The global digital divide is a pressing contemporary form of inequality, especially considering the increased salience of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in the post-pandemic world. Despite unequal rates of expansion across the developing world, processes that explain disparities in digital technology access are under-studied from macro, cross-national sociological perspectives. This longitudinal study evaluates factors associated with access to mobile phones across 133 developing countries from 1995 to 2014, the key period of rapid ICT expansion worldwide. We investigate two major global sociological theories, dependency and world society, to determine the processes that best explain unequal access between developing states. Using negative binomial count models within a generalized estimating equation framework, we find that the global digital divide is exacerbated by (1) larger rural populations at the state level and (2) higher levels of dependence, as measured by foreign direct investment, export concentration, and domestic fiscal independence. We also find that internal characteristics of economically dependent states work in combination to worsen the digital divide; specifically, we find that the negative effect of rurality on subscriptions is heightened in states with less domestic fiscal independence. Finally, we find limited evidence that world society institutionalization of ICT norms has a positive effect on access to mobile phones globally; however, the relationship between state-level measures of world society penetration and mobile phone subscriptions is unclear.
{"title":"Economic Dependency and Rural Exclusion","authors":"Aarushi Bhandari, S. Shirazi","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0011","url":null,"abstract":"The global digital divide is a pressing contemporary form of inequality, especially considering the increased salience of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in the post-pandemic world. Despite unequal rates of expansion across the developing world, processes that explain disparities in digital technology access are under-studied from macro, cross-national sociological perspectives. This longitudinal study evaluates factors associated with access to mobile phones across 133 developing countries from 1995 to 2014, the key period of rapid ICT expansion worldwide. We investigate two major global sociological theories, dependency and world society, to determine the processes that best explain unequal access between developing states. Using negative binomial count models within a generalized estimating equation framework, we find that the global digital divide is exacerbated by (1) larger rural populations at the state level and (2) higher levels of dependence, as measured by foreign direct investment, export concentration, and domestic fiscal independence. We also find that internal characteristics of economically dependent states work in combination to worsen the digital divide; specifically, we find that the negative effect of rurality on subscriptions is heightened in states with less domestic fiscal independence. Finally, we find limited evidence that world society institutionalization of ICT norms has a positive effect on access to mobile phones globally; however, the relationship between state-level measures of world society penetration and mobile phone subscriptions is unclear.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66953340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When and why does the public support redistributive policies that seek to provide social risk protection through universal health financing? One central political dilemma in establishing systems of universal health coverage (UHC) in low- and middle-income countries is the small tax base available to contribute to pooled financing of healthcare. Middle-class workers in the formal sector (labor market insiders) may already get health coverage through the state or private insurers, leaving them little incentive to contribute to UHC that will primarily benefit indigent workers in the informal sector (labor market outsiders). Applying the insider–outsider politics framework, we explore attitudes toward UHC using recent data from Afrobarometer surveys in 36 countries in Sub-Saharan and North Africa. We find that, in spite of growing attention to universal coverage among policymakers, support from the average citizen is low, though variable, across countries. Further, in contrast with expectation, economically secure labor market insiders are more willing than labor market outsiders to pay more in taxes to finance health coverage. However, support for more tax financing of health services was dependent on trust in government and perceptions of government efficacy. Trust in the government’s capacity to use tax financing effectively may be a more important determinant of support for UHC than rational self-interest.
