Carlotta Varriale, L. Pesando, R. Kashyap, V. Rotondi
{"title":"Corrigendum of Article: “Mobile Phones and Attitudes toward Women’s Participation in Politics: Evidence from Africa,” Sociology of Development, 2022, 8(1): 1–37.","authors":"Carlotta Varriale, L. Pesando, R. Kashyap, V. Rotondi","doi":"10.1525/sod.2022.0610","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2022.0610","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66955670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines a half century of trends in family attitudes and beliefs in the United States, including attitudes towards gender, marriage, childbearing, cohabitation, sex outside marriage, divorce, and same-sex relations. We trace attitudes from the 1960s through the 2010s using four data sources: Intergenerational Panel Study of Parents and Children, Monitoring the Future, General Social Survey, and International Social Science Project. We find profound and largely consistent changes in Americans’ attitudes. We argue these changes demonstrate the expansion of developmental idealism in the United States. Americans increasingly endorsed longstanding “modern” family attributes, as well as newly “modern” attributes viewed as extensions of freedom and equality and linked to seemingly natural progress of society. At the same time, sizable majorities remained committed to marriage and children. While Americans increasingly supported all individuals’ freedom to choose among a diversity of family behaviors, most continued to choose marriage and children for themselves.
{"title":"Developmental Idealism and a Half Century of Family Attitude Trends in the United States","authors":"K. Allendorf, L. Young-DeMarco, A. Thornton","doi":"10.31235/osf.io/kaby5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31235/osf.io/kaby5","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines a half century of trends in family attitudes and beliefs in the United States, including attitudes towards gender, marriage, childbearing, cohabitation, sex outside marriage, divorce, and same-sex relations. We trace attitudes from the 1960s through the 2010s using four data sources: Intergenerational Panel Study of Parents and Children, Monitoring the Future, General Social Survey, and International Social Science Project. We find profound and largely consistent changes in Americans’ attitudes. We argue these changes demonstrate the expansion of developmental idealism in the United States. Americans increasingly endorsed longstanding “modern” family attributes, as well as newly “modern” attributes viewed as extensions of freedom and equality and linked to seemingly natural progress of society. At the same time, sizable majorities remained committed to marriage and children. While Americans increasingly supported all individuals’ freedom to choose among a diversity of family behaviors, most continued to choose marriage and children for themselves.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46965023","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The impact of globalization on the enactment and practice of collective labor rights (CLR) in the global South remains a contested issue in the global political economy literature. Some scholars suggest southern firms and states suppress CLR to maintain global competitiveness in labor-intensive manufacturing. Other scholars contend that globalization improves CLR as globally integrated firms increasingly “upgrade” to more capital- and skill-intensive manufacturing. This study empirically adjudicates these claims by examining whether the integration of southern firms into global production networks indirectly affects CLR through the skill upgrading of the industrial labor force. I test this proposition using unbalanced panel data on collective labor laws and practices in 55 low- and middle-income countries from 1985 to 2002. Estimates from generalized path models show that greater manufacturing exports to northern countries and inward foreign direct investment stock are directly associated with a decrease in collective labor practices net of institutional, political, and macroeconomic conditions. Most importantly, I find that manufacturing exports indirectly reduce collective labor practices by decreasing the skill composition of the industrial labor force. Overall, this study provides novel evidence that the globalization of production directly reduces collective labor practices in the global South and indirectly reduces these practices through hindering skill development in industrial labor.
{"title":"The Globalization of Production, Industrial Upgrading, and Collective Labor Rights in the Global South","authors":"Anthony Roberts","doi":"10.1525/sod.2020.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2020.0024","url":null,"abstract":"The impact of globalization on the enactment and practice of collective labor rights (CLR) in the global South remains a contested issue in the global political economy literature. Some scholars suggest southern firms and states suppress CLR to maintain global competitiveness in labor-intensive manufacturing. Other scholars contend that globalization improves CLR as globally integrated firms increasingly “upgrade” to more capital- and skill-intensive manufacturing. This study empirically adjudicates these claims by examining whether the integration of southern firms into global production networks indirectly affects CLR through the skill upgrading of the industrial labor force. I test this proposition using unbalanced panel data on collective labor laws and practices in 55 low- and middle-income countries from 1985 to 2002. Estimates from generalized path models show that greater manufacturing exports to northern countries and inward foreign direct investment stock are directly associated with a decrease in collective labor practices net of institutional, political, and macroeconomic conditions. Most importantly, I find that manufacturing exports indirectly reduce collective labor practices by decreasing the skill composition of the industrial labor force. Overall, this study provides novel evidence that the globalization of production directly reduces collective labor practices in the global South and indirectly reduces these practices through hindering skill development in industrial labor.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43182320","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does a standard-setting body based in the United States influence domestic regulatory contests in rising powers like China and India? And why might it be more successful in imposing its norms in one country or another? This paper answers these questions through a comparative analysis of domestic regulatory contention over pesticide residue standards for soft drinks in India and over nutritional standards for infant formula in China. Drawing together insights from science and technology studies, political economic approaches to standards and science, and the institutional approach to hegemonic transitions, I make three arguments. First, standard-setting bodies are increasingly available for hire by transnational firms; however, as their authority is not automatic, they are strategically cultivating scientific and policy networks in rising powers. Second, states in rising powers respond differently to the advocacy of standard-setting bodies, depending on distinct patterns of inter-firm and inter-state competition across the sectors to be regulated. Finally, because both standard-setting bodies and states in rising powers are compelled to build new coalitions of scientific and political actors to wield influence, these struggles are recasting the geographies of institutional power over standards in new ways.
