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The False Promise of Constitutionalism 宪政的虚假承诺
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.44
Bojan Bugarič
Constitutional engineering is a complicated practice, and much less is known about the relationship between constitutionalism and democracy than many are willing to admit. A cursory look at the political science literature reveals that constitutional design has only a moderate to small impact on the stability of a democratic regime. This is not to suggest that constitutionalism is altogether irrelevant, but the findings of different social scientists suggest that we should be humbler and more realistic about the role of constitutionalism and institutions in fostering peace, democracy, and development. Anna Saunders's article, “Constitution-Making as a Technique of International Law: Reconsidering the Post-War Inheritance,” provides an important contribution to such a realistic reassessment of constitutionalism. Nevertheless, her critique of constitutional assistance needs to be developed further, examining the limitations of constitutional law in itself as a promoter of peace and democracy, rather than just the fact that material and economic questions are often neglected in international constitution-making. A key question is not so much whether and how to create a better constitutional design that would integrate economic and structural issues more openly, but, more fundamentally, whether traditional constitutional approaches are in fact appropriate for the promotion of peace, democracy, and development in post-conflict settings. In this essay, I argue for a democratic and experimentalist form of constitutionalism, which is often at odds with the core ideas of traditional constitutionalism, namely, rigidity and entrenchment.
宪法工程是一项复杂的实践,人们对宪政与民主之间关系的了解远比许多人愿意承认的要少。粗略地看一下政治学文献就会发现,宪法设计对民主政权的稳定只有适度到很小的影响。这并不是说宪政完全无关紧要,但不同社会科学家的研究结果表明,我们应该更谦虚、更现实地看待宪政和制度在促进和平、民主和发展方面的作用。安娜·桑德斯(Anna Saunders)的文章《作为国际法技术的制宪:对战后遗产的重新思考》为这种对宪政的现实重新评估做出了重要贡献。然而,她对宪法援助的批评需要进一步发展,审查宪法本身作为和平与民主促进者的局限性,而不仅仅是在国际宪法制定中经常忽视物质和经济问题这一事实。关键问题不在于是否以及如何创造一个更好的宪法设计,以更公开地将经济和结构问题结合起来,而在于,更根本的是,传统的宪法方法是否确实适合于在冲突后的环境中促进和平、民主和发展。在这篇文章中,我主张民主和实验主义形式的宪政,这往往与传统宪政的核心思想,即刚性和壕壕不一致。
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引用次数: 0
Franz Neumann and Ernst Fraenkel on the Liberal Democratic Constitutional Project 弗朗茨·诺伊曼和恩斯特·弗伦克尔论自由民主宪政计划
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.45
David Dyzenhaus
I want to explore a tension in Anna Saunders's rich argument because it confronts much scholarship critical of what we can think of as the liberal democratic constitutional project (LDCP), and which has its roots in debates in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries sparked by the Marxist critique of capitalism. The tension is between the following two claims that she makes in her article, “Constitution-Making as a Technique of International Law: Reconsidering the Post-war Inheritance.” First, LDCP focuses on the formal dimension of institutional design and thereby fails to pay attention to a significant dimension of a constitutional order: its material basis. In this case, the remedy might seem simple: “Pay attention!” The second claim, however, is that the formal structure of LDCP is formal in name only. It has its own material basis in the ideology of neoliberalism. If, then, one is concerned as Saunders is about a material basis that reproduces social inequality and economic exploitation, the remedy is to abandon LDCP. My exploration is through Saunders's attention to the divergent analyses of the Nazi state set out by Franz Neumann and Ernst Fraenkel in the 1930s as the launching pad for her investigation of the structure of thought that underpins LDCP and her suggestion that Fraenkel is responsible for the juridical turn in LDCP. I start with some biography, in part inspired by the way in which Saunders weaves the personal and the political into her narrative. It helps to show that the turn is not in itself problematic and, as I conclude, that material questions need to be posed and answered within the framework of a well-designed constitutional order.
