Pub Date : 2021-11-24DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10011
A. Nikolaev
This paper examines the absence of geminate -rr- in Sanskrit and argues that the synchronic ban on this sequence results from continued high ranking of an Obligatory Contour Principle constraint against heteromorphemic geminates (inherited from PIE) combined with the substrate influence of Dravidian languages in which the rhotics are non-geminable. New -rr- sequences that arose in Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan from PIE *-LL- or *-LHL- after loss of the laryngeal and merger of *l with the rhotic were repaired through degemination. This hypothesis predicts a development of PIE *(-)CL̥HLV- to Sanskrit (-)Cī/ūrV- which has not been previously recognized in the treatments of Indic historical phonology. This development is arguably found in mūrá- ‘stupid’ < *mūrra- < *mr̥hx-lo- (cf. Hitt. marlant- ‘stupid’), ūrú- ‘thigh’ < *u̯ūrru- < *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lu- ← *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lo- (cf. Hitt. walla- ‘thigh’), śīrá- ‘fervent’ < *śīrrá- < *k̑l̥hx-Ló- (cf. śrā́ya-ti ‘be fervent’), and perhaps in several other examples.
{"title":"Rhotic degemination in Sanskrit and the etymology of Vedic ūrú- ‘thigh’, Hittite UZU(u)walla- ‘id.’","authors":"A. Nikolaev","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10011","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the absence of geminate -rr- in Sanskrit and argues that the synchronic ban on this sequence results from continued high ranking of an Obligatory Contour Principle constraint against heteromorphemic geminates (inherited from PIE) combined with the substrate influence of Dravidian languages in which the rhotics are non-geminable. New -rr- sequences that arose in Proto-Indo-Iranian and Proto-Indo-Aryan from PIE *-LL- or *-LHL- after loss of the laryngeal and merger of *l with the rhotic were repaired through degemination. This hypothesis predicts a development of PIE *(-)CL̥HLV- to Sanskrit (-)Cī/ūrV- which has not been previously recognized in the treatments of Indic historical phonology. This development is arguably found in mūrá- ‘stupid’ < *mūrra- < *mr̥hx-lo- (cf. Hitt. marlant- ‘stupid’), ūrú- ‘thigh’ < *u̯ūrru- < *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lu- ← *(hx)u̯l̥hx-Lo- (cf. Hitt. walla- ‘thigh’), śīrá- ‘fervent’ < *śīrrá- < *k̑l̥hx-Ló- (cf. śrā́ya-ti ‘be fervent’), and perhaps in several other examples.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41422191","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10012
Louise S. Friis
The agent noun suffix in -ntsa belongs to a complex of Tocharian B agent noun formations, similar in form, function, and inflection. Of these, two suffixes are widely believed to be related to -ntsa: the productive agent noun in -ñca and the lexicalised agent noun in -nta. The suffix -ntsa forms occupational titles to eleven verbs in Tocharian B and can be reconstructed for Proto-Tocharian through comparison with Tocharian A. In this paper, it is argued that the suffix originated in the feminine of the PIE active participle in *-nt. This is substantiated by the fact that several ntsa-nouns refer to primarily female professions, as well as the existence of the relic forms Bpreṃtsa ‘pregnant’ and Blāntsa ‘queen’. Furthermore, it is proposed that the masculine is reflected in the suffixes -ñca and -nta and that the disintegration of gendered inflection in the participle led to its development into several agent noun formations.