{"title":"Northern Firms, Standard-Setting Bodies, and Rising Powers","authors":"Amy A. Quark","doi":"10.1525/sod.2019.0038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.0038","url":null,"abstract":"How does a standard-setting body based in the United States influence domestic regulatory contests in rising powers like China and India? And why might it be more successful in imposing its norms in one country or another? This paper answers these questions through a comparative analysis of domestic regulatory contention over pesticide residue standards for soft drinks in India and over nutritional standards for infant formula in China. Drawing together insights from science and technology studies, political economic approaches to standards and science, and the institutional approach to hegemonic transitions, I make three arguments. First, standard-setting bodies are increasingly available for hire by transnational firms; however, as their authority is not automatic, they are strategically cultivating scientific and policy networks in rising powers. Second, states in rising powers respond differently to the advocacy of standard-setting bodies, depending on distinct patterns of inter-firm and inter-state competition across the sectors to be regulated. Finally, because both standard-setting bodies and states in rising powers are compelled to build new coalitions of scientific and political actors to wield influence, these struggles are recasting the geographies of institutional power over standards in new ways.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41935577","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women’s equality has been positively linked to household food security in many countries. Since women still do the bulk of food labor, women’s empowerment can lead to an increase in the allocation of resources toward food, improving food security. However, we do not know how country-level laws of gender equality intersect with household-level actions. This study examines household food insecurity from a cross-national and multilevel perspective. I explore the relationship between gender inequality (in terms of both opinions and laws) and household food insecurity. I use household data from the World Values Survey, Wave 6, collected in 2010 through 2014. The analytic sample includes 42 countries and 37,152 individuals. My country-level data come from the World Bank and the Social Institutions and Gender Index. I find that positive measures of women’s empowerment at the household level reduce a household’s likelihood of food insecurity. Surprisingly, I find that country-level policies do not always create the intended outcomes of increased equality. Legal equality between men and women at the country level (financial, legal, and land ownership) does not have a direct relationship with food insecurity. However, legal equality moderates the relationship between food insecurity and country-level variables (agricultural exports and urbanization) and household-level variables (income). The research suggests that the inclusion of gender equality complicates development theory.
{"title":"A Cross-National Examination of Food Insecurity and Gender Equality","authors":"A. Wyant","doi":"10.1525/sod.2019.0022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.0022","url":null,"abstract":"Women’s equality has been positively linked to household food security in many countries. Since women still do the bulk of food labor, women’s empowerment can lead to an increase in the allocation of resources toward food, improving food security. However, we do not know how country-level laws of gender equality intersect with household-level actions. This study examines household food insecurity from a cross-national and multilevel perspective. I explore the relationship between gender inequality (in terms of both opinions and laws) and household food insecurity. I use household data from the World Values Survey, Wave 6, collected in 2010 through 2014. The analytic sample includes 42 countries and 37,152 individuals. My country-level data come from the World Bank and the Social Institutions and Gender Index. I find that positive measures of women’s empowerment at the household level reduce a household’s likelihood of food insecurity. Surprisingly, I find that country-level policies do not always create the intended outcomes of increased equality. Legal equality between men and women at the country level (financial, legal, and land ownership) does not have a direct relationship with food insecurity. However, legal equality moderates the relationship between food insecurity and country-level variables (agricultural exports and urbanization) and household-level variables (income). The research suggests that the inclusion of gender equality complicates development theory.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45482312","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.159
Michael Levien
In India today, the term “land mafia” is widely applied to those engaged in land-related corruption. What is unclear is the sociological phenomenon to which the term “mafia” refers, and what it indicates about capitalism in contemporary India. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the state of Rajasthan, combined with analysis of court decisions and newspaper articles, I argue that land mafia discourse identifies informal land-grabbing practices that have become extremely widespread across India. These practices are undertaken not necessarily by criminal organizations but by diffuse coercive rentier networks that cross the public–private divide. These networks have been strengthened by the liberalization of India’s economy, and particularly its real estate market, and their entrenchment poses a major obstacle to “good governance” reforms. India’s land mafias thus expose important weaknesses in the dominant approaches to corruption and suggest the need to take seriously the synergies between capitalism, coercion, and corruption.