我想探讨安娜·桑德斯丰富的论证中的一种紧张关系,因为它与许多对我们所认为的自由民主宪政计划(LDCP)持批评态度的学术观点相抵触,这种观点源于19世纪末和20世纪初马克思主义对资本主义的批判所引发的辩论。她在文章《作为国际法技术的制宪:重新考虑战后遗产》中提出了以下两种主张。首先,LDCP关注的是制度设计的形式维度,因而未能关注宪政秩序的一个重要维度:它的物质基础。在这种情况下,补救措施似乎很简单:“注意!”然而,第二种说法是,LDCP的形式结构只是名义上的形式。它在新自由主义意识形态中有自己的物质基础。因此,如果一个人像桑德斯那样关心再现社会不平等和经济剥削的物质基础,那么补救办法就是放弃LDCP。我的探索是通过桑德斯对弗朗茨·诺伊曼和恩斯特·弗伦克尔在20世纪30年代提出的纳粹国家的不同分析的关注,作为她对支撑LDCP的思想结构的调查的跳板,并建议弗伦克尔对LDCP的司法转向负责。我从一些传记开始,部分灵感来自桑德斯将个人和政治交织到她的叙述中的方式。它有助于表明,这种转变本身并没有问题,正如我的结论,实质性问题需要在设计良好的宪法秩序框架内提出和回答。
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引用次数: 0
The International Law Commission, the Institut, and States 国际法委员会、研究所和各国
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.38
Dire Tladi
Unlike the International Law Association (ILA) and the Institut de Droit International (the Institut), the International Law Commission (the Commission, or ILC) is not 150 years old. Established in 1948, the Commission is exactly half the age of the two codification bodies to which this Symposium is dedicated and is celebrating its seventy-fifth anniversary in 2023. 1 Like its older cousins, the Commission is charged with the codification and progressive development of international law. Among the many differences between the Commission and its older cousins, one that stands out and that provides the lens for this essay, is its close relationship to states. Although a comparison of both the ILA and the Institut with the younger, but apparently more “authoritative” body, the Commission, is worthwhile, 2 due to space limitations, I focus my comments on the Institut and the Commission. This essay will home in on the impact of the relationship of these two bodies with states and argues that this relationship affects, to some extent , the work of the relevant bodies, both in terms of what topics they may address and how they address them. This broad conclusion, which is necessarily limited by space considerations, is substantiated on the basis of the membership and outputs of the two bodies.
与国际法协会(ILA)和国际法学会(institute de Droit International)不同,国际法委员会(Commission,简称ILC)的历史还不到150年。该委员会成立于1948年,其年龄正好是本专题讨论会致力于的两个编纂机构的一半,并将于2023年庆祝其75周年。1 .同其前身一样,委员会负责编纂和逐步发展国际法。在欧盟委员会与其前辈们之间的诸多差异中,有一个最为突出,并为本文提供了视角,那就是它与各国的密切关系。虽然将国际法研究所和研究所同较年轻但显然更“权威”的机构委员会进行比较是值得的,但由于篇幅限制,我的评论主要集中在研究所和委员会上。本文将集中讨论这两个机构与国家之间关系的影响,并认为这种关系在某种程度上影响着相关机构的工作,无论是就它们可能处理的主题而言,还是就它们如何处理这些主题而言。这一必然受到空间考虑限制的广泛结论是根据这两个机构的成员和产出得到证实的。
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引用次数: 0
The Institute of International Law and the Colonial Phenomenon 国际法和殖民现象研究所
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.35
Georges Abi-Saab
This essay examines the activities of the Institute of International Law (the Institute or IIL) during its 150 years of existence, dealing directly or indirectly with the colonial phenomenon. It distinguishes between two major periods of roughly equal length: first the period between the years 1873 and 1945; and second, the period from 1945 to the present. These correspond to two important periods of international relations: the second wave of colonial expansion and its remnants and the regime of mandates following World War I, on the one hand, and the era of the United Nations Charter, the promotion of human rights, self-determination, and decolonialization, on the other hand.
