and statistics. The commercial or economic community mostly works with languages grounded in revenue, costs, and profits. The political c","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81762116","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Message from the Editors","authors":"","doi":"10.3790/schm.140.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.140.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73858437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Current efforts of reconciling economics with ethics, as exemplified by the works of Amartya Sen, may be assisted by a glance back into the history of ideas. A tradition typically overlooked in Anglo-American scholarship, the Spanish and Latin America movement of krausismo, proposed a conception of a humanistic economics already in the late 19th century. This article reconstructs the intellectual premises of said tradition, portrays its participatory agenda for an integration of ethical norms into economic policy in a selected case and concludes with reflections on how to advance an economics in tune with society’s normative aspirations.
{"title":"The Humanistic Economics of Krausismo","authors":"C. Dierksmeier","doi":"10.3790/schm.140.1.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.140.1.65","url":null,"abstract":"Current efforts of reconciling economics with ethics, as exemplified by the works of Amartya Sen, may be assisted by a glance back into the history of ideas. A tradition typically overlooked in Anglo-American scholarship, the Spanish and Latin America movement of krausismo, proposed a conception of a humanistic economics already in the late 19th century. This article reconstructs the intellectual premises of said tradition, portrays its participatory agenda for an integration of ethical norms into economic policy in a selected case and concludes with reflections on how to advance an economics in tune with society’s normative aspirations.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85363204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper studies resource making and the emergence of proto-institutions in Tafel Deutschland, an umbrella organization for more than 940 food banks or pantries in Germany, deploying a hermeneutical context model. Shedding light on value co-creation processes in the German Tafel field, we analyze how the activities and interpretations of or within Tafel organizations devoted to resource integration and resource making relate to their two missions and how their methods of dealing with conflict have led to the emergence of proto-institutions. The economic value co-created within in the Tafel field builds on the creation of social and ecological value. The context affects economic and social value co-created within the Tafel field differently: Whereas economic value rests on individual experience and perception, the social value resulting from the field actors’ activities is subject to dispute and defense.
{"title":"Resource-Making and Proto-Institutions in the German Tafel Field: Applying a Hermeneutical Context Model","authors":"M. Haase, Ingrid Becker","doi":"10.3790/schm.140.1.31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.140.1.31","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies resource making and the emergence of proto-institutions in Tafel Deutschland, an umbrella organization for more than 940 food banks or pantries in Germany, deploying a hermeneutical context model. Shedding light on value co-creation processes in the German Tafel field, we analyze how the activities and interpretations of or within Tafel organizations devoted to resource integration and resource making relate to their two missions and how their methods of dealing with conflict have led to the emergence of proto-institutions. The economic value co-created within in the Tafel field builds on the creation of social and ecological value. The context affects economic and social value co-created within the Tafel field differently: Whereas economic value rests on individual experience and perception, the social value resulting from the field actors’ activities is subject to dispute and defense.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73301622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.3790/schm.139.2-4.285
D. Mccloskey
Liberalism, as Fukuyama assured in 1989, is the end the telos of history. “Liberalism” is to be understood as a society of adult non-slaves, liberi in Latin. It arose for sufficient reasons in northwestern Europe in the 18th century, and uniquely denied the hierarchy of agricultural societies hitherto. It inspired ordinary people to extraordinary acts of innovation, called the Great Enrichment. How “great:” a stunning 3,000 percent increase in real GDP for the poorest people, from 1800 to the present, and now spreading to China, India and the rest of the world. It was equalizing. For it to happen, there had to be an ideological liberalization à la Walter Lippmann. And yet it was opposed by a rising ideology of statism, from the New Liberals in Britain to the right and left populists today. We need to defend a liberalism that causes humans to flourish, and resist its proliferating enemies on the left, right, and center.
{"title":"Fukuyama Was Correct: Liberalism Is the Telos of History","authors":"D. Mccloskey","doi":"10.3790/schm.139.2-4.285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.285","url":null,"abstract":"Liberalism, as Fukuyama assured in 1989, is the end the telos of history. “Liberalism” is to be understood as a society of adult non-slaves, liberi in Latin. It arose for sufficient reasons in northwestern Europe in the 18th century, and uniquely denied the hierarchy of agricultural societies hitherto. It inspired ordinary people to extraordinary acts of innovation, called the Great Enrichment. How “great:” a stunning 3,000 percent increase in real GDP for the poorest people, from 1800 to the present, and now spreading to China, India and the rest of the world. It was equalizing. For it to happen, there had to be an ideological liberalization à la Walter Lippmann. And yet it was opposed by a rising ideology of statism, from the New Liberals in Britain to the right and left populists today. We need to defend a liberalism that causes humans to flourish, and resist its proliferating enemies on the left, right, and center.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80471381","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.3790/schm.139.2-4.225
Arnaud Diemer
While the re-foundation of liberalism is generally attributed to the Colloque Walter Lippmann, it should be recalled that the supporters of this renewed liberalism intended to stand together in the face of the advance of planism, the problem of industrial concentration, and the rise of the limited liability company. This paper focuses on the groups known today under the captions of French neoliberalism and German ordoliberalism who, at the Colloque and in the following decades, sought to bring together ideas and people with the objective of defining the foundations of a liberal society and state interventions compatible with the market.