{"title":"Insider–Outsider Politics and Support for Universal Health Coverage in Low- and Middle-Income Countries","authors":"Ashley M. Fox, Megan M. Reynolds","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0028","url":null,"abstract":"When and why does the public support redistributive policies that seek to provide social risk protection through universal health financing? One central political dilemma in establishing systems of universal health coverage (UHC) in low- and middle-income countries is the small tax base available to contribute to pooled financing of healthcare. Middle-class workers in the formal sector (labor market insiders) may already get health coverage through the state or private insurers, leaving them little incentive to contribute to UHC that will primarily benefit indigent workers in the informal sector (labor market outsiders). Applying the insider–outsider politics framework, we explore attitudes toward UHC using recent data from Afrobarometer surveys in 36 countries in Sub-Saharan and North Africa. We find that, in spite of growing attention to universal coverage among policymakers, support from the average citizen is low, though variable, across countries. Further, in contrast with expectation, economically secure labor market insiders are more willing than labor market outsiders to pay more in taxes to finance health coverage. However, support for more tax financing of health services was dependent on trust in government and perceptions of government efficacy. Trust in the government’s capacity to use tax financing effectively may be a more important determinant of support for UHC than rational self-interest.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66954077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Consensus holds that large businesses and their organizations can exert significant political influence; however, our understanding of how microenterprises and their organizations wield influence—or not—lags far behind. In fact, scholars have drawn opposing conclusions about microenterprises’ organizational capacity to shape policy. One view is that small firms face barriers to collective action and are incapable of effectively advocating for policies that suit them. An alternative view is that they are sufficiently influential to stymie the implementation of unfavorable policies outright. This paper refines our understanding of the organizational influence of microenterprises by arguing that these two views are not incompatible. By distinguishing (1) between “defiant” and “negotiated” behaviors and (2) between advocacy at local and national levels, I make the case that clusters of microenterprises can be both effective at resisting policy intervention at the local level and unable to bring political pressure on national policymaking. Focusing on the area of environmental and labor regulation, I present schematic descriptions of this dynamic in three industries that are dominated by geographically clustered microenterprises in Mexico: brickmaking, leather tanning, and ceramics production.
{"title":"Strength in Numbers or Collective Frailty? The Organizational Capacity of Microenterprises","authors":"Steven Samford","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0037","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0037","url":null,"abstract":"Consensus holds that large businesses and their organizations can exert significant political influence; however, our understanding of how microenterprises and their organizations wield influence—or not—lags far behind. In fact, scholars have drawn opposing conclusions about microenterprises’ organizational capacity to shape policy. One view is that small firms face barriers to collective action and are incapable of effectively advocating for policies that suit them. An alternative view is that they are sufficiently influential to stymie the implementation of unfavorable policies outright. This paper refines our understanding of the organizational influence of microenterprises by arguing that these two views are not incompatible. By distinguishing (1) between “defiant” and “negotiated” behaviors and (2) between advocacy at local and national levels, I make the case that clusters of microenterprises can be both effective at resisting policy intervention at the local level and unable to bring political pressure on national policymaking. Focusing on the area of environmental and labor regulation, I present schematic descriptions of this dynamic in three industries that are dominated by geographically clustered microenterprises in Mexico: brickmaking, leather tanning, and ceramics production.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66954164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
International volunteering has become a popular way for students to travel, engage in rewarding service, and build credentials of global citizenship for a competitive job market. In this context, we explore a puzzling phenomenon: why would a group of students choose to end a seemingly successful international volunteer program legitimized by affirmation from their community partner in the global South, their peers, and their institution? Research has shown that international volunteering organizations, and development organizations more broadly, are resilient, even amid critique, as they continually reconstruct their legitimacy vis-à-vis donors. We argue, however, that student volunteer organizations that intentionally foster reflexivity in development work may choose organizational demise after grappling with the tensions inherent in international alternative breaks. These volunteer programs train students in critical perspectives on international development, yet the institutional conditions under which they operate, as well as some of their implicit neoliberal assumptions, frustrate the realization of this critique in practice. Students develop critical and neoliberal anxieties that lead them not only to indict the moral legitimacy of the organization but also to reject the credentials and career paths of global citizenship they initially sought to attain.
