Pub Date : 2020-09-07DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10004
B. Fortson
The currently popular model of decasuative derivation has been criticized on various grounds, both typological and comparative. This paper assesses both the critique and the model.
目前流行的无说服力推导模式受到了各种各样的批评，包括类型学和比较学。本文对批评和模型进行了评估。
{"title":"Towards an assessment of decasuative derivation in Indo-European","authors":"B. Fortson","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The currently popular model of decasuative derivation has been criticized on various grounds, both typological and comparative. This paper assesses both the critique and the model.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-bja10004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45895684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-07DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10003
D. Sasseville
The Luwian nominal class of common gender a-stems, which has been argued to reflect Proto-Indo-European stems in *-eh2-, has not yet been explored to a full extent. In Cuneiform Luwian, a number of action nouns in -a- c. derived from verbs in -i(ya)- (< *-i̯e/o-) have been noticed by scholars, but a larger analysis of all examples including Hieroglyphic Luwian is still lacking. It is the goal of the present paper to fill this gap. After a synchronic analysis of all examples, their stem formation will be compared to a similar derivational process found in Sanskrit. Consequently, the comparative evidence will shed light on the function of the suffix *-eh2- in Proto-Indo-European, including Anatolian.
{"title":"Luwian and Sanskrit action nouns in *-i̯-eh2-","authors":"D. Sasseville","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Luwian nominal class of common gender a-stems, which has been argued to reflect Proto-Indo-European stems in *-eh2-, has not yet been explored to a full extent. In Cuneiform Luwian, a number of action nouns in -a- c. derived from verbs in -i(ya)- (< *-i̯e/o-) have been noticed by scholars, but a larger analysis of all examples including Hieroglyphic Luwian is still lacking. It is the goal of the present paper to fill this gap. After a synchronic analysis of all examples, their stem formation will be compared to a similar derivational process found in Sanskrit. Consequently, the comparative evidence will shed light on the function of the suffix *-eh2- in Proto-Indo-European, including Anatolian.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-bja10003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48035298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-07-23DOI: 10.1163/22125892-bja10001
Anahita Hoose
Up to three verbal categories are available for encoding past tense in Middle Indic: inherited finite pasts (lost in younger languages), old past passive participles, and morphological presents. I explore aspectual factors governing the choice of one verb form in preference to another in four texts in Pāli and Jaina-Māhārāṣṭrī, showing that finite pasts (where present) are compatible with multiple aspectual readings, participles almost always have perfective or anterior aspect, and presents have an association with imperfective aspect (exceptionless in Pāli but not in Jaina-Māhārāṣṭrī).
{"title":"Presenting the past in Middle Indic","authors":"Anahita Hoose","doi":"10.1163/22125892-bja10001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-bja10001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Up to three verbal categories are available for encoding past tense in Middle Indic: inherited finite pasts (lost in younger languages), old past passive participles, and morphological presents. I explore aspectual factors governing the choice of one verb form in preference to another in four texts in Pāli and Jaina-Māhārāṣṭrī, showing that finite pasts (where present) are compatible with multiple aspectual readings, participles almost always have perfective or anterior aspect, and presents have an association with imperfective aspect (exceptionless in Pāli but not in Jaina-Māhārāṣṭrī).","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-bja10001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43228938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701001
Jay H. Jasanoff
Central to the problem of the Hittite verbal system is the status of the ḫi-conjugation 3 sg. pret. in -š and its relationship to other sigmatic morphemes—the partly overlapping 2–3 sg. ending -šta, the 2 pl. endings -šten(i) and -šdumat, and the synchronically unanalyzable *-s- of ganeš- ‘find, recognize’ and other s-extended verbal roots. The account of these endings given in Jasanoff 2003 is reviewed and, where necessary, revised.
{"title":"The sigmatic forms of the Hittite verb","authors":"Jay H. Jasanoff","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Central to the problem of the Hittite verbal system is the status of the ḫi-conjugation 3 sg. pret. in -š and its relationship to other sigmatic morphemes—the partly overlapping 2–3 sg. ending -šta, the 2 pl. endings -šten(i) and -šdumat, and the synchronically unanalyzable *-s- of ganeš- ‘find, recognize’ and other s-extended verbal roots. The account of these endings given in Jasanoff 2003 is reviewed and, where necessary, revised.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44700756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701007
M. Peyrot
Tocharian agglutinative case inflexion as well as its single series of voiceless stops, the two most striking typological deviations from Proto-Indo-European, can be explained through influence from Uralic. A number of other typological features of Tocharian may likewise be interpreted as due to contact with a Uralic language. The supposed contacts are likely to be associated with the Afanas’evo Culture of South Siberia. This Indo-European culture probably represents an intermediate phase in the movement of speakers of early Tocharian from the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the Eastern European steppe to the Tarim Basin in Northwest China. At the same time, the Proto-Samoyedic homeland must have been in or close to the Afanas’evo area. A close match between the Pre-Proto-Tocharian and Pre-Proto-Samoyedic vowel systems is a strong indication that the Uralic contact language was an early form of Samoyedic.
