Pub Date : 2024-04-15DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10032
Benjamin T. LaFond
Classical Latin exhibits vowel alternations in forms like faciō ‘I make’ ~ perficiō ‘I complete,’ factus ‘made’ ~ perfectus ‘completed,’ which are commonly attributed to historical change(s) whereby mid and low short vowels are raised and centralized in non-initial syllables. This pattern of change, known as Latin vowel weakening, has traditionally been understood as vowel reduction resulting from prominent initial stresses in the Archaic period (ca. 500–300 BC). In this article, I propose a revised theory of weakening according to phonetic principles. Rather than reduction alone, weakening is understood as the result of reduction followed by open-syllable tensing in non-initial syllables.
{"title":"Latin vowel weakening in phonetic perspective","authors":"Benjamin T. LaFond","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10032","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Classical Latin exhibits vowel alternations in forms like faciō ‘I make’ ~ perficiō ‘I complete,’ factus ‘made’ ~ perfectus ‘completed,’ which are commonly attributed to historical change(s) whereby mid and low short vowels are raised and centralized in non-initial syllables. This pattern of change, known as Latin vowel weakening, has traditionally been understood as vowel reduction resulting from prominent initial stresses in the Archaic period (ca. 500–300 BC). In this article, I propose a revised theory of weakening according to phonetic principles. Rather than reduction alone, weakening is understood as the result of reduction followed by open-syllable tensing in non-initial syllables.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"46 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140699646","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-22DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10031
M. de Vaan
Albanian possesses eight different lexemes built to a radical element vetë, with meanings ranging from ‘person’, ‘self’, ‘own’ to ‘only’ and ‘apart’. The aim of this paper is to clarify the distribution and meaning of these words in Old Albanian, in particular, in texts from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. I also discuss the etymology of these various stems, though the ultimate origin of vet(ë) cannot be established.
{"title":"Identifiers and reflexives in Old Albanian","authors":"M. de Vaan","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10031","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Albanian possesses eight different lexemes built to a radical element vetë, with meanings ranging from ‘person’, ‘self’, ‘own’ to ‘only’ and ‘apart’. The aim of this paper is to clarify the distribution and meaning of these words in Old Albanian, in particular, in texts from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. I also discuss the etymology of these various stems, though the ultimate origin of vet(ë) cannot be established.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"68 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140438302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-22DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10030
Stephanie W. Jamison
For more than a century, a verbal-governing compound type has featured prominently in Indo-Europeanist discourse on compounding, a type exemplified by Vedic dā́ti-vāra- ‘granting wishes’, with a -ti-stem first member having a transitive relationship to the nominal second member. However, a critical reexamination of the Vedic evidence for this type reveals that almost none of the standard, regularly repeated examples actually mean what it is claimed they mean. The existence of this “type” is therefore seriously called into question and should not be reconstructed for Indo-European on the basis of the Vedic data.
{"title":"Vedic evidence for the verbal-governing dā́ti-vāra- ‘type’","authors":"Stephanie W. Jamison","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10030","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 For more than a century, a verbal-governing compound type has featured prominently in Indo-Europeanist discourse on compounding, a type exemplified by Vedic dā́ti-vāra- ‘granting wishes’, with a -ti-stem first member having a transitive relationship to the nominal second member. However, a critical reexamination of the Vedic evidence for this type reveals that almost none of the standard, regularly repeated examples actually mean what it is claimed they mean. The existence of this “type” is therefore seriously called into question and should not be reconstructed for Indo-European on the basis of the Vedic data.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"3 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140441634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-27DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10029
Jay H. Jasanoff
The origin of Attic reduplication (AR) in Greek, the phenomenon whereby roots beginning with VC- sequences copy the entire sequence in reduplication, is poorly understood. Contrary to the usual approach, which starts from the perfects of roots beginning with *HC- clusters (e.g., ἐλυθ- ‘go out’ < *h1ludh-; perf. ἐλήλ(ο)υθα < *h1leh1l(ó)udh-?), it is argued here that AR began in the reduplicated aorist, where intensive reduplication was a shared innovation with Armenian (Gk. inf. ἀραρεῖν ‘fit together’ = Arm. 3 sg. arar ‘made’ < *h2er-h2r-e/o-). From here AR spread first to the weak forms of the perfect, leaving relic forms like the feminine participle ἀρᾰρυῖα, and then to the perfect paradigm more generally. The historical origin of AR was thus quite different from what might have been supposed from its descriptive profile in a synchronic grammar—a point to which a final discussion is devoted.