{"title":"Tocharian B agent nouns in -ntsa and their origin","authors":"Louise S. Friis","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The agent noun suffix in -ntsa belongs to a complex of Tocharian B agent noun formations, similar in form, function, and inflection. Of these, two suffixes are widely believed to be related to -ntsa: the productive agent noun in -ñca and the lexicalised agent noun in -nta. The suffix -ntsa forms occupational titles to eleven verbs in Tocharian B and can be reconstructed for Proto-Tocharian through comparison with Tocharian A. In this paper, it is argued that the suffix originated in the feminine of the PIE active participle in *-nt. This is substantiated by the fact that several ntsa-nouns refer to primarily female professions, as well as the existence of the relic forms Bpreṃtsa ‘pregnant’ and Blāntsa ‘queen’. Furthermore, it is proposed that the masculine is reflected in the suffixes -ñca and -nta and that the disintegration of gendered inflection in the participle led to its development into several agent noun formations.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47081639","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-10DOI: 10.1163/22125892-BJA10010
Miguel Villanueva Svensson
It is now generally agreed upon that the Indo-European simple thematic presents are a post-Anatolian innovation. The origin of this formation, however, remains unclear. In this paper it is argued that the initial core of simple thematic presents was of denominative origin. They go back to an early Core PIE class of denominatives derived from e-grade thematic adjectives through conversion, e.g., adj. *léu̯k-o- ‘clear’ (Gk. λευκός ‘white’) → vb. *léu̯k-e/o- ‘be/make clear’ (Ved. rócate ‘shines’, TB lyuśtär ‘will light up’). This derivational pattern became obsolete already within Core PIE and a number of original denominatives like *léu̯k-e/o- were reinterpreted as primary present stems.
{"title":"The origin of the Indo-European simple thematic presents","authors":"Miguel Villanueva Svensson","doi":"10.1163/22125892-BJA10010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-BJA10010","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 It is now generally agreed upon that the Indo-European simple thematic presents are a post-Anatolian innovation. The origin of this formation, however, remains unclear. In this paper it is argued that the initial core of simple thematic presents was of denominative origin. They go back to an early Core PIE class of denominatives derived from e-grade thematic adjectives through conversion, e.g., adj. *léu̯k-o- ‘clear’ (Gk. λευκός ‘white’) → vb. *léu̯k-e/o- ‘be/make clear’ (Ved. rócate ‘shines’, TB lyuśtär ‘will light up’). This derivational pattern became obsolete already within Core PIE and a number of original denominatives like *léu̯k-e/o- were reinterpreted as primary present stems.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43387445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-20DOI: 10.1163/22125892-BJA10009
A. Korn
Old Persian shows a change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw, respectively. However, if one applies (pre-)Middle Persian sound changes to the Old Persian forms, the result is at variance with certain Middle Persian forms. If one were to assume a syncope reversing the Old Persian change of y, w to iy, uw, this would also affect old cases of iy, uw and likewise yield incorrect results for Middle Persian. The Old Persian change can thus not have operated in the prehistory of Middle Persian, and there is a dialectal difference between attested Old Persian and the later stages of the language, which is to be added to those already noted. The paper also discusses some sound changes that are connected to the Old Persian change in one way or the other. Cases in point are the processes called Epenthesis and Umlaut in previous scholarship, which this article suggests to interpret as occurring in different contexts and in different periods. The former is limited to Vry, which yields Vir and feeds into a monophthongisation that, as shown by some late Old Persian word forms, occurred within Achaemenid times, giving ēr and īr from ary and əry. Epenthesis did not occur in the prehistory of Parthian, whereas the monophthongisation did. The Appendix presents a tentative sequence of the processes discussed in this article, which is intended as a contribution to the relative chronology of Persian historical phonology.