{"title":"Autopsy of an International Alternative Break","authors":"Maya FarrHenderson, Amy A. Quark","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0012","url":null,"abstract":"International volunteering has become a popular way for students to travel, engage in rewarding service, and build credentials of global citizenship for a competitive job market. In this context, we explore a puzzling phenomenon: why would a group of students choose to end a seemingly successful international volunteer program legitimized by affirmation from their community partner in the global South, their peers, and their institution? Research has shown that international volunteering organizations, and development organizations more broadly, are resilient, even amid critique, as they continually reconstruct their legitimacy vis-à-vis donors. We argue, however, that student volunteer organizations that intentionally foster reflexivity in development work may choose organizational demise after grappling with the tensions inherent in international alternative breaks. These volunteer programs train students in critical perspectives on international development, yet the institutional conditions under which they operate, as well as some of their implicit neoliberal assumptions, frustrate the realization of this critique in practice. Students develop critical and neoliberal anxieties that lead them not only to indict the moral legitimacy of the organization but also to reject the credentials and career paths of global citizenship they initially sought to attain.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66953349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Amid a general trend toward the informalization of employment, the globalizing sector of high-end hospitality services creates a limited number of formal employment opportunities for manual workers in specific locations with large pools of potential recruits. This paper examines the hiring criteria and recruitment process for waiting staff positions at an international luxury hotel in coastal Vietnam. Data collected through interviews and observation suggest that particularly young, taller-than-average, fair-complexioned candidates with foreign-language skills and the financial resources to compensate local brokers through traditional gift-giving rituals are more likely to get formal jobs. Aspiring formal employees perform work on their bodies and outfit to meet these requirements—a process we call “fitting.” The paper makes a contribution to the sociology of labor markets and to the understanding of access to formal employment in the context of globalization.
{"title":"The Fitting Process","authors":"Jacinto Cuvi, Kimsa Maradan","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0016","url":null,"abstract":"Amid a general trend toward the informalization of employment, the globalizing sector of high-end hospitality services creates a limited number of formal employment opportunities for manual workers in specific locations with large pools of potential recruits. This paper examines the hiring criteria and recruitment process for waiting staff positions at an international luxury hotel in coastal Vietnam. Data collected through interviews and observation suggest that particularly young, taller-than-average, fair-complexioned candidates with foreign-language skills and the financial resources to compensate local brokers through traditional gift-giving rituals are more likely to get formal jobs. Aspiring formal employees perform work on their bodies and outfit to meet these requirements—a process we call “fitting.” The paper makes a contribution to the sociology of labor markets and to the understanding of access to formal employment in the context of globalization.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66953386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using data from a national survey of urban Turks, we examine whether people report an understanding and acceptance of developmental idealism (DI) messages about the relationship between development and family characteristics. We examine two different aspects of DI, which the recent literature distinguish as original DI versus new DI. An important contribution of our paper is its focus on a detailed conceptualization and measurement of DI. We constructed six different scales that crosscut the original-versus-new distinction and the dimensions of correlation, causation, and expectations. We find that the vast majority of Turks endorse most DI beliefs, with variations in responses between the original and new aspects. Our analyses also suggest that region of residence, ethnicity, education, marriage and fertility, age, gender, and secularism are substantially, in some cases unexpectedly, related to DI beliefs. More educated people generally endorse DI less than those with less education, and the effects of marital and fertility status are also in a direction different from our theoretical predictions. Furthermore, the estimated effects of the explanatory variables on DI vary across the six scales, providing evidence that understanding and acceptance of DI beliefs vary by the original-versus-new distinction and across the three dimensions. Thus, this work provides evidence that DI is not a unified package of ideas but a network of schemas related to each other with varying strength.