{"title":"The origin of Attic Reduplication","authors":"Jay H. Jasanoff","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10029","url":null,"abstract":"The origin of Attic reduplication (AR) in Greek, the phenomenon whereby roots beginning with VC- sequences copy the entire sequence in reduplication, is poorly understood. Contrary to the usual approach, which starts from the perfects of roots beginning with *HC- clusters (e.g., ἐλυθ- ‘go out’ < *h1ludh-; perf. ἐλήλ(ο)υθα < *h1leh1l(ó)udh-?), it is argued here that AR began in the reduplicated aorist, where intensive reduplication was a shared innovation with Armenian (Gk. inf. ἀραρεῖν ‘fit together’ = Arm. 3 sg. arar ‘made’ < *h2er-h2r-e/o-). From here AR spread first to the weak forms of the perfect, leaving relic forms like the feminine participle ἀρᾰρυῖα, and then to the perfect paradigm more generally. The historical origin of AR was thus quite different from what might have been supposed from its descriptive profile in a synchronic grammar—a point to which a final discussion is devoted.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"12 1-4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139232366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10028
P. Kocharov
The paper offers a synchronic and diachronic account of markedness of the oppositional tense-aspect stems in Classical Armenian. The synchronic part explores the correspondence between markedness and productivity of verb classes as attested in the Armenian Bible translation, as well as the correspondence between markedness and token frequency of a selection of fifty most frequent verbs in the same text. The default pattern, characterized by an unmarked present and marked aorist stems, constitutes some two-thirds of the entire dataset but is less common in the most frequent verbs. By contrast, the two patterns with the unmarked aorist are significantly better represented and the token frequency of their aorist stems is typically higher for such verbs. This evidence is discussed in the context of a typological generalization predicting the lower markedness of more frequently used forms. An outlook on the historical grammar of Classical Armenian suggests that the attested system reflects a transition from aspect- to tense-oriented marking of stems.
{"title":"On the markedness of tense-aspect stems in Classical Armenian","authors":"P. Kocharov","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10028","url":null,"abstract":"The paper offers a synchronic and diachronic account of markedness of the oppositional tense-aspect stems in Classical Armenian. The synchronic part explores the correspondence between markedness and productivity of verb classes as attested in the Armenian Bible translation, as well as the correspondence between markedness and token frequency of a selection of fifty most frequent verbs in the same text. The default pattern, characterized by an unmarked present and marked aorist stems, constitutes some two-thirds of the entire dataset but is less common in the most frequent verbs. By contrast, the two patterns with the unmarked aorist are significantly better represented and the token frequency of their aorist stems is typically higher for such verbs. This evidence is discussed in the context of a typological generalization predicting the lower markedness of more frequently used forms. An outlook on the historical grammar of Classical Armenian suggests that the attested system reflects a transition from aspect- to tense-oriented marking of stems.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"59 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139274330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-05DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10026
Andrei V. Sideltsev
Abstract Cross-linguistically, clitic climbing occurs when clitics that belong syntactically and semantically to the subordinate clause (most commonly non-finite, rarely finite) appear in the main clause, i.e., they climb out of the subordinate clause into the main clause. In Hittite, prototypical clitic climbing is attested in two constructions: with non-finite predicates and finite restructuring verbs (Lyutikova & Sideltsev 2021b); and in serial constructions with the finite motion verbs pai - ‘go’ and uwa - ‘come’ co-occurring with another finite verb in the same clause (Koller 2013). In both of these cases, clitics climb out of complements of finite verbs. This paper explores yet another potentially relevant context for clitic climbing, a particular type of complex sentence that may be called ‘mismatch sentences’ (Sideltsev 2023). These involve three structurally distinct types of complex sentences which share one common property: they all have the same surface structure (1a) one word of the main clause (2) subordinate clause (1b) rest of the main clause . The enclitics of the subordinate clause are in (1a), so that they appear to climb out of the subordinate into the main clause. The enclitics of the main clause are consistently in the rest of the main clause (1b), never attached to the first word of the main clause (1a). Structurally, all these subordinate clauses adjoin to the main clause. This distribution of clitics is attested only if there is a one-word constituent in the main clause to the left of the subordinate clause. As movement out of adjoined clauses is held to be illicit in current linguistic theory, it is argued that, differently from prototypical clitic climbing, this is a purely post-syntactic reordering and does not involve any kind of syntactic movement of clitics out of the subordinate into the main clause: the structure one - word constituent of main clause — subordinate clause — main clause is always prosodically realized at the post-syntactic stage as subordinate clause — main clause .