本文考察了国际法研究所(研究所或国际法研究所)在其存在的150年中直接或间接处理殖民现象的活动。它区分了两个长度大致相等的主要时期:第一个时期是1873年至1945年;第二,从1945年到现在。这符合国际关系的两个重要时期:一方面是第二次殖民扩张浪潮及其残余和第一次世界大战后的授权制度,另一方面是《联合国宪章》时代,即促进人权、自决和非殖民化的时代。
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引用次数: 0
The (Not So Hidden) Elephant in the Room: Confronting International Constitution-Making's Eurocentric Gaze (不那么隐蔽的)房间里的大象:面对国际制宪的欧洲中心主义目光
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.40
Babatunde Fagbayibo
Anna Saunders's article, “Constitution-Making as a Technique of International Law: Reconsidering the Post-war Inheritance,” is an important addition to the literature that problematizes the idea of international constitution-making. At the heart of Saunders's critique of international constitution making—defined as the involvement of international institutions in national constitution-making processes—is the point that the parameters of what constitutes “local ownership” of the constitution-making process is detached from debates on rethinking neoliberal economic structures and material interests. As a result, constitutions in post-conflict societies fail to speak to the socio-economic realities of a people and, most importantly, diminish their agency to envision alternatives. Saunders offers a detailed historical account of why such failure, or what she refers to as “selective technicity,” has become standard practice, and then goes further to stress the imperative of reimagining the vocabulary of what constitutes “local ownership” in the context of meaningful societal transformation. In this essay, I extend Saunders's thesis to argue that if the international constitution-making process does not shed its Eurocentric gaze, we will be unable to proffer sustainable suggestions to make the process responsive to the realities of a people.
安娜·桑德斯(Anna Saunders)的文章《作为国际法技术的制宪:对战后遗产的再思考》是对国际制宪观念提出质疑的文献的重要补充。桑德斯对国际制宪的批评——将其定义为国际机构参与国家制宪过程——的核心观点是,构成制宪过程“地方所有权”的参数与重新思考新自由主义经济结构和物质利益的辩论是分离的。因此,冲突后社会的宪法不能反映人民的社会经济现实,最重要的是,削弱了他们设想替代办法的能力。桑德斯提供了详细的历史记录,解释了为什么这种失败,或者她所说的“选择性技术”,已经成为标准做法,然后进一步强调了在有意义的社会转型背景下重新想象构成“地方所有权”的词汇的必要性。在这篇文章中,我扩展了桑德斯的论点,认为如果国际制宪过程不摆脱其欧洲中心的目光,我们将无法提供可持续的建议,使这一过程对一个民族的现实作出反应。
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引用次数: 0
The IDI, The ILA, and their Impact on the Institutionalization of International Law in the Americas: Resonances and Dissonances IDI、ILA及其对美洲国际法制度化的影响:共鸣与不和谐
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.37
Juan Pablo Scarfi
The Institut de Droit International (IDI) and the International Law Association (ILA) have bequeathed complex and contradictory legacies to the Americas. This essay explores both the resonances and the dissonances that the formation of the IDI, and to a lesser extent, the ILA, had in the institutionalization of the modern discipline of international law in the Americas. On the one hand, the IDI's establishment as an elite Eurocentric organization with a missionary imperial approach to the promotion and reform of international law, generated resonances across the Americas, inspiring the creation of the American Institute of International Law (AIIL). On the other hand, the AIIL emerged as a reaction to the IDI, insofar as the former promoted juridical values based on the idea of American international law and a distinctive sense of U.S. and continental legal exceptionalism. The essay argues that the institutionalization of international law in the Americas was both inspired by the Eurocentric imperial and elitist legal approach promoted by the IDI, and the desire to forge a distinctive Western Hemispheric counterpart: a continental American international law.