{"title":"Coercive Rentier Networks","authors":"Michael Levien","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.159","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.159","url":null,"abstract":"In India today, the term “land mafia” is widely applied to those engaged in land-related corruption. What is unclear is the sociological phenomenon to which the term “mafia” refers, and what it indicates about capitalism in contemporary India. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the state of Rajasthan, combined with analysis of court decisions and newspaper articles, I argue that land mafia discourse identifies informal land-grabbing practices that have become extremely widespread across India. These practices are undertaken not necessarily by criminal organizations but by diffuse coercive rentier networks that cross the public–private divide. These networks have been strengthened by the liberalization of India’s economy, and particularly its real estate market, and their entrenchment poses a major obstacle to “good governance” reforms. India’s land mafias thus expose important weaknesses in the dominant approaches to corruption and suggest the need to take seriously the synergies between capitalism, coercion, and corruption.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42247589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.186
M. Steinberg
Important recent research highlights the role of forced labor in the expansion of neoliberal capitalism in the global South. In this article I make the case that coerced labor was central to the first industrial revolution, the classical case of Great Britain. I demonstrate that in an area known as the Black Country for its coal, steel, and related industries, master and servant laws allowed criminal prosecution of workers deemed problematic, to insure labor control in the workplace. Employers relied on these laws when they were unable to use machinery to embed control in the labor process, and when they had recourse to reliable local courts (or petty sessions), in which many were magistrates, so they could rely on convictions under summary jurisdictions for fines, damage payment, and incarceration. I conclude by suggesting that this particular historical case can reorient our perspective on labor coercion and the law across the long arc of modern capitalism.
{"title":"Coercion in the Cradle","authors":"M. Steinberg","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.186","url":null,"abstract":"Important recent research highlights the role of forced labor in the expansion of neoliberal capitalism in the global South. In this article I make the case that coerced labor was central to the first industrial revolution, the classical case of Great Britain. I demonstrate that in an area known as the Black Country for its coal, steel, and related industries, master and servant laws allowed criminal prosecution of workers deemed problematic, to insure labor control in the workplace. Employers relied on these laws when they were unable to use machinery to embed control in the labor process, and when they had recourse to reliable local courts (or petty sessions), in which many were magistrates, so they could rely on convictions under summary jurisdictions for fines, damage payment, and incarceration. I conclude by suggesting that this particular historical case can reorient our perspective on labor coercion and the law across the long arc of modern capitalism.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48232825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.129
Jasmin Hristov
This article aims to theorize the role of violence in securing and promoting conditions for capital accumulation in the era of globalization by focusing on neoliberal development projects in the global South. To this end, I introduce the concept of pro-capitalist violence, with an emphasis on its manifestations in agrarian contexts in Colombia, Mexico, and Honduras—countries that rank as the deadliest places in the world for defenders of land rights and the environment. I show that not all collective violence in these countries is a product of organized crime, gangs, or armed conflict between states and guerrilla groups. The central argument is that pro-capitalist violence has been an essential instrument enabling the neoliberal agrarian restructuring of Latin American countries through dispossession and repression. The article develops two propositions as an entry point to theorizing pro-capitalist violence: its structural embeddedness, exposed by capturing its positive interaction with economic and security legislation; and its multifaceted nature, shown by tracing its different modalities.