{"title":"“Clitic climbing” in Hittite","authors":"Andrei V. Sideltsev","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10026","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Cross-linguistically, clitic climbing occurs when clitics that belong syntactically and semantically to the subordinate clause (most commonly non-finite, rarely finite) appear in the main clause, i.e., they climb out of the subordinate clause into the main clause. In Hittite, prototypical clitic climbing is attested in two constructions: with non-finite predicates and finite restructuring verbs (Lyutikova & Sideltsev 2021b); and in serial constructions with the finite motion verbs pai - ‘go’ and uwa - ‘come’ co-occurring with another finite verb in the same clause (Koller 2013). In both of these cases, clitics climb out of complements of finite verbs. This paper explores yet another potentially relevant context for clitic climbing, a particular type of complex sentence that may be called ‘mismatch sentences’ (Sideltsev 2023). These involve three structurally distinct types of complex sentences which share one common property: they all have the same surface structure (1a) one word of the main clause (2) subordinate clause (1b) rest of the main clause . The enclitics of the subordinate clause are in (1a), so that they appear to climb out of the subordinate into the main clause. The enclitics of the main clause are consistently in the rest of the main clause (1b), never attached to the first word of the main clause (1a). Structurally, all these subordinate clauses adjoin to the main clause. This distribution of clitics is attested only if there is a one-word constituent in the main clause to the left of the subordinate clause. As movement out of adjoined clauses is held to be illicit in current linguistic theory, it is argued that, differently from prototypical clitic climbing, this is a purely post-syntactic reordering and does not involve any kind of syntactic movement of clitics out of the subordinate into the main clause: the structure one - word constituent of main clause — subordinate clause — main clause is always prosodically realized at the post-syntactic stage as subordinate clause — main clause .","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135484273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-28DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10027
Olav Hackstein
Abstract This article is a sequel to my contribution entitled “When words coalesce: chunking and morphophonemic extension” in the volume The Indo-European verb (ed. H. Craig Melchert, 2012: 87–104), and intends to document cases of preverb incorporation for Proto-Indo-European ( PIE ). Although preverbs occurred as free morphemes with finite verbs in PIE , they could also, under conditions to be specified, undergo a change of their morphemic status from free to bound. I discuss a number of such cases and the conditions under which preverbs could undergo destressing, phonologically regular or irregular reduction, and ultimately fuse with following verbal root morphemes.
{"title":"When words coalesce II","authors":"Olav Hackstein","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10027","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article is a sequel to my contribution entitled “When words coalesce: chunking and morphophonemic extension” in the volume The Indo-European verb (ed. H. Craig Melchert, 2012: 87–104), and intends to document cases of preverb incorporation for Proto-Indo-European ( PIE ). Although preverbs occurred as free morphemes with finite verbs in PIE , they could also, under conditions to be specified, undergo a change of their morphemic status from free to bound. I discuss a number of such cases and the conditions under which preverbs could undergo destressing, phonologically regular or irregular reduction, and ultimately fuse with following verbal root morphemes.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135425811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-09DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10025
Zia Khoshsirat, A. Byrd
Alongside the expected reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European causative suffix *-éi̯e/o-, there appears in Indo-Iranian a second, expanded version that contains a labial consonant: Indic -(ā)páya- and Eastern Iranian (EIr.) *-(ā)u̯ai̯a-, the latter continued in Khotanese -ev-, Khwarazmian -(’)wy-, and other modern EIr. languages. In this paper, we will argue that *-(ā)u̯ai̯a- is also the source of a causative marker in two closely related Caspian (Western Iranian) languages, Gilaki and Tati-Talyshi, through a reconstructable Proto-Caspian form *-āwēn-. We propose that these three suffixes, -(ā)páya-, *-(ā)u̯ai̯a-, and *-āwēn-, originated in Proto-Indo-Iranian, through the rounding of a root-final laryngeal to a labial sound in causative formations.