国际法学会(IDI)和国际法学会(ILA)给美洲留下了复杂而矛盾的遗产。本文探讨了IDI的形成,以及在较小程度上,国际法律协会的形成,在美洲现代国际法学科的制度化中所产生的共鸣和不和谐。一方面,IDI作为一个以欧洲为中心的精英组织,以传教士帝国的方式促进和改革国际法,在整个美洲产生了共鸣,激发了美国国际法研究所(AIIL)的创建。另一方面,AIIL的出现是对IDI的回应,因为前者提倡基于美国国际法理念和独特的美国和大陆法律例外论的司法价值。本文认为,美洲国际法的制度化既受到了由IDI推动的以欧洲为中心的帝国主义和精英主义法律方法的启发,也受到了建立一个独特的西半球对应的愿望:一个美洲大陆国际法。
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引用次数: 0
The Right to a Healthy Environment and Law's Hidden Subjects 健康环境权与法律的隐性主体
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.27
Louis J. Kotzé
In this essay I reflect upon whether and how the recent international recognition of the right to a healthy environment might––or might not––provide greater support for efforts to define and protect the rights of what one could term “law's hidden subjects,” namely future generations and nature. Although there are several examples of rights-based regimes that aim to protect future generations and nature, few would disagree that these hidden subjects require better legal protection, and that thoroughgoing reform of existing human rights law is overdue. I argue that the international recognition of a human right to a healthy environment might contribute less to such reforms than what one would have intuitively expected. One reason for this is because the formulation of the right does not provide anything new in terms of more comprehensive recognition and protection of rights of nature and future generations. Although it is an important symbolic event that signifies broad consensus on the importance of rights-based environmental protection, many domestic and regional legal regimes already protect future generations, while some even offer innovative rights of nature provisions. At best, UN General Assembly Resolution 76/300 merely reinforces the status quo ante.
在这篇文章中,我将思考最近国际上对健康环境权的承认是否能够(或不能够)为界定和保护所谓"法律的隐性主体"即后代和自然的权利的努力提供更大的支持,以及如何提供支持。虽然有几个以权利为基础的制度旨在保护后代和自然的例子,但几乎没有人会不同意这些隐藏的主题需要更好的法律保护,而且对现有人权法的彻底改革早就应该了。我认为,国际上承认享有健康环境的人权对这种改革的贡献可能不如人们直观地预期的那样大。其中一个原因是,就更全面地承认和保护自然和后代的权利而言,权利的制定没有提供任何新的东西。虽然这是一个重要的象征性事件,表明人们对基于权利的环境保护的重要性达成了广泛共识,但许多国内和地区法律制度已经在保护后代,有些甚至提供了创新的自然权利条款。联合国大会第76/300号决议充其量只是加强了现状。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the Symposium on Anna Saunders, “Constitution-Making as a Technique of International Law: Reconsidering the Post-War Inheritance” 安娜·桑德斯“作为国际法技术的制宪:对战后继承权的再思考”研讨会导言
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.39
Gráinne de Búrca
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引用次数: 0
Shaping Sovereignties: The Role of International Financial Institutions in Constitution-Making 塑造主权:国际金融机构在制宪中的作用
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.42
Gaurav Mukherjee
How do international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund influence constitution-making processes? In this essay on Anna Saunders's “Constitution-Making as a Technique of International Law: Reconsidering the Post-war Inheritance,” I argue that the material dimensions of constitution-making are profoundly influenced by the discursive environment that institutions like the World Bank help create for political elites. I show how these institutions operate in opaque ways that are difficult to capture in the results of that constitutional process but serve to facilitate, expand, or contract the options available to constitution-makers to engage with material questions, especially those that involve historic injustice. My argument adds nuance to Saunders's claim that constitution-making traditions display a “relative separation from projects of global economic ordering.” Drawing on an example that Saunders uses, this essay engages with how an international financial institution—the World Bank—acted in a facilitative modality and influenced constitutional history and the current practices of land reform in South Africa since its negotiated transition in 1994. I then show how international financial institutions acted in a more prescriptive modality during the constitution-making processes in Hungary. I choose these countries as examples due to their canonical status for studying the influence of international assistance for constitution-making in the post-1991 moment. What these examples show is that while international financial institutions can guide “post-sovereign” constitution-making states toward better integration into the global economic framework, the sustainability of their constitutional arrangements often depends on broader domestic consensus.
