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Conversations with Staughton and Alice Lynd 与Staughton和Alice Lynd的对话
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1037
S. Lynd, Alice Lynd
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引用次数: 0
Theorizing Capitalist Imperialism for an Anti-Imperialist Praxis 把资本主义帝国主义理论化作为反帝国主义的实践
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1022
Kristin Plys
How does one craft an explicitly left theory of anti-imperialism that would animate an anti-imperialist praxis? World-systems analysis has a long history of engagement with theories of anti-imperialism from an explicitly Leninist perspective. For the founding fathers of World-Systems Analysis—Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, Samir Amin, and Andre Gunder Frank—anti-imperialism was an early central concern. Each of the four founders of world-systems analysis reads Lenin’s theory of imperialism seriously, but each has slightly different interpretations. One significant commonality they share is that they adopt Lenin’s periodization of imperialism, seeing imperialism as emergent in the late 19th century as part of a particular stage within the historical development of capitalism. However, as I will argue in this essay, perhaps it would be preferable to temporally expand Lenin’s concept of imperialism. Walter Rodney’s concept of “capitalist imperialism,” as I shall show in this essay, similarly calls Lenin’s periodization into question. Thereby, putting Rodney in conversation with Amin, Arrighi, Frank, and Wallerstein, leads me to further historicize world-systems’ theories of global imperialism thereby refining existing theories and levying that to build stronger praxis.
如何制定一个明确的反帝国主义左派理论,从而激发反帝国主义的实践?世界体系分析长期以来一直从列宁主义的角度与反帝国主义理论打交道。对于世界系统分析的创始人伊曼纽尔·沃勒斯坦、乔瓦尼·阿里吉、萨米尔·阿明和安德烈·冈德·弗兰克来说,反帝国主义是早期的核心问题。世界体系分析的四位创始人都认真阅读列宁的帝国主义理论,但各自的解释略有不同。他们的一个重要共同点是,他们采用了列宁对帝国主义的分期,将帝国主义视为19世纪末资本主义历史发展中特定阶段的一部分。然而,正如我在这篇文章中所说的,也许暂时扩展列宁的帝国主义概念会更好。正如我将在这篇文章中展示的那样,沃尔特·罗德尼的“资本主义帝国主义”概念同样对列宁的分期提出了质疑。因此,让罗德尼与阿明、阿里吉、弗兰克和沃勒斯坦进行对话,使我进一步将世界体系的全球帝国主义理论历史化,从而完善现有理论,并将其用于建立更强大的实践。
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引用次数: 3
Ecologically Unequal Exchange of Plastic Waste? 塑料垃圾的生态不平等交换?
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1026
Yikang Bai, Jennifer E. Givens
Plastic production has been increasing since mass production of plastics started in the 1950s. As plastic production has continued to rise, so has plastic waste. Meanwhile, international trade in plastic waste has increased as well. The narrative about global trade in plastic waste oftentimes is that the Global North transfers waste to the Global South. However, little is known quantitatively about the extent to which the Global North shifts environmental harms of plastic waste to the Global South. We examine the extent to which global trade in plastic waste provides evidence for ecologically unequal exchange relationships from 2003 to 2013. We then explore whether plastic waste can be a resource for some countries. Specifically, we investigate how trade in plastic waste is associated with level of economic development in high-income countries and non-high-income countries. The findings provide nuanced evidence of ecologically unequal exchange relationships between high-income countries and non-high-income countries in plastic waste trade. The results also indicate that higher plastic waste import is associated with greater economic development in non-high-income countries. This research advances our understanding of the theory of ecologically unequal exchange in the context of international trade in plastic waste.
