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Immanuel Wallerstein’s Legacy in Southern Europe 伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦在南欧的遗产
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1134
Javier García Fernández
This paper is a farewell and an intellectual tribute to one of the greatest masters of contemporary Marxist thought and one of the major references in contemporary social science. Immanuel Wallerstein died August 31, 2019, leaving a theoretical, historical, and intellectual legacy that is to be read, rethought, and actualized by social scientists in the coming decades. His world-systems theory gave rise to a whole new understanding of the genesis of the capitalist world-system. This contribution reviews the sources that inspired the world-system theory, as well as showing its main contributions and its dialogues with other proposals of critical social theory, such as the epistemologies of the South and decolonial thought. This article is also a new formulation of the perspectives that the world-systems theory opens for the historical and sociological research on Andalusia and southern Europe in the context of the historical genesis of world capitalism.
本文是对当代最伟大的马克思主义思想大师之一的告别和学术致敬,也是当代社会科学的重要参考文献之一。伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦于2019年8月31日去世,留下了一份理论、历史和智力遗产,社会科学家将在未来几十年阅读、反思和实施。他的世界体系理论使人们对资本主义世界体系的起源有了全新的理解。这篇文章回顾了世界体系理论的灵感来源,并展示了其主要贡献及其与批判性社会理论的其他建议的对话,如南方的认识论和非殖民化思想。这篇文章也是世界资本主义历史起源背景下,世界体系理论为安达卢西亚和南欧的历史和社会学研究开辟的视角的新表述。
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引用次数: 0
Postcolonial and Anti-Systemic Resistance by Indigenous Movements in Mexico 墨西哥原住民运动的后殖民与反体制抵抗
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1113
Carlos Lucio, David Barkin
Indigenous resistance against neoliberalism reveals numerous social transformations and political contributions in the context of a postcolonial transition from the world-system. The Mexican indigenous movement, inspired by the Zapatista rebellion, renewed conversations between the country's diverse indigenous peoples but also established new alliances with non-indigenous sectors of national society in defense of the commons and alternative ways of life to the civilizational order of capital. The radicalism, led by the indigenous peoples in their process of transformation into a social subject deploys new forms of collective action that break with the ideological discourses and narratives of modernity. As in other parts of the global South, communities in Mexico are actively engaged in consolidating their ability to govern themselves, through strategies of autonomy and self-determination, providing a wide variety of services to improve the quality of life of their members, diversifying their productive base and renewing their cultural heritage, while defending and caring for their territories. The indigenous movement is currently experiencing a conceptual and discursive renewal that inverts the assimilationist thesis implicit in the slogan of “Never again a Mexico without us,” from which their historical exclusion in the project of nation was questioned, to “We, without Mexico" that poses a radical questioning of the worn-out model of the nation-state, which assumes as its main objective to think (and act) beyond the State and capital. As part of international networks and alliances, they are engaged in leaving the world-system.