除了原始印欧语的使役后缀*- /o-的反射外，在印度-伊朗语中出现了第二个扩展版本，它包含一个唇辅音:印度语-(ā)páya-和东伊朗语(EIr.) *-(ā)u æ ai æ a-，后者在于阗语-ev-，花拉子棉语-(')wy-和其他现代EIr中继续存在。语言。在本文中，我们将通过可重构的原里海语形式*-āwēn-论证*-(ā)u æ ai æ a-也是两种密切相关的里海(西伊朗)语言Gilaki和Tati-Talyshi的使使性标记的来源。我们提出这三个后缀，-(ā)páya-， *-(ā)u æ ai æ a-和*-āwēn-，起源于原始印度-伊朗语，通过在使使状结构中将词根尾喉音四舍四入到唇音。
{"title":"The Indo-Iranian labial-extended causative suffix","authors":"Zia Khoshsirat, A. Byrd","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Alongside the expected reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European causative suffix *-éi̯e/o-, there appears in Indo-Iranian a second, expanded version that contains a labial consonant: Indic -(ā)páya- and Eastern Iranian (EIr.) *-(ā)u̯ai̯a-, the latter continued in Khotanese -ev-, Khwarazmian -(’)wy-, and other modern EIr. languages. In this paper, we will argue that *-(ā)u̯ai̯a- is also the source of a causative marker in two closely related Caspian (Western Iranian) languages, Gilaki and Tati-Talyshi, through a reconstructable Proto-Caspian form *-āwēn-. We propose that these three suffixes, -(ā)páya-, *-(ā)u̯ai̯a-, and *-āwēn-, originated in Proto-Indo-Iranian, through the rounding of a root-final laryngeal to a labial sound in causative formations.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44198188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-21DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10023
A. Sideltsev
Hittite attests a set of complex sentences in which (mostly) relative clauses (other subordinate clauses are also attested) appear in linear syntax to be within another subordinate (usually conditional, rarely temporal) clause or main clause. The relative clause can be preceded by a very limited array of constituents from the matrix clause, e.g., mān ‘if’ or the quotative particle ⸗wa(r). There are also examples which attest the conditional subordinator and the irrealis particle in two positions simultaneously, at the left edge of the whole sentence and in the conditional clause (= main clause for the relative clause). I provide a fine-grained descriptive and structural analysis of the structure and show that the type cannot be explained as bare indefinites, embedded relative clauses or parenthetic clauses. It is shown that, structurally, the sentences containing subordinate (mostly relative) clauses within other clauses are heterogenous and of three types. The difference lies in the elements that precede the relative clause and in the structure of the sentences, whereby a standard Hittite relative clause adjoins at different heights. All three types display the same mismatch between prosodic domains and syntax/semantics—the constituent that is part of the main clause from the semantic and syntactic perspective is prosodically part of the relative clause. Since there is a clause boundary delimiting the end of the subordinate clause within the main clause, it makes sense to treat the surface structure as a distinct taxonomic unit, which is correspondingly labelled a mismatch sentence. The new evidence allows us to obtain a fuller understanding of the Hittite left periphery than was previously possible. It thus offers an important window into hitherto unrecognized aspects of the underlying structure of the complex sentence in Hittite.
