To address literature on U.S.-China hegemonic competition, this paper examines the properties of China among select Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) states which pertain to the features of hegemony per world-systems analysis and how it compares to the United States and regional powers Brazil and South Africa. I demonstrate that Beijing has made significant progress propagating its modus operandi by way of greater yuan use and imposing its legal code on examined BRI states, economic dominance through besting competitors in exports to these states, achieving an overall trade surplus as well as setting up free-trade zones to maintain and enhance this, and establishing a stream of revenue from examined states via high-interest, short-term loans, income from projects, and trade surpluses. In military dominance, China has made gains in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Pakistan. Meanwhile, Washington remains dominant in Peru, and, with Paris, more culturally dominant in SSA.
{"title":"Shades of Red","authors":"Toufic Sarieddine","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1184","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1184","url":null,"abstract":"To address literature on U.S.-China hegemonic competition, this paper examines the properties of China among select Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) states which pertain to the features of hegemony per world-systems analysis and how it compares to the United States and regional powers Brazil and South Africa. I demonstrate that Beijing has made significant progress propagating its modus operandi by way of greater yuan use and imposing its legal code on examined BRI states, economic dominance through besting competitors in exports to these states, achieving an overall trade surplus as well as setting up free-trade zones to maintain and enhance this, and establishing a stream of revenue from examined states via high-interest, short-term loans, income from projects, and trade surpluses. In military dominance, China has made gains in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and Pakistan. Meanwhile, Washington remains dominant in Peru, and, with Paris, more culturally dominant in SSA.","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42715366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the concept of geoculture understood as a form of dominant ideology in the twenty-first century. It situates this in the context of the attempt by conservative and liberal elites in the core states to frame a coherent understanding of the post-Cold War world with which to guide, justify, and legitimize policies and actions. The dominant geoculture has come to be framed by two contrasting grand narratives which establish a framework for legitimate intra-elite debate and understanding of the post-Cold War era: Neoliberalism and the Clash of Civilizations. The significance of these two intra-elite grand narratives is that they represent a break with what Wallerstein has called “centrist liberalism,” which has tended to dominate the geoculture of the modern world-system.
{"title":"Every Day I Write the Book","authors":"P. Wilkin","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1190","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the concept of geoculture understood as a form of dominant ideology in the twenty-first century. It situates this in the context of the attempt by conservative and liberal elites in the core states to frame a coherent understanding of the post-Cold War world with which to guide, justify, and legitimize policies and actions. The dominant geoculture has come to be framed by two contrasting grand narratives which establish a framework for legitimate intra-elite debate and understanding of the post-Cold War era: Neoliberalism and the Clash of Civilizations. The significance of these two intra-elite grand narratives is that they represent a break with what Wallerstein has called “centrist liberalism,” which has tended to dominate the geoculture of the modern world-system.","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44061983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The European political class as a whole is in a state of denial. Polarization between ideologically different political parties tends to occur in an ever narrowing circle of political views and solutions. There is a clear difference between parties that defend rights and parties that attack rights (in the case of the far-right), but is this enough to distinguish the left from the right? It will certainly not be enough to face the two great challenges that question to the limit both the relationship between humanity and nature (the impending ecological catastrophe) and human coexistence (artificial intelligence). The circle of the politically possible has narrowed and within it the political class pushes itself to mark differences that, in fact, are more rhetorical than real. The denial lies in accepting this state of affairs as an inevitability. The immediate cause of the qualitative reduction of politically addressable problems and the consequent expansion of unapproachable problems is the war in Ukraine—the war itself, its continuation and possible expansion. But the continuation of the war is only the latest episode in the rivalry between the United States and Europe as global centers of capitalist accumulation. From the 1970s onwards, the United States realized that its undisputed hegemony in the world economy ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 29 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1217 | jwsr.pitt.edu
整个欧洲政治阶层都处于否认状态。意识形态不同的政党之间的两极分化往往发生在政治观点和解决方案不断缩小的圈子里。捍卫权利的政党和攻击权利的政党之间有明显的区别（在极右翼的情况下），但这足以区分左派和右派吗？仅仅面对人类与自然之间的关系（即将到来的生态灾难）和人类共存（人工智能）这两个极限挑战肯定是不够的。政治可能性的圈子已经缩小，在这个圈子里，政治阶层推动自己标记差异，事实上，这些差异更多是口头上的，而不是真实的。否认在于接受这种情况是不可避免的。政治上可解决的问题在质量上减少，随之而来的不可解决问题扩大的直接原因是乌克兰战争——战争本身、战争的持续和可能的扩大。但战争的持续只是美国和欧洲作为全球资本主义积累中心之间竞争的最新一幕。从20世纪70年代起，美国意识到其在世界经济中无可争议的霸权ISSN:1076-156X |第29卷第2期| DOI 10.5195/JWSSR.2023.1217 | JWSR.pitt.edu