{"title":"The deviant typological profile of the Tocharian branch of Indo-European may be due to Uralic substrate influence","authors":"M. Peyrot","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701007","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Tocharian agglutinative case inflexion as well as its single series of voiceless stops, the two most striking typological deviations from Proto-Indo-European, can be explained through influence from Uralic. A number of other typological features of Tocharian may likewise be interpreted as due to contact with a Uralic language. The supposed contacts are likely to be associated with the Afanas’evo Culture of South Siberia. This Indo-European culture probably represents an intermediate phase in the movement of speakers of early Tocharian from the Proto-Indo-European homeland in the Eastern European steppe to the Tarim Basin in Northwest China. At the same time, the Proto-Samoyedic homeland must have been in or close to the Afanas’evo area. A close match between the Pre-Proto-Tocharian and Pre-Proto-Samoyedic vowel systems is a strong indication that the Uralic contact language was an early form of Samoyedic.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701007","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49411398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701004
A. Tomba
The aim of the present article is to trace the origin and the evolution of the Tocharian A ending -äṃ, which is the plural marker of a closed class of nouns, whose Tocharian B counterparts are ranged under other inflectional classes. The results of this investigation are twofold: (1) not only is Tocharian A shown to have generally preserved the Proto-Indo-European situation better than Tocharian B, (2) but it is also argued that some members of this closed class are relevant from an Indo-European comparative perspective, since they have refunctionalised the n-form of the PIE *r/n-stems as a plural marker.
{"title":"The origin of the Tocharian A plural ending -äṃ","authors":"A. Tomba","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The aim of the present article is to trace the origin and the evolution of the Tocharian A ending -äṃ, which is the plural marker of a closed class of nouns, whose Tocharian B counterparts are ranged under other inflectional classes. The results of this investigation are twofold: (1) not only is Tocharian A shown to have generally preserved the Proto-Indo-European situation better than Tocharian B, (2) but it is also argued that some members of this closed class are relevant from an Indo-European comparative perspective, since they have refunctionalised the n-form of the PIE *r/n-stems as a plural marker.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47479563","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701006
Anthony D. Yates
This paper presents a systematic reassessment of Sturtevant’s Law (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hittite (Anatolian). I argue that Sturtevant’s Law was a conditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I provide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analyses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via “transphonologization” (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the Proto-Indo-European system as traditionally reconstructed with an opposition between voiceless, voiced, and breathy voiced stops (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017).
{"title":"The phonology, phonetics, and diachrony of Sturtevant’s Law","authors":"Anthony D. Yates","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701006","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper presents a systematic reassessment of Sturtevant’s Law (Sturtevant 1932), which governs the differing outcomes of Proto-Indo-European voiced and voiceless obstruents in Hittite (Anatolian). I argue that Sturtevant’s Law was a conditioned pre-Hittite sound change whereby (i) contrastively voiceless word-medial obstruents regularly underwent gemination (cf. Melchert 1994), but gemination was blocked for stops in pre-stop position; and (ii) the inherited [±voice] contrast was then lost, replaced by the [±long] opposition observed in Hittite (cf. Blevins 2004). I provide empirical and typological support for this novel restriction, which is shown not only to account straightforwardly for data that is problematic under previous analyses, but also to be phonetically motivated, a natural consequence of the poorly cued durational contrast between voiceless and voiced stops in pre-stop environments. I develop an optimality-theoretic analysis of this gemination pattern in pre-Hittite, and discuss how this grammar gave rise to synchronic Hittite via “transphonologization” (Hyman 1976, 2013). Finally, it is argued that this analysis supports deriving the Hittite stop system from the Proto-Indo-European system as traditionally reconstructed with an opposition between voiceless, voiced, and breathy voiced stops (contra Kloekhorst 2016, Jäntti 2017).","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48934585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701005
O. Sayeed
Ancient Greek underwent a sporadic sound change that copied an *h from the second syllable of a word to the first syllable, applying when the first syllable was vowel-initial, and perhaps also when it was stop-initial; this complements the analyses proposed so far in Greek historical phonology, particularly Sturm (2016, 2017), in accounting for the various sources of Proto-Greek *h. This change, Hauchumsprung, is unusual among recorded sound changes for involving the copying of a consonant over intervening material. Hauchumsprung, the φρουρᾱ́ rule, and Grassmann’s Law can be unified as three different footprints of a single sound change: one that copied aspiration from the middle of a word to the beginning of a word in early Greek.