{"title":"Distinguishing between Old and New Developmental Idealism and among Beliefs about Correlation, Causation, and Expectations","authors":"Serap Kavas, A. Thornton","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0030","url":null,"abstract":"Using data from a national survey of urban Turks, we examine whether people report an understanding and acceptance of developmental idealism (DI) messages about the relationship between development and family characteristics. We examine two different aspects of DI, which the recent literature distinguish as original DI versus new DI. An important contribution of our paper is its focus on a detailed conceptualization and measurement of DI. We constructed six different scales that crosscut the original-versus-new distinction and the dimensions of correlation, causation, and expectations. We find that the vast majority of Turks endorse most DI beliefs, with variations in responses between the original and new aspects. Our analyses also suggest that region of residence, ethnicity, education, marriage and fertility, age, gender, and secularism are substantially, in some cases unexpectedly, related to DI beliefs. More educated people generally endorse DI less than those with less education, and the effects of marital and fertility status are also in a direction different from our theoretical predictions. Furthermore, the estimated effects of the explanatory variables on DI vary across the six scales, providing evidence that understanding and acceptance of DI beliefs vary by the original-versus-new distinction and across the three dimensions. Thus, this work provides evidence that DI is not a unified package of ideas but a network of schemas related to each other with varying strength.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66954153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women’s critical mass helps change male-dominated cultures and promote women’s career advancement, but its effects vary across organizational domains and are sometimes constrained by persistent gender structures and power relationships inside and outside workplaces. By analyzing a nationally representative sample of China’s private companies, this study examines how women’s representation, not only in sheer numbers but also in certain powerful positions (e.g., owners or shareholders), affects women’s leadership potential. Despite evidence of positive trends in women’s leadership in the Chinese corporate context, women’s representation has been hamstrung by institutional legacies (e.g., partial state ownership). The effects of women’s representation also differ by industrial sector. Women are more likely to reach senior management in low-tech, labor-intensive industries, where women dominate the workforce, than in industries with higher technological demands, where men dominate the workforce. Women owners or shareholders matter more for the promotion of women CEOs in higher-tech companies. Our study contributes to the literature on gendered organizations by offering insights on how transitional institutional forces and large industrial systems converge and interact with women’s representation to affect their upward occupational trajectory in developing contexts.
{"title":"Critical Mass and Critical Representation","authors":"C. Reilly, Junmin Wang","doi":"10.1525/sod.2020.0045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2020.0045","url":null,"abstract":"Women’s critical mass helps change male-dominated cultures and promote women’s career advancement, but its effects vary across organizational domains and are sometimes constrained by persistent gender structures and power relationships inside and outside workplaces. By analyzing a nationally representative sample of China’s private companies, this study examines how women’s representation, not only in sheer numbers but also in certain powerful positions (e.g., owners or shareholders), affects women’s leadership potential. Despite evidence of positive trends in women’s leadership in the Chinese corporate context, women’s representation has been hamstrung by institutional legacies (e.g., partial state ownership). The effects of women’s representation also differ by industrial sector. Women are more likely to reach senior management in low-tech, labor-intensive industries, where women dominate the workforce, than in industries with higher technological demands, where men dominate the workforce. Women owners or shareholders matter more for the promotion of women CEOs in higher-tech companies. Our study contributes to the literature on gendered organizations by offering insights on how transitional institutional forces and large industrial systems converge and interact with women’s representation to affect their upward occupational trajectory in developing contexts.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"63 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66953330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How do political parties shape urban movements in developing countries? This paper examines struggles for urban inclusion in two informal settlements within Johannesburg: Thembelihle and Motsoaledi. I argue that the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), fragmented and weakened these movements through four mechanisms: place-specific governance, electoral encouragement, co-optation, and fostering loyalty. Both responding to and prompting these mechanisms, activists in the two areas pursued divergent politics. Whereas activists in Thembelihle emphasized working-class solidarity and citywide opposition to the ANC, activists in Motsoaledi emphasized neighborhood solidarity and presented a narrower challenge to the ANC. Residents in both areas secured material concessions, but they failed to produce a unified and citywide movement. The two examples underscore the difficulty of building movements for urban inclusion when a single political party dominates civil society.