{"title":"Europe in a State of Denial","authors":"Boaventura de Sousa Santos","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1217","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1217","url":null,"abstract":"The European political class as a whole is in a state of denial. Polarization between ideologically different political parties tends to occur in an ever narrowing circle of political views and solutions. There is a clear difference between parties that defend rights and parties that attack rights (in the case of the far-right), but is this enough to distinguish the left from the right? It will certainly not be enough to face the two great challenges that question to the limit both the relationship between humanity and nature (the impending ecological catastrophe) and human coexistence (artificial intelligence). The circle of the politically possible has narrowed and within it the political class pushes itself to mark differences that, in fact, are more rhetorical than real. The denial lies in accepting this state of affairs as an inevitability. The immediate cause of the qualitative reduction of politically addressable problems and the consequent expansion of unapproachable problems is the war in Ukraine—the war itself, its continuation and possible expansion. But the continuation of the war is only the latest episode in the rivalry between the United States and Europe as global centers of capitalist accumulation. From the 1970s onwards, the United States realized that its undisputed hegemony in the world economy ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 29 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1217 | jwsr.pitt.edu","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42399078","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Power, Profit, and Prometheanism, Part II","authors":"Jason W. Moore","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1225","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47924034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Travesty of “Anti-Imperialism\"","authors":"W. Robinson","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1221","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1221","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42486223","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Even radical innovations are shaped by historical paths and contexts. They depart from some features, reproduce others, and show the marks of their origins. It takes nothing away from the achievements of remarkable creators, save perhaps individualistic illusions, to note that they are made possible by preparation, pathways, and contributions from many sources. World-systems analysis is no exception. One of the most original and important social science projects of the late twentieth century, it was produced by many scholars working and debating together across disciplinary and national lines. Yet Immanuel Wallerstein was crucial. His intellectual innovation, clarity, and dogged pursuit of core themes were all remarkable. So were ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 29 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1197 | jwsr.pitt.edu
即使是激进的创新也受到历史路径和背景的影响。它们偏离了某些特征，复制了其他特征，并显示了它们的起源标志。值得注意的是，杰出创作者的成就是通过准备、途径和来自多个来源的贡献而实现的，除了个人主义的幻想。世界系统分析也不例外。它是二十世纪末最具原创性和最重要的社会科学项目之一，由许多学者跨越学科和国家界限共同工作和辩论产生。然而，伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦至关重要。他在思想上的创新、清晰和对核心主题的不懈追求都是非凡的。ISSN:1076-156X |第29卷第2期| DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1197 | JWSR.pitt.edu
{"title":"Immanuel Wallerstein and the Genesis of World-Systems Analysis","authors":"C. Calhoun","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1197","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1197","url":null,"abstract":"Even radical innovations are shaped by historical paths and contexts. They depart from some features, reproduce others, and show the marks of their origins. It takes nothing away from the achievements of remarkable creators, save perhaps individualistic illusions, to note that they are made possible by preparation, pathways, and contributions from many sources. World-systems analysis is no exception. One of the most original and important social science projects of the late twentieth century, it was produced by many scholars working and debating together across disciplinary and national lines. Yet Immanuel Wallerstein was crucial. His intellectual innovation, clarity, and dogged pursuit of core themes were all remarkable. So were ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 29 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1197 | jwsr.pitt.edu","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45385881","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Cancelling Apocalypse by Risking to Envision","authors":"Salimah Valiani","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1223","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41730071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review Of: Does Skill Make Us Human?","authors":"P. Ward","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1222","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1222","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43701439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is remarkable how Immanuel Wallerstein’s work resonates with certain students, whether undergraduate or graduate. In courses I teach, such as Senior Capstone in International Affairs and a graduate-level course on globalization, the concepts and framework that Wallerstein developed decades ago have an almost uncanny explanatory power for the economic and political trends that are examined. As an interdisciplinary macro-sociological analytical framework that also accounts for mesoand micro-level entities and processes, the world-systems perspective appeals to some of my more discerning students—including those exposed to neoclassical economics and to realism in political science—who go on to apply world-systems analysis to their final papers. In Valentine M. Moghadam is Professor of Sociology and International Affairs at Northeastern University, Boston, which she joined in January 2012. Previously she directed women’s studies programs at Purdue University and Illinois State University, and she was a section chief at UNESCO and a senior researcher at UNU/WIDER. Born in Iran and the author of many publications, her areas of research include globalization, transnational social movements and feminist networks, and gender, politics, and development in the Middle East and North Africa. ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 29 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1219 | jwsr.pitt.edu
值得注意的是，伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦的作品在某些学生中产生了共鸣，无论是本科生还是研究生。在我教授的课程中，如国际事务高级顶点课程和全球化研究生课程，沃勒斯坦几十年前提出的概念和框架对所研究的经济和政治趋势有着近乎不可思议的解释力。作为一个跨学科的宏观社会学分析框架，也考虑了中微观层面的实体和过程，世界系统视角吸引了我的一些更有眼光的学生——包括那些接触过新古典经济学和政治学现实主义的学生——他们继续将世界系统分析应用到他们的期末论文中。Valentine M.Moghadam是波士顿东北大学社会学和国际事务教授，她于2012年1月加入该校。此前，她曾在普渡大学和伊利诺伊州立大学指导妇女研究项目，并担任教科文组织科长和联合国大学/发展经济学所高级研究员。她出生于伊朗，著有许多出版物，研究领域包括全球化、跨国社会运动和女权主义网络，以及中东和北非的性别、政治和发展。ISSN:1076-156X |第29卷第2期| DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1219 | JWSR.pitt.edu
{"title":"Immanuel Wallerstein’s Lasting Legacies","authors":"V. Moghadam","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1219","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1219","url":null,"abstract":"It is remarkable how Immanuel Wallerstein’s work resonates with certain students, whether undergraduate or graduate. In courses I teach, such as Senior Capstone in International Affairs and a graduate-level course on globalization, the concepts and framework that Wallerstein developed decades ago have an almost uncanny explanatory power for the economic and political trends that are examined. As an interdisciplinary macro-sociological analytical framework that also accounts for mesoand micro-level entities and processes, the world-systems perspective appeals to some of my more discerning students—including those exposed to neoclassical economics and to realism in political science—who go on to apply world-systems analysis to their final papers. In Valentine M. Moghadam is Professor of Sociology and International Affairs at Northeastern University, Boston, which she joined in January 2012. Previously she directed women’s studies programs at Purdue University and Illinois State University, and she was a section chief at UNESCO and a senior researcher at UNU/WIDER. Born in Iran and the author of many publications, her areas of research include globalization, transnational social movements and feminist networks, and gender, politics, and development in the Middle East and North Africa. ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 29 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2023.1219 | jwsr.pitt.edu","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49215121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How did the hierarchy of the world-system adapt to the impact of the 2008–09 global economic crisis? How did a country's position in the world-system influence their upward mobility during the crisis? This paper investigates the core/periphery hierarchy of the global trade network before and after the 2008–09 crisis. The central argument posits that the global trade network follows a core/periphery hierarchy in relation to the new international division of labor (NIDL) in the twenty-first century, and a country's placement within that hierarchy had a varying effect on their upward mobility following the 2008–09 crisis. Utilizing social network analysis of 191 countries engaged in global trade, I discover that the core/periphery structure remained unchanged after the 2008–09 global financial crisis, although many countries in intermediate positions experienced upward shifts. However, not all countries were able to achieve upward mobility, indicating that only a few semi-peripheral and peripheral countries were better positioned to improve their status compared to most non-core countries.
{"title":"Assessing the Stability of the Core/Periphery Structure and Mobility in the Post-2008 Global Crisis Era","authors":"Martín Jacinto","doi":"10.5195/jwsr.2023.1148","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2023.1148","url":null,"abstract":"How did the hierarchy of the world-system adapt to the impact of the 2008–09 global economic crisis? How did a country's position in the world-system influence their upward mobility during the crisis? This paper investigates the core/periphery hierarchy of the global trade network before and after the 2008–09 crisis. The central argument posits that the global trade network follows a core/periphery hierarchy in relation to the new international division of labor (NIDL) in the twenty-first century, and a country's placement within that hierarchy had a varying effect on their upward mobility following the 2008–09 crisis. Utilizing social network analysis of 191 countries engaged in global trade, I discover that the core/periphery structure remained unchanged after the 2008–09 global financial crisis, although many countries in intermediate positions experienced upward shifts. However, not all countries were able to achieve upward mobility, indicating that only a few semi-peripheral and peripheral countries were better positioned to improve their status compared to most non-core countries.","PeriodicalId":36882,"journal":{"name":"Journal of World-Systems Research","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49196165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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