古希腊语经历了一次零星的声音变化，将单词的第二个音节中的*h复制到第一个音节中，当第一个音节是元音开头的时候，也可能是停顿开头的时候;这补充了迄今为止在希腊历史音韵学方面提出的分析，特别是Sturm(2016年，2017年)，在解释原始希腊语*h的各种来源方面。这种变化，Hauchumsprung，在记录的声音变化中是不寻常的，因为它涉及到在中间材料上复制辅音。Hauchumsprung， φρο ο rule和Grassmann’s Law可以被统一为一个声音变化的三个不同的足迹:一个是将早期希腊语中单词的中间复制到单词的开头。
{"title":"Hauchumsprung and the historical phonology of Greek *h","authors":"O. Sayeed","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Ancient Greek underwent a sporadic sound change that copied an *h from the second syllable of a word to the first syllable, applying when the first syllable was vowel-initial, and perhaps also when it was stop-initial; this complements the analyses proposed so far in Greek historical phonology, particularly Sturm (2016, 2017), in accounting for the various sources of Proto-Greek *h. This change, Hauchumsprung, is unusual among recorded sound changes for involving the copying of a consonant over intervening material. Hauchumsprung, the φρουρᾱ́ rule, and Grassmann’s Law can be unified as three different footprints of a single sound change: one that copied aspiration from the middle of a word to the beginning of a word in early Greek.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701005","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44702698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701002
T. Pronk
There are around sixty Indo-European roots that are (sometimes) reconstructed with a vowel *a in the scholarly literature that otherwise fully embraces the laryngeal theory. This number is extremely low compared to the number of morphemes in which the vowels that are traditionally reconstructed as *e and *o are found. This marginal status of the vowel *a is typologically odd and has led some scholars to deny the existence of a vowel *a in Proto-Indo-European or in a precursor of Proto-Indo-European. This paper discusses the comparative evidence for the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *a. It concludes that there is insufficient evidence for the reconstruction of *a for any stage of the proto-language.
{"title":"Proto-Indo-European *a","authors":"T. Pronk","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 There are around sixty Indo-European roots that are (sometimes) reconstructed with a vowel *a in the scholarly literature that otherwise fully embraces the laryngeal theory. This number is extremely low compared to the number of morphemes in which the vowels that are traditionally reconstructed as *e and *o are found. This marginal status of the vowel *a is typologically odd and has led some scholars to deny the existence of a vowel *a in Proto-Indo-European or in a precursor of Proto-Indo-European. This paper discusses the comparative evidence for the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European *a. It concludes that there is insufficient evidence for the reconstruction of *a for any stage of the proto-language.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701002","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44565956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-02DOI: 10.1163/22125892-00701009
M. Svensson
This article presents a new approach to the Baltic and Balto-Slavic infinitive system. It is argued that the traditional view (which, in essence, derives the Slavic infinitive -ti from PIE loc. sg. *-tēi̯ and projects all Baltic infinitive endings back into Balto-Slavic) is for several reasons problematic. Balto-Slavic possessed just one infinitive (OCS -ti, Lith. -ti < Bl.-Sl. *-tī < PIE dat. sg. *-tei̯-ei̯, as per Hill 2016) and a supine (OCS -tъ, Lith. -tų < Bl.-Sl. *-tun < PIE acc. sg. *-tum). All other infinitive endings of Baltic (OPr. -twei, Lith. dial. -tie, Latv. refl. -tiê-s) were an exclusive creation of this branch. The reasons for the expansion of the infinitive in Baltic are also discussed.
本文提出了一种研究波罗的海语和波罗-斯拉夫语不定式系统的新方法。有人认为，传统的观点(本质上是由斯拉夫语不定式-ti派生自PIE loc)。sg。*-tēi和投射所有波罗的海不定式结尾回到波罗的海斯拉夫语)是有几个问题的原因。波罗的海斯拉夫语只有一个不定式(OCS -ti, Lith)。- i < b .- l.;*-t < PIE数据。sg。*-tei æ u -ei æ u, as per Hill 2016)和一个仰卧(OCS - t_， ith)。- t_ < b .- l.;*-tun < PIE acc。sg。*空的)。波罗的海语(OPr)的所有其他不定式结尾。-twei,结石。拨号。领带,Latv。反射。-tiê-s)是这个分支独有的创造物。讨论了波罗的海语中不定式扩展的原因。
{"title":"The infinitive in Baltic and Balto-Slavic","authors":"M. Svensson","doi":"10.1163/22125892-00701009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22125892-00701009","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article presents a new approach to the Baltic and Balto-Slavic infinitive system. It is argued that the traditional view (which, in essence, derives the Slavic infinitive -ti from PIE loc. sg. *-tēi̯ and projects all Baltic infinitive endings back into Balto-Slavic) is for several reasons problematic. Balto-Slavic possessed just one infinitive (OCS -ti, Lith. -ti < Bl.-Sl. *-tī < PIE dat. sg. *-tei̯-ei̯, as per Hill 2016) and a supine (OCS -tъ, Lith. -tų < Bl.-Sl. *-tun < PIE acc. sg. *-tum). All other infinitive endings of Baltic (OPr. -twei, Lith. dial. -tie, Latv. refl. -tiê-s) were an exclusive creation of this branch. The reasons for the expansion of the infinitive in Baltic are also discussed.","PeriodicalId":36822,"journal":{"name":"Indo-European Linguistics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/22125892-00701009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64571643","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：