{"title":"Fragmenting Urban Movements","authors":"Marcel Paret","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0027","url":null,"abstract":"How do political parties shape urban movements in developing countries? This paper examines struggles for urban inclusion in two informal settlements within Johannesburg: Thembelihle and Motsoaledi. I argue that the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), fragmented and weakened these movements through four mechanisms: place-specific governance, electoral encouragement, co-optation, and fostering loyalty. Both responding to and prompting these mechanisms, activists in the two areas pursued divergent politics. Whereas activists in Thembelihle emphasized working-class solidarity and citywide opposition to the ANC, activists in Motsoaledi emphasized neighborhood solidarity and presented a narrower challenge to the ANC. Residents in both areas secured material concessions, but they failed to produce a unified and citywide movement. The two examples underscore the difficulty of building movements for urban inclusion when a single political party dominates civil society.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66954059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article expands the sociology of development literature by unpacking how the influx of hundreds of NGOs and INGOs following Nepal’s 2015 earthquakes operated as an unprecedented “post-disaster development surge.” Reframing reconstruction as development renders visible the linkages, continuations, and ruptures between the post-earthquake reconstruction and the existing development paradigm in Nepal. This study draws on qualitative research conducted in two districts severely affected by the earthquakes to examine the local unintended consequences of reconstruction through a critical development lens. I find that post-earthquake reconstruction in Nepal was embedded within broader historical, political, cultural, and social relations of development that significantly shaped the reconstruction process and its unintended outcomes. The research suggests that Nepal’s post-earthquake development surge produced two paradoxical effects at the local level: it accentuated practices and scales of power previously defined by development, and it catalyzed shifting expectations and furthered the questioning of prevailing development doxa. These findings provide key insights to inform future post-disaster reconstruction efforts and mitigate unintended consequences at the local level.
{"title":"Nepal’s Post-Earthquake Development Surge","authors":"Tracy Fehr","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0021","url":null,"abstract":"This article expands the sociology of development literature by unpacking how the influx of hundreds of NGOs and INGOs following Nepal’s 2015 earthquakes operated as an unprecedented “post-disaster development surge.” Reframing reconstruction as development renders visible the linkages, continuations, and ruptures between the post-earthquake reconstruction and the existing development paradigm in Nepal. This study draws on qualitative research conducted in two districts severely affected by the earthquakes to examine the local unintended consequences of reconstruction through a critical development lens. I find that post-earthquake reconstruction in Nepal was embedded within broader historical, political, cultural, and social relations of development that significantly shaped the reconstruction process and its unintended outcomes. The research suggests that Nepal’s post-earthquake development surge produced two paradoxical effects at the local level: it accentuated practices and scales of power previously defined by development, and it catalyzed shifting expectations and furthered the questioning of prevailing development doxa. These findings provide key insights to inform future post-disaster reconstruction efforts and mitigate unintended consequences at the local level.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66953477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Access to clean water and adequate sanitation at home are basic needs that have a significant impact on many dimensions of well-being. But such access is still scarce and starkly unequal for a great share of the global population, especially for those at greater disadvantage. In this study, we examine (using survey data) whether there are differences in access to clean water and a bathroom at home in Peru by ethno-racial self-identification, skin color, and indigenous first language. We find that individuals with darker skin, individuals who self-identify as indigenous as opposed to white, and individuals whose first language is an indigenous language have lesser access to these basic needs. These differences are useful to problematize the inefficient neoliberal management of water and sanitation in Peru, and the indifference of the state and the public sphere to discrimination against indigenous populations and Afro-descendants.
{"title":"¿Agua para todos? Differences in Access to Clean Water and a Bathroom at Home by Ethno-Racial Characteristics in Contemporary Peru","authors":"Cristian L. Paredes, Kyle Woolley","doi":"10.1525/sod.2021.0044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1525/sod.2021.0044","url":null,"abstract":"Access to clean water and adequate sanitation at home are basic needs that have a significant impact on many dimensions of well-being. But such access is still scarce and starkly unequal for a great share of the global population, especially for those at greater disadvantage. In this study, we examine (using survey data) whether there are differences in access to clean water and a bathroom at home in Peru by ethno-racial self-identification, skin color, and indigenous first language. We find that individuals with darker skin, individuals who self-identify as indigenous as opposed to white, and individuals whose first language is an indigenous language have lesser access to these basic needs. These differences are useful to problematize the inefficient neoliberal management of water and sanitation in Peru, and the indifference of the state and the public sphere to discrimination against indigenous populations and Afro-descendants.","PeriodicalId":36869,"journal":{"name":"Sociology of Development","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66955571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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