土著人对新自由主义的抵抗揭示了在后殖民时代从世界体系过渡的背景下的许多社会变革和政治贡献。受萨帕塔叛乱的启发,墨西哥土著运动重新启动了该国不同土著人民之间的对话,但也与国家社会的非土著部门建立了新的联盟,以捍卫公域和资本文明秩序的替代生活方式。在土著人民转变为社会主体的过程中,由他们领导的激进主义部署了新的集体行动形式,打破了现代性的意识形态话语和叙事。与全球南方其他地区一样,墨西哥各社区正积极参与通过自治和自决战略巩固其自我治理能力,提供各种各样的服务,以提高其成员的生活质量,使其生产基础多样化,更新其文化遗产,同时捍卫和照顾其领土。土著运动目前正在经历一场概念和话语的更新,这颠覆了“再也没有我们的墨西哥”口号中隐含的同化主义论点,他们在国家项目中的历史排斥受到质疑,到“没有墨西哥的我们”,这对破旧的民族国家模式提出了根本性的质疑,民族国家的主要目标是超越国家和首都进行思考(和行动)。作为国际网络和联盟的一部分,他们正在参与脱离世界体系。
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引用次数: 1
Power, Profit, and Prometheanism, Part I 权力、利润和普罗米修斯主义,第一部分
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1140
Jason W. Moore
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引用次数: 1
Critical World-Systems Analysis 批判性世界体系分析
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1103
Marilyn Grell-Brisk
From the first #BlackLivesMatter (#BLM) in 2013 to the summer of 2020, America and the rest of the world have been compelled, at minimum, to pay attention to the continuous rejection of Black being(ness). Black Lives Matter! isn’t just a call to attend to police brutality against Black people in America, it is a rallying call demanding that Black folx’s humanity be acknowledged and accorded without question—that we be seen. It is a declaration of resistance against the antiblackness that is embedded within racial capitalism. And, it is a demand that comes from years of frustration from Black lives being continuously and violently disregarded, of seeing “Black faces in high places” but no tangible institutional relief from the ever-present abjection of Blackness and Black folx. I argue that to pre-figure Black futurity, the movement for Black lives must necessarily be a movement that actively calls attention to and resists disposability regimes that highlight the tension between the world-system’s economics of inequality and its professed politics of equality. I contend that the active rejection of antiblackness and the movement for Black lives must be transnational in scope, and while implicitly occupying non-state anti-systemic spaces, it must reimagine the logics of solidarity, simultaneously embodying Black transnational and translocal collaboration; it must be radical in scope, seeking not simply to fix the existing structures of inequality and oppression but envision new structures, a complete reorganization of society where antiblackness no longer exists. To begin the work, I propose a multilevel analytical framework.
从2013年的第一次#BlackLivesMatter(#BLM)到2020年夏天,美国和世界其他地区至少不得不关注对黑人的持续排斥。黑人的生命很重要这不仅仅是一个呼吁关注美国警察对黑人的暴行的号召,也是一个号召,要求毫无疑问地承认和赋予黑人的人性——我们被看到了。这是对种族资本主义中根深蒂固的反黑人的反抗宣言。而且,这一要求源于多年来黑人生活不断被暴力忽视的沮丧情绪,来自于看到“黑人面孔在高处”,但却没有从黑人和黑人folx的不断唾弃中得到切实的制度救济。我认为,为了预测黑人的未来,争取黑人生命的运动必须是一场积极呼吁关注和抵制一次性制度的运动,这些制度突显了世界体系的不平等经济与其宣称的平等政治之间的紧张关系。我认为,积极抵制反黑人和争取黑人生命的运动必须在范围上是跨国的,在隐含地占据非国家反系统空间的同时,它必须重新构想团结的逻辑,同时体现黑人的跨国和跨地方合作;它的范围必须是激进的,不仅仅是寻求修复现有的不平等和压迫结构,而是设想新的结构,一个不再存在反黑人的社会的彻底重组。首先,我提出了一个多层次的分析框架。
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引用次数: 3
Colonial Management of Iranian Kurdistan; with Emphasis on Water Resources 伊朗库尔德斯坦的殖民管理以水资源为重点
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1081
A. Hassaniyan, M. Sohrabi
Iranian Kurdistan (a region referred to by the Kurds as Rojhelat/East Kurdistan), which possesses a large variety of minerals, oil reserves, dense forests, and massive surface and underground water resources, has for decades supplied the economic, agricultural, and industrial sectors in Iran, mainly benefiting the development of the central parts of the country and bringing significant income to the state. This has occurred while the Kurdish region remains among the most economically underdeveloped and deprived areas of Iran. The Iranian state’s economic and developmental approach to Kurdistan’s natural resources, and the mechanisms of extractions and exploitation of these resources, have resulted in extensive environmental degradation, affecting the public health in the Kurdish region, and not least de-development and further underdevelopment in this region. Taking into account the extent of extraction and use of Kurdistan’s natural resources reveals the Kurdish-state relation as an internal core-peripheral relationship, resulting in the centre’s destruction of the natural environment and exploitation of the natural resources of the periphery. This paper sheds light on the Iranian state’s economic and developmental activities, with a focus on water resources in the Kurdish region and the consequences of their use on the natural environment.