自20世纪50年代开始大规模生产塑料以来,塑料产量一直在增加。随着塑料产量的持续增长,塑料垃圾也在不断增加。与此同时,塑料垃圾的国际贸易也有所增加。关于全球塑料垃圾贸易的说法往往是,全球北方将垃圾转移到全球南方。然而,关于全球北方将塑料垃圾的环境危害转移到全球南方的程度,人们在数量上知之甚少。我们研究了2003年至2013年全球塑料垃圾贸易在多大程度上为生态不平等的交换关系提供了证据。然后,我们探讨塑料垃圾是否可以成为一些国家的资源。具体而言,我们调查了高收入国家和非高收入国家的塑料垃圾贸易与经济发展水平的关系。这些发现为高收入国家和非高收入国家在塑料垃圾贸易中的生态不平等交换关系提供了细微的证据。研究结果还表明,塑料垃圾进口量的增加与非高收入国家的经济发展有关。这项研究促进了我们对国际塑料废物贸易背景下生态不平等交换理论的理解。
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引用次数: 8
Debt as Pacification 债务作为安抚
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1017
M. Neocleous
Police power is the state’s ability to transform non-wage laborers into wage-laborers. The police power is thus integral to the production and reproduction of bourgeois order. To focus our attention entirely on professional police forces (the uniformed police, the cops, the bobbies) when considering this power is to invite a narrow reading of policing, bracketing out the plethora of techniques, organisations, and institutions through which social order is achieved. At the heart of Abstract
警察权力是国家将无工资劳动者转化为有工资劳动者的能力。因此,警察权力对于资产阶级秩序的生产和再生产是不可或缺的。在考虑这种权力时,把我们的注意力完全集中在专业警察部队(穿制服的警察、警察、警察)身上,是在狭隘地解读警务,把实现社会秩序的大量技术、组织和机构囊括在内。抽象的核心
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引用次数: 1
Deglobalization, Globalization, and the Pandemic 去全球化、全球化和流行病
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1028
A. Abdal, D. Ferreira
This article is a theory piece focused on causal propositions codification and future trends identification, both supported by descriptive statistical data. It aims to analyze the middle-term dynamics of globalization and deglobalization due to the effects of the 2007-2008 Financial Crisis, in general, and the COVID-19 pandemic, in particular. The broader context in which such dynamics are situated are the processes of capitalist world-economy restructuring, propitiated by the crisis the U.S. hegemony, on the one hand, and by the Chinese rise, on the other. We argue that the COVID-19 pandemic tends to deepen and accelerate ongoing processes of global fragmentation, especially in the productive and commercial dimensions. From the point of view of governments, in particular the United States, there are growing protectionist and manufacturing repatriation efforts. From the point of view of large corporations, the perception of risk derived from the suspension and rupture of global production chains emerges thanks to measures to prevent infection. Somehow, governments and companies can converge on understanding the world market as a growing source of risk and decreasing advantages. The counterpoint here may be China's interest and ability to lead the fight against the pandemic and post-pandemic recovery, restructuring the global order built in the last forty years in new institutional basis and from which it has been the main beneficiary.
本文是一篇理论文章,重点关注因果命题的编纂和未来趋势的确定,两者都有描述性统计数据的支持。该报告旨在分析受2007-2008年金融危机影响,特别是受2019冠状病毒病大流行影响,全球化和去全球化的中期动态。这种动态所处的更广泛的背景是资本主义世界经济重组的过程,一方面是美国霸权危机,另一方面是中国崛起。我们认为,2019冠状病毒病大流行倾向于深化和加速正在进行的全球碎片化进程,特别是在生产和商业方面。从各国政府,特别是美国政府的角度来看,保护主义和制造业回流的努力越来越多。从大企业的角度来看,由于采取了预防感染的措施,全球生产链的中断和断裂带来的风险意识逐渐显现。在某种程度上,政府和企业可以达成共识,将世界市场视为风险日益增加、优势日益减少的来源。与之相对的是,中国有兴趣也有能力领导抗击疫情和疫情后的复苏,在新的制度基础上重组过去40年建立的全球秩序,中国一直是全球秩序的主要受益者。
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引用次数: 13
Middle Kingdom Enters Middle East 中央王国进入中东
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1027
Toufic Sarieddine
Through the lens of world-systems analysis, this research argues that Beijing is creating a miniature world-system overlapping with the United States-led world-system via its Belt Road Initiative (BRI). Although China has not yet become a core power, its BRI seems to possess the qualities of a new world-system in the making, within which China enjoys hegemonic traits such as economic and military might and capable alternative institutions. This BRIbound world-system consists of BRI participant states whose areas and processes are being molded to better fit China as core and hegemon; a phenomenon known as peripheralization. In the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) appears to be peripheralizing Arab states into this BRI-bound world-system through China’s growing economic dominance of the region and promotion of new modi operandi. After arguing the emergence of the BRI-bound world-system and establishing China’s peripheralization capacity, Lebanon is taken as a case study of a peripheral MENA state to illustrate how predominant Western hegemony can hamper China’s peripheralization apparatus, forcing it to choose areas/processes of the highest immediate relevance for focused peripheralization efforts.