{"title":"The Colloque Walter Lippmann: How to Rebuild the Foundations of Liberalism?","authors":"Arnaud Diemer","doi":"10.3790/schm.139.2-4.225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.225","url":null,"abstract":"While the re-foundation of liberalism is generally attributed to the Colloque Walter Lippmann, it should be recalled that the supporters of this renewed liberalism intended to stand together in the face of the advance of planism, the problem of industrial concentration, and the rise of the limited liability company. This paper focuses on the groups known today under the captions of French neoliberalism and German ordoliberalism who, at the Colloque and in the following decades, sought to bring together ideas and people with the objective of defining the foundations of a liberal society and state interventions compatible with the market.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75590267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.3790/schm.139.2-4.259
N. Karlson
Liberalism is losing ground, while populist or even authoritarian nationalist regimes are on the rise. This article argues that the causes of the decline are, at least partly, endogenous, that a narrow focus on economic efficiency and the successful critique of socialism and the welfare state have created an idea vacuum that has opened up for these illiberal tendencies. The conclusion is that a central challenge for liberalism is to offer a comprehensive idea and narrative about meaning and community that is not socialist, conservative or nationalist, but distinctly liberal, to counter these developments.
{"title":"The Idea Vacuum of Liberalism and the Quest for Meaning and Community","authors":"N. Karlson","doi":"10.3790/schm.139.2-4.259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.259","url":null,"abstract":"Liberalism is losing ground, while populist or even authoritarian nationalist regimes are on the rise. This article argues that the causes of the decline are, at least partly, endogenous, that a narrow focus on economic efficiency and the successful critique of socialism and the welfare state have created an idea vacuum that has opened up for these illiberal tendencies. The conclusion is that a central challenge for liberalism is to offer a comprehensive idea and narrative about meaning and community that is not socialist, conservative or nationalist, but distinctly liberal, to counter these developments.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78892336","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.3790/schm.139.2-4.385
Richard Sturn
The liberal order is conceptualized as an artificial public good of higher order associated with nondiscriminatory provision of first-order public goods such as security and stability of possession. Problems of the liberal order and of liberalism as a political force are explained as a combined result of political challenges endogenously emerging in the economic sphere (including modern phenomena such as incomplete contracts, network externalities, and asymmetries specifically relevant in the digital economy), intertwined with problematic political reactions. There is no robust algorithm for coping with ensuing vicious circles of economic power and shadow politics, due to the intricacies of institutional adaptations required for maintaining the basic architecture of the liberal order under changing circumstances. Conclusions are offered with regard to current challenges of protectionist populism.
{"title":"Endogenous Power and Crises of the Liberal Order","authors":"Richard Sturn","doi":"10.3790/schm.139.2-4.385","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.385","url":null,"abstract":"The liberal order is conceptualized as an artificial public good of higher order associated with nondiscriminatory provision of first-order public goods such as security and stability of possession. Problems of the liberal order and of liberalism as a political force are explained as a combined result of political challenges endogenously emerging in the economic sphere (including modern phenomena such as incomplete contracts, network externalities, and asymmetries specifically relevant in the digital economy), intertwined with problematic political reactions. There is no robust algorithm for coping with ensuing vicious circles of economic power and shadow politics, due to the intricacies of institutional adaptations required for maintaining the basic architecture of the liberal order under changing circumstances. Conclusions are offered with regard to current challenges of protectionist populism.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75200850","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-04-01DOI: 10.3790/schm.139.2-4.365
Jan Schnellenbach
A classical liberal market order relies on competition which, in a neoliberal perspective, should be supported by a government regulating the admissible degree of market power. Market competition itself is seen as an engine of innovation and growth. The downside of such a classical liberal market order is a lack of economic security for market participants. It is the very core of such an order that it enforces consumer sovereignty, but the demand articulated by consumers vis-à-vis single suppliers can be volatile. In this article, we revisit the classical liberal debate on means of providing economic security. We then discuss the problem in a contractarian framework that allows for conflicts between individual absolute values. We argue that political institutions that facilitate an open debate on these conflicting values are essential, and that attempts to derive optimal sizes of welfare states in a technocratic fashion are futile.
{"title":"Revisiting the Tension Between Classical Liberalism and the Welfare State","authors":"Jan Schnellenbach","doi":"10.3790/schm.139.2-4.365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/schm.139.2-4.365","url":null,"abstract":"A classical liberal market order relies on competition which, in a neoliberal perspective, should be supported by a government regulating the admissible degree of market power. Market competition itself is seen as an engine of innovation and growth. The downside of such a classical liberal market order is a lack of economic security for market participants. It is the very core of such an order that it enforces consumer sovereignty, but the demand articulated by consumers vis-à-vis single suppliers can be volatile. In this article, we revisit the classical liberal debate on means of providing economic security. We then discuss the problem in a contractarian framework that allows for conflicts between individual absolute values. We argue that political institutions that facilitate an open debate on these conflicting values are essential, and that attempts to derive optimal sizes of welfare states in a technocratic fashion are futile.","PeriodicalId":36775,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Contextual Economics-Schmollers Jahrbuch","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82917769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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