伊朗库尔德斯坦(库尔德人将该地区称为Rojhelat/East Kurdistan)拥有丰富的矿产、石油储备、茂密的森林和大量的地表水和地下水资源,几十年来一直为伊朗的经济、农业和工业部门提供支持,主要有利于该国中部地区的发展,并为国家带来可观的收入。这种情况发生的同时,库尔德地区仍然是伊朗经济最不发达和最贫困的地区之一。伊朗国家对库尔德斯坦自然资源的经济和发展方针,以及这些资源的开采和开发机制,造成了广泛的环境退化,影响了库尔德地区的公众健康,尤其是造成了该地区的不发展和进一步的不发达。考虑到库尔德斯坦自然资源的开采和利用程度,揭示了库尔德-国家关系是一种内部核心-外围关系,导致中心对自然环境的破坏和外围自然资源的开发。本文揭示了伊朗国家的经济和发展活动,重点关注库尔德地区的水资源及其使用对自然环境的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Interrogating Structural Conditions for Agricultural Production 质疑农业生产的结构条件
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1117
Andrew R. Smolski
An important, contemporary focus of scholarship is on the necessary structural conditions to promote a sustainable transition in agriculture. This study examines the possible role of anti-systemic structures, delinked and exilic, in conditioning transitions to agroecological production. I conduct a comparative-historical analysis of two periods, 1959–1991 and 1992–2016, within a single case, Cuba. The results provide evidence that the prevalence of delinking with incorporation maintains an industrial model of agricultural production, even while bringing the law of value under sovereign control. In this way, the existence of delinking as one type of anti-systemic structure is not a sufficient condition for increasing agroecological production; although data suggests that delinking can provide important tools to support sustainable transitions in future periods. In the second period characterized by increasing prevalence of an exilic structure in conjunction with delinking, results demonstrate that anti-systemic structures operate complementary to one another and can maintain partial incorporation while increasing the application of agroecological production. As such, this study provides a rationale for future research and action on anti-systemic structural mixture conditioning sustainable transitions.
当代学术界的一个重要焦点是促进农业可持续转型的必要结构条件。本研究考察了脱链和流亡的反系统结构在农业生态生产条件转换中的可能作用。我对1959年至1991年和1992年至2016年这两个时期进行了比较历史分析,以古巴为例。研究结果提供了证据,证明与公司脱钩的普遍性保持了农业生产的工业模式,即使将价值法置于主权控制之下。因此,脱钩作为一种反系统结构的存在,并不是增加农业生态生产的充分条件;尽管数据表明,脱钩可以为支持未来时期的可持续转型提供重要工具。在第二个时期,其特征是流亡结构的普遍性和脱钩,结果表明,反系统结构相互补充,可以保持部分结合,同时增加农业生态生产的应用。因此,本研究为未来反系统结构混合物调节可持续转型的研究和行动提供了理论依据。
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引用次数: 0
Tributary World-Ecologies, Part II 支流世界生态学,第二部分
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1122
Çağrı İdiman
This essay—the second in a two part series—reconceptualizes the High Medieval Mediterranean World as a tributary world-ecology. Area Studies view the High Medieval Mediterranean as a culturally fragmented world, while the Commercialization Theorists only unite these fragments externally through trade relations. In contrast, Marxist Theorists almost exclusively focus on Medieval Europe through production relations. I argue that the High Medieval Mediterranean can be theorized as a tributary world-ecology. I advance two interrelated arguments. First, I underline the socio-ecological similarities and differences between the North Sea (addressed in Part I) and the Mediterranean Worlds. The Mediterranean world-ecology was premised upon the breakdown of world-imperial redistribution mechanisms and localization of peasant exploitation. This was exemplified by the development of iqta’, pronoia and similar land-tenure regimes across the Mediterranean World. The localization peasant exploitation, however, did not result in autarchy, but rather in the formation of a world-market. In fact, novel agrarian relations, coupled with the climatological upturn and technological innovations, led to the growth of surpluses in the hands of the aristocracies. This in turn stimulated artisanal production and revival of trade. Consequently, the Mediterranean World, like the North Sea World, witnessed further geographical integration and economic growth. Second, I emphasize the similarities and differences between the crises of the North Sea and the Mediterranean Worlds. Their socio-ecological relations reached their limits when the climate began to cool and destabilize, and organizational innovations could no longer produce sufficient surpluses. Consequently, both world-ecologies collapsed, finding its clearest expression in the Black Death. In turn, the Mediterranean, just like the end of the Roman period, disintegrated. The Western Mediterranean and the North Seas were integrated on the basis of capitalist productive and commercial networks, resulting in the birth of European capitalist world-ecology. In contrast, the Eastern Mediterranean would be reintegrated on the basis of the tributary networks of the Ottoman World-Empire.