通过世界体系分析的视角,本研究认为,北京正在通过“一带一路”倡议创建一个与美国领导的世界体系重叠的微型世界体系。尽管中国尚未成为核心大国,但其“一带一路”倡议似乎具有正在形成的新世界体系的特质,在这个体系中,中国享有经济和军事实力以及有能力的替代机构等霸权特征。这个“一带一路”世界体系由“一带一步”倡议的参与国组成,这些国家的领域和进程正在被塑造,以更好地适应中国作为核心和霸主的地位;一种被称为周边化的现象。在中东和北非(MENA),海上丝绸之路倡议(MSRI)似乎正在通过中国在该地区日益增长的经济主导地位和推广新的操作方式,将阿拉伯国家边缘化,纳入这一“一带一路”世界体系。在论证了“一带一路”世界体系的出现并建立了中国的周边化能力后,黎巴嫩被视为中东和北非地区周边国家的案例研究,以说明西方霸权如何阻碍中国的周边机构,迫使其选择与重点周边化努力最直接相关的地区/进程。
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引用次数: 3
World Histories of Big Data Policing 大数据警务的世界历史
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-21 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1033
Brendan Mcquade
Textbook presentations of U.S. policing name the present as new stage of professionalization: the homeland security era, where the application of “big data” promises “smarter” policing. Within this framework of gradual progress, liberal police scholarship has become the official criticism of big data policing to organize a project of liberal reform. Of course, this scholarship is being in written in the context of both militant social movements within the United States and the terminal decline of U.S. global hegemony. To clarify the stakes of this moment, this paper connects the Marxist anti-security perspective and anti-racist critiques of surveillance and big data policing from within the Black radical tradition. It argues that the emergence of big data policing is the latest development in ongoing processes of pacification that have expanded, organized, and reproduced the colonial/modern world-system over the longue durée. The paper extends and elaborates conceptualizations of hegemonic cycles in relation to work on the maturation of intelligence tradecraft, focusing on two interrelated developments: (1) two information revolutions that reorganized social relations and (2) the police-wars that shaped the rise and decline of the United States as a world hegemonic power. It concludes that big data policing is the latest outgrowth of the imperial epistemology that organized and continues animate the work of pacification and obscure the politics of anti-systemic struggle.
美国警务教科书将当前称为专业化的新阶段:国土安全时代,“大数据”的应用承诺“更智能”的警务。在这个渐进的框架下,自由主义警察学术已经成为官方对大数据警务的批评,以组织一个自由主义改革项目。当然,这项研究是在美国国内激进的社会运动和美国全球霸权的最终衰落的背景下进行的。为了澄清这一时刻的利害关系,本文将马克思主义的反安全观点与黑人激进传统中对监视和大数据警务的反种族主义批评联系起来。它认为,大数据警务的出现是正在进行的和平进程的最新发展,在漫长的时间里,和平进程扩大、组织和复制了殖民/现代世界体系。本文扩展并阐述了与情报技术成熟相关的霸权周期概念,重点关注两个相互关联的发展:(1)重组社会关系的两次信息革命;(2)塑造美国作为世界霸权国家兴衰的警察战争。它的结论是,大数据警务是帝国认识论的最新产物,它组织并继续推动了绥靖工作,并模糊了反体制斗争的政治。
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引用次数: 1
Securing Manifest Destiny 确保清单命运
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-20 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1023
Steven Osuna
This article argues Mexico’s war on drugs was a tactic by elites in both the United States and Mexico to legitimate the Mexican neoliberal state’s political, economic, and ideological governance over Mexican society. Through tough on crime legislation and maintenance of free market policies, the war on drugs is a “morbid symptom” that obfuscates the crisis of global capitalism in the region. It is a way of managing a crisis of legitimacy of Mexico’s neoliberal state. Through arguments of Mexico as a potential “failed state” and a “narco-state,” the United States has played a leading role by investing in militarized policing in the drug war and securitization of Mexico’s borders to expand and maintain capitalist globalization. In the twenty-first century, the ideology of manifest destiny persists, but instead of westward expansion of the U.S. state, it serves as the maintenance and expansion of global capitalism.