{"title":"Contributions to a relative chronology of Persian","authors":"A. Korn","doi":"10.1163/22125892-BJA10009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-BJA10009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Old Persian shows a change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw, respectively. However, if one applies (pre-)Middle Persian sound changes to the Old Persian forms, the result is at variance with certain Middle Persian forms. If one were to assume a syncope reversing the Old Persian change of y, w to iy, uw, this would also affect old cases of iy, uw and likewise yield incorrect results for Middle Persian. The Old Persian change can thus not have operated in the prehistory of Middle Persian, and there is a dialectal difference between attested Old Persian and the later stages of the language, which is to be added to those already noted. The paper also discusses some sound changes that are connected to the Old Persian change in one way or the other. Cases in point are the processes called Epenthesis and Umlaut in previous scholarship, which this article suggests to interpret as occurring in different contexts and in different periods. The former is limited to Vry, which yields Vir and feeds into a monophthongisation that, as shown by some late Old Persian word forms, occurred within Achaemenid times, giving ēr and īr from ary and əry. Epenthesis did not occur in the prehistory of Parthian, whereas the monophthongisation did. The Appendix presents a tentative sequence of the processes discussed in this article, which is intended as a contribution to the relative chronology of Persian historical phonology.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-43"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46056295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-24DOI: 10.1163/22125892-BJA10007
F. Hartmann
Discussion of the exact phonetic value of the so-called ‘laryngeals’ in Proto-Indo-European has been ongoing ever since their discovery, and no uniform consensus has yet been reached. This paper aims at introducing a new method to determine the quality of the laryngeals that differs substantially from traditional techniques previously applied to this problem, by making use of deep neural networks as part of the larger field of machine learning algorithms. Phonetic environment data serves as the basis for training the networks, enabling the algorithm to determine sound features solely by their immediate phonetic neighbors. It proves possible to assess the phonetic features of the laryngeals computationally and to propose a quantitatively founded interpretation.
{"title":"The phonetic value of the Proto-Indo-European laryngeals","authors":"F. Hartmann","doi":"10.1163/22125892-BJA10007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-BJA10007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Discussion of the exact phonetic value of the so-called ‘laryngeals’ in Proto-Indo-European has been ongoing ever since their discovery, and no uniform consensus has yet been reached. This paper aims at introducing a new method to determine the quality of the laryngeals that differs substantially from traditional techniques previously applied to this problem, by making use of deep neural networks as part of the larger field of machine learning algorithms. Phonetic environment data serves as the basis for training the networks, enabling the algorithm to determine sound features solely by their immediate phonetic neighbors. It proves possible to assess the phonetic features of the laryngeals computationally and to propose a quantitatively founded interpretation.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44462471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-18DOI: 10.1163/22125892-BJA10008
Axel. Palmer, Anthony Jakob, Rasmus Thorsø, Paulus van Sluis, Cid Swanenvleugel, G. Kroonen
This paper presents a detailed etymological analysis of words for ‘fox’ in Indo-European (IE) languages. We argue that most IE ‘fox’-words go back to two distinct PIE stems: *h₂lō̆p-eḱ- ‘fox’ and *ulp-i- ‘wildcat, fox’. We provide a revised analysis of the etymology and relationship among the various Indo-Iranian ‘fox’-words, and we argue that Baltic preserves remnants of the ḱ-suffix found in Greek, Armenian, and Indo-Iranian. Additionally, we describe how *h₂lō̆p-eḱ- was borrowed from Indo-Iranian into Uralic and we outline the relationship among the reflexes of this word in various Uralic languages. Finally, we reconstruct the paradigm of *h₂lō̆p-eḱ- as a unique type of hysterodynamic stem, which nonetheless has close parallels in PIE. We observe that a similar ḱ-suffix is found in PIE adjectives and animal names.
{"title":"Proto-Indo-European ‘fox’ and the reconstruction of an athematic ḱ-stem","authors":"Axel. Palmer, Anthony Jakob, Rasmus Thorsø, Paulus van Sluis, Cid Swanenvleugel, G. Kroonen","doi":"10.1163/22125892-BJA10008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-BJA10008","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a detailed etymological analysis of words for ‘fox’ in Indo-European (IE) languages. We argue that most IE ‘fox’-words go back to two distinct PIE stems: *h₂lō̆p-eḱ- ‘fox’ and *ulp-i- ‘wildcat, fox’. We provide a revised analysis of the etymology and relationship among the various Indo-Iranian ‘fox’-words, and we argue that Baltic preserves remnants of the ḱ-suffix found in Greek, Armenian, and Indo-Iranian. Additionally, we describe how *h₂lō̆p-eḱ- was borrowed from Indo-Iranian into Uralic and we outline the relationship among the reflexes of this word in various Uralic languages. Finally, we reconstruct the paradigm of *h₂lō̆p-eḱ- as a unique type of hysterodynamic stem, which nonetheless has close parallels in PIE. We observe that a similar ḱ-suffix is found in PIE adjectives and animal names.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49254920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-30DOI: 10.1163/22125892-0000010006
Chiara Bozzone
This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.