这篇由两部分组成的系列文章的第二篇,将中世纪晚期的地中海世界重新定义为一个支流世界生态学。区域研究将中世纪地中海高地视为一个文化碎片化的世界,而商业化理论家只是通过贸易关系将这些碎片从外部结合起来。相比之下,马克思主义理论家几乎完全通过生产关系关注中世纪欧洲。我认为,中世纪地中海高地可以被理论化为支流世界生态学。我提出了两个相互关联的论点。首先,我强调北海(在第一部分中谈到)和地中海世界之间的社会生态相似性和差异性。地中海世界生态的前提是世界帝国再分配机制的崩溃和农民剥削的本土化。这体现在整个地中海世界的iqta’、pronoia和类似土地保有制度的发展上。然而,本土化的农民剥削并没有导致专制,而是形成了一个世界市场。事实上,新颖的农业关系,加上气候好转和技术创新,导致了贵族手中盈余的增长。这反过来又刺激了手工生产和贸易复兴。因此,地中海世界与北海世界一样,见证了进一步的地理一体化和经济增长。第二,我强调北海危机和地中海危机之间的异同。当气候开始冷却和不稳定时,他们的社会生态关系达到了极限,组织创新无法再产生足够的盈余。因此,两个世界的生态系统都崩溃了,在黑死病中找到了最清晰的表达。反过来,地中海,就像罗马时期的结束一样,解体了。西地中海和北海是在资本主义生产和商业网络的基础上一体化的,欧洲资本主义世界生态由此诞生。相比之下,东地中海将在奥斯曼世界帝国的支流网络的基础上重新整合。
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引用次数: 0
Encountering Other Cultural Universes on the Brink of Chaos 在混乱的边缘遇到其他文化宇宙
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1141
Boaventura de Sousa Santos
It is hard to imagine that we share the journey with someone coming in the opposite direction. Nevertheless, I think that this strange sharing is perhaps what best characterizes our time. Coming from very different trajectories and histories, from the accumulation of multi-secular defeats or victories, different cultural universes (philosophical, aesthetic, political, ontological, epistemological, ethical) seem today more exposed than ever to the presence of and competition with rival universes in conditions that do not allow unilateral movements, be they of assimilation or of conquest. The inequalities of power among them exist and are historically sedimented, but they are increasingly relative and unequally distributed among the different areas of collective life or the different regions of the world. The opposite trajectories converge in a field of maximum uncertainty that produces restlessness and instability. The sharing of uncertainty is bound to result in the uncertainty of sharing. The Eurocentric Western cultural universe comes from a long trajectory of historical victories that seems to have come to an end. Europe spent five centuries dominating and teaching the non-European world and finds itself today increasingly in the condition of no longer being able to dominate nor having anything to teach (Santos 2020: 31–53). The drama of the cultural universe that considers itself historically victorious is that it does not want to learn from the cultural universes it has become accustomed to defeat and to teach. In turn, the non-Western cultural universes, be they Eastern (Chinese or Indian), Islamic, African, ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 28 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2022.1141 | jwsr.pitt.edu
很难想象我们会和相反方向的人一起分享这段旅程。然而,我认为这种奇怪的分享也许是我们这个时代最好的特征。不同的文化宇宙(哲学的、美学的、政治的、本体论的、认识论的、伦理的)来自非常不同的轨迹和历史,来自多世俗的失败或胜利的积累,今天似乎比以往任何时候都更暴露于敌对宇宙的存在和竞争,在不允许单边运动的条件下,无论是同化还是征服。它们之间的权力不平等是存在的,并且是历史沉淀的,但它们在集体生活的不同领域或世界不同区域之间的相对和不平等分布日益增加。相反的轨迹汇聚在一个产生不安和不稳定的最大不确定性的领域。不确定性的共享必然导致共享的不确定性。以欧洲为中心的西方文化宇宙来自于一个漫长的历史胜利轨迹,这个轨迹似乎已经走到了尽头。欧洲花了五个世纪的时间统治和教育非欧洲世界,今天发现自己越来越无法再统治,也没有任何东西可以教(Santos 2020: 31-53)。认为自己在历史上取得了胜利的文化世界的戏剧是,它不想向它已经习惯了失败和教导的文化世界学习。反过来,非西方文化宇宙,无论是东方(中国或印度),伊斯兰教,非洲,ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 28 Issue 2 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2022.1141 | jwsr.pitt.edu