本文认为,墨西哥的毒品战争是美国和墨西哥精英的一种策略,目的是使墨西哥新自由主义国家对墨西哥社会的政治、经济和意识形态治理合法化。通过严厉的犯罪立法和维护自由市场政策,禁毒战争是一种“病态的症状”,它混淆了该地区全球资本主义的危机。这是应对墨西哥新自由主义国家合法性危机的一种方式。通过将墨西哥视为潜在的“失败国家”和“毒品国家”的论点,美国通过在毒品战争中投资军事化警务和墨西哥边境的证券化来扩大和维持资本主义全球化,发挥了主导作用。在21世纪,天定命运的意识形态仍然存在,但它不是美国国家的西进扩张,而是全球资本主义的维护和扩张。
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引用次数: 3
Introduction to the Special Issue on Capitalist World-Economy in Crisis 《危机中的资本主义世界经济》特刊简介
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-20 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1054
Z. Gönen, Zhandarka Kurti
While managing the working class has been a central concern of capitalist ruling classes throughout history, contemporary restructuring in the face of slowed growth, declining profit rates, climate change and environmental degradation makes the question of maintaining social order, and hence of policing, more important than ever before. We decided to focus this special issue on the various modalities of policing to secure, maintain, and reproduce existing racialized class structures at this moment of world-systemic crisis. In this introduction, we try to situate the urgency of understanding the relationship between policing, pacification, and legitimacy in the larger context of the capitalist world-economy in crisis. We then turn to a summary of the contributions to highlight the main themes that emerge in this Special Issue. Just two months into a global health pandemic, the world watched as a white police officer slowly choked to death a working class Black man over an alleged $20 counterfeit bill outside of a Minneapolis corner store. George Floyd’s death sparked militant protests throughout the United States not seen since the urban rebellions of the 1960s. Taking direction action, the Black-led and ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 27 Issue 1 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1054 | jwsr.pitt.edu
在整个历史上,管理工人阶级一直是资本主义统治阶级关注的中心问题,而面对增长放缓、利润率下降、气候变化和环境恶化的当代重组,使得维持社会秩序的问题比以往任何时候都更加重要。我们决定在这个世界体系危机的时刻,把这个特别问题集中在各种警务模式上,以确保、维持和再现现有的种族化阶级结构。在这篇导言中,我们试图在危机中的资本主义世界经济的大背景下,将理解警察、绥靖和合法性之间关系的紧迫性定位。然后,我们将对本期特刊中出现的主要主题进行总结。就在这场全球卫生大流行爆发的两个月前,全世界目睹了一名白人警察在明尼阿波利斯一家街角商店外,因为一张据称是20美元的假钞,慢慢地将一名工薪阶层的黑人男子勒死。乔治·弗洛伊德的死在美国各地引发了自20世纪60年代城市叛乱以来最大规模的激进抗议活动。采取指导行动,Black-led和ISSN: 1076-156X | Vol. 27 Issue 1 | DOI 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1054 | jwsr.pitt.edu
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引用次数: 0
A Feminist Analysis of Security in Turkey 土耳其安全问题的女性主义分析
IF 1.1 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2021-03-20 DOI: 10.5195/JWSR.2021.1034
Simten Coşar, Gulden Ozcan
This article analyzes the securitization of the political space under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) governments in Turkey with a critical feminist lens. We argue that a feminist reading unpacks the connection between AKP’s discursive strategies in the spheres of social and national security. We focus on the AKP’s proposals that address social policy and defense policy spheres—namely, the “Women’s Employment Package;” “Family Package;” and “Internal Security Package.” In our analysis, we start from the argument that the AKP’s terms in office represent the last phase of neoliberal transformation in the country. Packages in this phase also speak to the patchwork style of neoliberal policy making. They function as means for checking, and then, manipulating public opinion. Analysis of the packages provides insight into the AKP’s increasing resort to violence vis-á-vis opposition as well as the deepening of the economic crisis in the country in the last two decades.
本文以批判的女性主义视角,分析土耳其正义与发展党(Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP)政府下的政治空间证券化。我们认为,女权主义解读揭示了正义与发展党在社会和国家安全领域的话语策略之间的联系。我们关注的是正义与发展党关于社会政策和国防政策领域的建议,即“妇女就业一揽子计划”、“家庭一揽子计划”和“内部安全一揽子计划”。在我们的分析中,我们从正义与发展党执政的任期代表该国新自由主义转型的最后阶段的论点开始。这一阶段的一揽子计划也体现了新自由主义政策制定的拼凑风格。它们的作用是检查,然后操纵公众舆论。分析这些包裹,可以洞察AKP对-á-vis反对派越来越多地诉诸暴力,以及过去二十年来该国经济危机的加深。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of World-Systems Research
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