{"title":"Reconstructing the PIE causative in a cross-linguistic perspective","authors":"Chiara Bozzone","doi":"10.1163/22125892-0000010006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-0000010006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines the function and distribution of *CoC-éye/o- presents (traditionally labelled as causatives/iteratives) in PIE in the light of recent theoretical and typological contributions on causative formations crosslinguistically. In particular, this paper argues that: 1. The oldest function of CoC-éye/o- presents in PIE is to derive causative presents to unaccusative base verbs, as well as to some transitive verbs with an affected subject. The development of the iterative meaning is secondary and einzelsprachlich. 2. In the daughter languages, the category developed in two different directions (following Shibatani & Pardeshi’s causative continuum), depending on its degree of productivity. In Greek and Latin, the category became unproductive and underwent a “causative/non-causative” split, whereby the iterative meaning developed under certain conditions. A parallel development of the causative morpheme in the Mayan language K’iche’ is discussed into detail. 3. In Vedic and Proto-Germanic, the category became more productive and did not develop iterative semantics.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-0000010006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43703755","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-28DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10005
S. Höfler
The process of deriving substantives from adjectives in the classical Indo-European languages can be accomplished in two fundamentally different ways. The first possibility is a derivational one, i.e. the adjective is substantivized by a word-formation process that typically consists of an overt morphological or morphonological operation such as suffixation, accent shift, introduction of new ablaut grades, or a combination thereof. The second process, on the other hand, is a gradual one: an adjective can be substantivized through the ellipsis of a head noun that this adjective was originally paired with. In this paper, I intend to outline the differences and similarities between these two mechanisms and discuss their role in the interpretation of Proto-Indo-European stems in *-(e-)h2-.
{"title":"Substantivization of adjectives","authors":"S. Höfler","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The process of deriving substantives from adjectives in the classical Indo-European languages can be accomplished in two fundamentally different ways. The first possibility is a derivational one, i.e. the adjective is substantivized by a word-formation process that typically consists of an overt morphological or morphonological operation such as suffixation, accent shift, introduction of new ablaut grades, or a combination thereof. The second process, on the other hand, is a gradual one: an adjective can be substantivized through the ellipsis of a head noun that this adjective was originally paired with. In this paper, I intend to outline the differences and similarities between these two mechanisms and discuss their role in the interpretation of Proto-Indo-European stems in *-(e-)h2-.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-bja10005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48718167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-07DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10002
Jean-Francois R. Mondon
In certain dialects of Breton, spirantization triggered by a few possessive adjectives appears to apply their mutation on a non-local word. A plausible diachronic development is proposed in which noun phrases with and without the intervening word were nearly semantically identical, making it easier for the mutation effects on the noun to spread to the construction in which a word intervened between the possessive adjective and the noun. A synchronic solution couched in Distributed Morphology which makes use of string-vacuous Local Dislocation is proposed, which provides a locality-obeying account.
{"title":"Breton non-local spirantization reexamined","authors":"Jean-Francois R. Mondon","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In certain dialects of Breton, spirantization triggered by a few possessive adjectives appears to apply their mutation on a non-local word. A plausible diachronic development is proposed in which noun phrases with and without the intervening word were nearly semantically identical, making it easier for the mutation effects on the noun to spread to the construction in which a word intervened between the possessive adjective and the noun. A synchronic solution couched in Distributed Morphology which makes use of string-vacuous Local Dislocation is proposed, which provides a locality-obeying account.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-bja10002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43854090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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