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引用次数: 0
Anarchist and Anarchistic Anti-Systemic Movements in World-Systems Perspective 世界体系视角下的无政府主义和无政府主义反体制运动
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1097
Spencer Louis Potiker, Dana M. Williams, Jake Alimahomed-Wilson
While world-systems anti-systemic movement scholarship has briefly acknowledged the existence of anti-state “cultural” movements—namely, autonomous indigenous movements in the periphery and anarchist worker movements in the core and semi-periphery—it relegates them to secondary importance to statist “political” movements. In this paper, we provide an intervention in the world-systems anti-systemic movements literature by centering anti-state movements in our analysis. In order to investigate the mechanisms essential for anti-state, anti-systemic movements over the longue durée of the world-system, we operationalize a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) using nine cases of non-state spaces from different geographies and historical time periods throughout the world-system. We use a Boolean crisp set, or binary approach, denoting the presence, or absence of factors to determine the pathways that lead to the variation between explicitly anarchist and implicitly anarchistic movements as well as short-term or long-term non-state spaces established by anti-state movements. We find that the core and semi-periphery classification of anarchist movements is false. We also find that non-state spaces succeed when they are not repressed by statist anti-systemic movements or core imperial nation-states. In effect, the anti-systemic political actor replicates the logic of the core nation-state it claims to be opposed to when it comes to its repression of non-state spaces and movements. Prior to the “liberal geoculture” (1848–1968), even core states had difficulty repressing non-state spaces, and after the liberal geoculture semi-periphery and periphery states have had difficulty repressing non-state spaces.
虽然世界体系反体制运动学者已经简要地承认了反国家“文化”运动的存在——即外围的自治土著运动和核心和半外围的无政府主义工人运动——但它将它们的重要性降至国家主义“政治”运动的次要地位。在本文中,我们以反国家运动为中心,在我们的分析中提供了对世界体系反系统运动文献的干预。为了研究世界体系长期发展过程中反国家、反体制运动的基本机制,我们利用来自世界体系不同地理和历史时期的9个非国家空间案例进行了定性比较分析(QCA)。我们使用布尔清晰集或二元方法,表示存在或不存在的因素,以确定导致明确无政府主义和隐含无政府主义运动之间变化的途径,以及由反国家运动建立的短期或长期非国家空间。我们发现无政府主义运动的核心和半外围分类是错误的。我们还发现,当非国家空间不受中央集权的反体制运动或核心帝国主义民族国家的压制时,它们就会成功。实际上,当涉及到对非国家空间和运动的镇压时,反体制政治行动者复制了它声称反对的核心民族国家的逻辑。在“自由主义地缘文化”(1848-1968)之前,即使是核心国家也难以压制非国家空间,而在自由主义地缘文化之后,半外围和外围国家也难以压制非国家空间。
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引用次数: 0
Review Of: The Biomedical Empire 综述:生物医学帝国
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-08-25 DOI: 10.5195/jwsr.2022.1145
Durgesh Solanki
Solanki reviews The Biomedical Empire: Lessons Learned from the COVID-19 Pandemic by Barbara Katz Rothman.
索拉基评论了Barbara Katz Rothman的《生物医学帝国:从新冠肺炎大流行中吸取的教训》。
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引用次数: 0
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