{"title":"Pro-Capitalist Violence and the Great Wave of Dispossession","authors":"Jasmin Hristov","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.129","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to theorize the role of violence in securing and promoting conditions for capital accumulation in the era of globalization by focusing on neoliberal development projects in the global South. To this end, I introduce the concept of pro-capitalist violence, with an emphasis on its manifestations in agrarian contexts in Colombia, Mexico, and Honduras—countries that rank as the deadliest places in the world for defenders of land rights and the environment. I show that not all collective violence in these countries is a product of organized crime, gangs, or armed conflict between states and guerrilla groups. The central argument is that pro-capitalist violence has been an essential instrument enabling the neoliberal agrarian restructuring of Latin American countries through dispossession and repression. The article develops two propositions as an entry point to theorizing pro-capitalist violence: its structural embeddedness, exposed by capturing its positive interaction with economic and security legislation; and its multifaceted nature, shown by tracing its different modalities.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45691401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.202
W. N. Green, M. Bylander
In recent years, international banks, investment agencies, and development institutions have created new markets for capital accumulation by rapidly expanding the commercial microfinance industry in the global South. In Cambodia, which has one of the largest microfinance industries in the world, the typical loan amount now exceeds the average annual household income and requires land-based collateral. Cambodian borrowers are increasingly over-indebted, compelling families to reduce their food consumption, take out new loans to service prior debts, migrate, and/or sell their land in distress. In this paper, we investigate this last effect of over-indebtedness, distress land sales. We argue that the exclusionary power of microfinance debt—constituted by collateralized legal contracts, discourses of moral responsibility, and public shame—is driving land dispossession among the country’s most vulnerable people. To make our argument, we draw on ethnographic fieldwork, supplemented by quantitative data from the Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey, MIX Market, and two industry-sponsored large-scale quantitative surveys of over-indebtedness. We trace the rise of the commercial microfinance industry, show how it has contributed to over-indebtedness, and consider how household debts can lead to distress land sales. These land sales have largely gone unacknowledged in the industry because they take place through informal channels rather than the court system. We conclude that microfinance-debt-induced land dispossession in Cambodia is a product of an overly commercialized international microfinance industry that now values profits over people.
{"title":"The Exclusionary Power of Microfinance","authors":"W. N. Green, M. Bylander","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.202","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, international banks, investment agencies, and development institutions have created new markets for capital accumulation by rapidly expanding the commercial microfinance industry in the global South. In Cambodia, which has one of the largest microfinance industries in the world, the typical loan amount now exceeds the average annual household income and requires land-based collateral. Cambodian borrowers are increasingly over-indebted, compelling families to reduce their food consumption, take out new loans to service prior debts, migrate, and/or sell their land in distress. In this paper, we investigate this last effect of over-indebtedness, distress land sales. We argue that the exclusionary power of microfinance debt—constituted by collateralized legal contracts, discourses of moral responsibility, and public shame—is driving land dispossession among the country’s most vulnerable people. To make our argument, we draw on ethnographic fieldwork, supplemented by quantitative data from the Cambodia Socio-Economic Survey, MIX Market, and two industry-sponsored large-scale quantitative surveys of over-indebtedness. We trace the rise of the commercial microfinance industry, show how it has contributed to over-indebtedness, and consider how household debts can lead to distress land sales. These land sales have largely gone unacknowledged in the industry because they take place through informal channels rather than the court system. We conclude that microfinance-debt-induced land dispossession in Cambodia is a product of an overly commercialized international microfinance industry that now values profits over people.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44315132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-01DOI: 10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.117
S. Cohn
Coercive capitalism is development based on the use of force to dispossess either land or labor. Early macrosociologists, both functionalist and conflict-oriented, believed that feudal systems were based on the use of force but that capitalism is based on coercion-free free markets. Wallerstein argued that coercive capitalism exists in the periphery of world systems. We argue that coercion is endemic to all capitalism. Much of the land on which capitalism is based, including all of the Western Hemisphere, was seized from aboriginal populations. Land seizure was common in historic Europe. Forced labor existed until very recently in both bound apprenticeships and prison work crews. Coercion is used extensively in land acquisition for contemporary capitalism. It can take the form of legal sanctions exerted against the defenseless, or the use of paramilitaries and gangsters to exert pressure on the landholding poor.
{"title":"Coercive Capitalism","authors":"S. Cohn","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.7.2.117","url":null,"abstract":"Coercive capitalism is development based on the use of force to dispossess either land or labor. Early macrosociologists, both functionalist and conflict-oriented, believed that feudal systems were based on the use of force but that capitalism is based on coercion-free free markets. Wallerstein argued that coercive capitalism exists in the periphery of world systems. We argue that coercion is endemic to all capitalism. Much of the land on which capitalism is based, including all of the Western Hemisphere, was seized from aboriginal populations. Land seizure was common in historic Europe. Forced labor existed until very recently in both bound apprenticeships and prison work crews. Coercion is used extensively in land acquisition for contemporary capitalism. It can take the form of legal sanctions exerted against the defenseless, or the use of paramilitaries and gangsters to exert pressure on the landholding poor.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44295691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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