Hittite证明了一组复杂的句子，其中(大多数)关系从句(其他从句也被证明)在线性句法中出现在另一个从属从句(通常是条件从句，很少是时间从句)或主句中。关系从句的前面可以有一个非常有限的矩阵从句的组成部分，例如，mān ' if '或引语粒子⸗wa(r)。还有一些例子可以同时在两个位置证明条件从句和非现实助词，在整个句子的左边缘和条件从句中(=关系从句的主句)。我对结构进行了细致的描述和结构分析，并表明这种类型不能被解释为纯粹的不定词、嵌入的关系从句或插入从句。结果表明，从结构上看，从属(多为关系)分句在其他分句中的句子具有异质性和三种类型。不同之处在于关系分句之前的元素和句子的结构，因此一个标准的赫梯关系分句在不同的高度相连。这三种类型在韵律域和语法/语义之间都表现出同样的不匹配——从语义和句法的角度来看，属于主句的成分在韵律上也是关系句的一部分。由于在主句中有一个子句边界来界定从句的结尾，因此将表面结构视为一个不同的分类单位是有意义的，相应地将其标记为不匹配句。新的证据使我们能够比以前更全面地了解赫梯人的左边缘。因此，它提供了一个重要的窗口，到目前为止，赫梯语复句的潜在结构的未知方面。
{"title":"Mismatch between syntax and prosody and complex sentence structure in Hittite","authors":"A. Sideltsev","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Hittite attests a set of complex sentences in which (mostly) relative clauses (other subordinate clauses are also attested) appear in linear syntax to be within another subordinate (usually conditional, rarely temporal) clause or main clause. The relative clause can be preceded by a very limited array of constituents from the matrix clause, e.g., mān ‘if’ or the quotative particle ⸗wa(r). There are also examples which attest the conditional subordinator and the irrealis particle in two positions simultaneously, at the left edge of the whole sentence and in the conditional clause (= main clause for the relative clause). I provide a fine-grained descriptive and structural analysis of the structure and show that the type cannot be explained as bare indefinites, embedded relative clauses or parenthetic clauses. It is shown that, structurally, the sentences containing subordinate (mostly relative) clauses within other clauses are heterogenous and of three types. The difference lies in the elements that precede the relative clause and in the structure of the sentences, whereby a standard Hittite relative clause adjoins at different heights. All three types display the same mismatch between prosodic domains and syntax/semantics—the constituent that is part of the main clause from the semantic and syntactic perspective is prosodically part of the relative clause. Since there is a clause boundary delimiting the end of the subordinate clause within the main clause, it makes sense to treat the surface structure as a distinct taxonomic unit, which is correspondingly labelled a mismatch sentence. The new evidence allows us to obtain a fuller understanding of the Hittite left periphery than was previously possible. It thus offers an important window into hitherto unrecognized aspects of the underlying structure of the complex sentence in Hittite.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46421724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-09DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10024
Florian Wandl
This paper argues that the unexpected accentuation of the Slavic definite adjectives inflecting according to accent paradigms b and c can be convincingly explained by considering the relative chronology of the rise of the definite adjective and certain changes in the prosody of Slavic. It is supposed that the construction eventually becoming the definite adjective arose at a time when paradigmatic mobility had not yet developed in oxytone o- and ā-stem adjectives and when word-final vowels had not yet been shortened. Endings which were internalized due to the attachment of the enclitic definiteness marker, therefore, preserved their original prosodic features. Later accent retractions such as Dybo’s law and Ivšić’s law as well as paradigmatic leveling then resulted in the attested accentuation. As an exemplary case, the Slavic definite adjective accentuation is interesting for studying the prosodic development of word forms resulting from univerbation of two originally independent elements.
{"title":"Univerbation and prosodic change","authors":"Florian Wandl","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper argues that the unexpected accentuation of the Slavic definite adjectives inflecting according to accent paradigms b and c can be convincingly explained by considering the relative chronology of the rise of the definite adjective and certain changes in the prosody of Slavic. It is supposed that the construction eventually becoming the definite adjective arose at a time when paradigmatic mobility had not yet developed in oxytone o- and ā-stem adjectives and when word-final vowels had not yet been shortened. Endings which were internalized due to the attachment of the enclitic definiteness marker, therefore, preserved their original prosodic features. Later accent retractions such as Dybo’s law and Ivšić’s law as well as paradigmatic leveling then resulted in the attested accentuation. As an exemplary case, the Slavic definite adjective accentuation is interesting for studying the prosodic development of word forms resulting from univerbation of two originally independent elements.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47117204","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：