世界银行和国际货币基金组织等国际金融机构如何影响制宪过程?在这篇关于安娜·桑德斯(Anna Saunders)的文章《作为国际法技术的制宪:重新考虑战后遗产》中,我认为制宪的物质层面受到世界银行等机构帮助政治精英创造的话语环境的深刻影响。我展示了这些机构是如何以不透明的方式运作的,这些方式很难在制宪过程的结果中体现出来,但却有助于促进、扩大或缩小制宪者参与实质性问题的选择,尤其是那些涉及历史不公正的问题。我的观点为桑德斯的主张增添了细微的差别,即宪法制定传统显示出“与全球经济秩序项目的相对分离”。本文以桑德斯使用的一个例子为例,探讨了国际金融机构——世界银行——如何以一种便利的方式行事,并影响了南非自1994年谈判过渡以来的宪法历史和当前的土地改革实践。然后,我展示了国际金融机构在匈牙利制宪过程中如何以更具规范性的方式行事。我之所以选择这些国家作为例子,是因为它们在研究1991年后国际援助对制宪的影响方面具有典型地位。这些例子表明,虽然国际金融机构可以引导“后主权”制宪国家更好地融入全球经济框架,但其宪法安排的可持续性往往取决于更广泛的国内共识。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond Peace and Security: The UN Transition Assistance Group in Namibia and its Importance for Contemporary Constitution-Making 超越和平与安全:联合国纳米比亚过渡援助小组及其对当代制宪的重要性
Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/aju.2023.43
Hannah Birkenkötter
In her article “Constitution-Making as a Technique of International Law: Reconsidering the Post-war Inheritance,” Anna Saunders focuses on constitution-making as an international practice of the past three decades and suggests that its “epistemic boundaries”—namely, the separation between the formal and material dimensions of constitution-making and the latter's exclusion from contemporary constitution-making assistance—were primarily established by scholarly work on constitution-making in the post-war era. Saunders explicitly acknowledges that her account is not the only possible history of constitution-making assistance. In this essay, I add a different layer to that history, focusing on the UN Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) in Namibia. UNTAG is often considered the first instance of international constitution-making assistance, a practice that is generally understood to have emerged after the end of the Cold War. However, UNTAG's mandate, including its constitution-making assistance component, was in fact conceived many years before its actual deployment, dating back to the 1960s and 1970s. The essay shows that UN constitution-making assistance pre-dates the end of the Cold War and is linked to UN efforts to forge modern nation-states in the context of decolonization. I argue that this early case of constitution-making practice was an important blueprint for further iterations of international constitution-making assistance, not least because of the continuous involvement of individual international civil servants. Lastly, the case of Namibia is significantly different from the cases that inspired scholarly work in the post-war era, and we might ask to what extent the post-war inheritance affected this early international practice. I end with a brief reflection on Saunders's call to address the material dimension of constitution-making and caution against overemphasizing substantive questions in constitution-making assistance.
在她的文章《作为国际法技术的制宪》中:安娜·桑德斯在《重新考虑战后的遗产》一书中,重点关注了过去三十年来的国际制宪实践,并提出其“认识界限”——即制宪的形式维度与物质维度的分离,以及后者被排除在当代制宪援助之外——主要是由战后时期的制宪学术工作建立起来的。桑德斯明确承认,她的叙述并不是唯一可能的制宪援助史。在这篇文章中,我为这段历史添加了一个不同的层面,重点关注纳米比亚的联合国过渡时期援助小组(UNTAG)。过渡时期援助团经常被认为是国际制宪援助的第一个实例,一般认为这种做法是在冷战结束后出现的。但是,过渡时期援助团的任务,包括其制宪援助部分,实际上是在其实际部署前许多年就已设想好的,可追溯到1960年代和1970年代。这篇文章表明,联合国制宪援助早在冷战结束之前就开始了,并且与联合国在非殖民化背景下建立现代民族国家的努力有关。我认为,这一制宪实践的早期案例是国际制宪援助的一个重要蓝图,尤其是因为个别国际公务员的不断参与。最后,纳米比亚的情况与战后时期激发学术工作的情况有很大不同,我们可能会问,战后遗产在多大程度上影响了这种早期的国际实践。最后,我对桑德斯的呼吁进行了简短的反思,他呼吁解决制宪的物质层面,并警告不要在制宪援助中过分强调实质性问题。
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