Abstract The recent parliamentary elections which took place in The Slovak Republic in March 2016 opened for many national and international commentators the bottled of demons from the past history of Slovakia. For the first time a Far right extremist political party entered into parliament and held seats there. They gained more than some standard political parties and also were not dubbed as the “black” horse of this election. As they were not measured by public opinion. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the fundamental purpose of voters that had elected this political party and on the other hand the main reason that has opened the parliamentary door to such a political entity that was not visible in the previous electoral periods or played any important role in the independence of Slovak republic. Our main assumption will be that which is taken from the media analysis before the parliamentary election and public opinion research. Our main variable from the external environment will be the migration refugee crisis and the rhetoric of political parties acting at national level. We can assume that this was one of the main reason for the entry of this political party within others which were “hidden” or covered by this crisis and were not mediatized in the media.
{"title":"The Myth of the Angry Voters: Parliamentary Election in Slovak Republic","authors":"Viera Žúborová, Ingrid Borárosová","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2017-0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The recent parliamentary elections which took place in The Slovak Republic in March 2016 opened for many national and international commentators the bottled of demons from the past history of Slovakia. For the first time a Far right extremist political party entered into parliament and held seats there. They gained more than some standard political parties and also were not dubbed as the “black” horse of this election. As they were not measured by public opinion. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the fundamental purpose of voters that had elected this political party and on the other hand the main reason that has opened the parliamentary door to such a political entity that was not visible in the previous electoral periods or played any important role in the independence of Slovak republic. Our main assumption will be that which is taken from the media analysis before the parliamentary election and public opinion research. Our main variable from the external environment will be the migration refugee crisis and the rhetoric of political parties acting at national level. We can assume that this was one of the main reason for the entry of this political party within others which were “hidden” or covered by this crisis and were not mediatized in the media.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"17 1","pages":"34 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.
{"title":"Voting Behavior in Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia","authors":"Miroslav Řádek","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0019","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The survey also tried to found out how many preferential votes did the voters give to the candidates of political parties and movements. Final question asked about expectations for the future of individual respondents. This article is the information output of the survey. The interviewers were 124 university students and its return was 1,612 sheets. The aim of this paper is to communicate the findings of this unique survey, which is unprecedented in the Slovak political science.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"42 1","pages":"392 - 408"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/sjps-2016-0019","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The paper explores and analyses processes of electoral reforms in selected Central European countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) in post-transitional period. The qualitative analysis focuses “only” on the enacted changes in electoral systems and its purpose is not to evaluate the impact and political consequences of individual changes but rather to concentrate, through a theoretically-informed detailed contextual analysis, on the electoral reform process itself. It is therefore concerned with contextual factors affecting, underlying, initiating and/or controlling these changes. The paper identifies political elites as the main actors of electoral reform processes in selected countries, and it tries to explain both motivations of political elites for changing status quo electoral systems and other circumstances of electoral reform processes in Central Europe as well. The analysis also suggests that processes of electoral reform in post-transitional period in Central Europe are characterized by a tendency to less proportional electoral system designs, with the only exception of the Slovak electoral reform of 1999 (due to specific political constellation), while it did not discover any clear tendency regarding personalization of electoral systems.
{"title":"Temptation of the “Powerful”: The politics of electoral reform in Central Europe in post-transitional period","authors":"J. Charvát","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0017","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The paper explores and analyses processes of electoral reforms in selected Central European countries (the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia) in post-transitional period. The qualitative analysis focuses “only” on the enacted changes in electoral systems and its purpose is not to evaluate the impact and political consequences of individual changes but rather to concentrate, through a theoretically-informed detailed contextual analysis, on the electoral reform process itself. It is therefore concerned with contextual factors affecting, underlying, initiating and/or controlling these changes. The paper identifies political elites as the main actors of electoral reform processes in selected countries, and it tries to explain both motivations of political elites for changing status quo electoral systems and other circumstances of electoral reform processes in Central Europe as well. The analysis also suggests that processes of electoral reform in post-transitional period in Central Europe are characterized by a tendency to less proportional electoral system designs, with the only exception of the Slovak electoral reform of 1999 (due to specific political constellation), while it did not discover any clear tendency regarding personalization of electoral systems.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"353 - 368"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article tests Duverger’s law through analysis of the Polish Senate elections in 2011 and 2015. These two elections were held under the new first-past-the-post (or single-member plurality) system, which replaced formerly used unlimited vote. The main aim of the article is to test, whether we can confirm the expectations of strategic voting in the context of the so-called second-order elections, as the Polish Parliament is a classical example of the asymmetrical bicameralism, with the secondary role of the upper chamber, the Senate. The results show that the strategic voting was not universal phenomenon under the plurality rule, as indicated by many violations of Duverger’s law. Our research confirmed that the effect of electoral institutions (institutional structure) is contingent and (at the district level) inhibited by country-specific conditions, with potentially strong influence of the second-order character of the Polish Senate elections.
{"title":"Strategic voting in the 2011 and 2015 Polish Senate elections: Testing Duvergerʼs Law in the second-order elections","authors":"Pavel Maškarinec","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article tests Duverger’s law through analysis of the Polish Senate elections in 2011 and 2015. These two elections were held under the new first-past-the-post (or single-member plurality) system, which replaced formerly used unlimited vote. The main aim of the article is to test, whether we can confirm the expectations of strategic voting in the context of the so-called second-order elections, as the Polish Parliament is a classical example of the asymmetrical bicameralism, with the secondary role of the upper chamber, the Senate. The results show that the strategic voting was not universal phenomenon under the plurality rule, as indicated by many violations of Duverger’s law. Our research confirmed that the effect of electoral institutions (institutional structure) is contingent and (at the district level) inhibited by country-specific conditions, with potentially strong influence of the second-order character of the Polish Senate elections.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"369 - 391"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The authors of the paper have been studing the electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the formal rules define the behavior of parties, politicians and citizens. In the first part of the hypothesis is tested whether the institutional design of Bosnia and Herzegovina contributes to the strengthening of democracy and its consolidation. We discuss the key dilemmas and challenges of the Constitution of BiH, as well as the electoral system where we’ve provided concrete examples of electoral engineering. In the second part of the paper the authors state the causes and consequences of electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where attention is given to the institutional design. The aim is to point out the necessary reforms of the electoral system, which is expected to reduce ethnic conflicts, the creation of democratic accountability, solving social problems, strengthening the will and confidence of voters, as well as increasing women’s quota in institutions. At the end of the work we point out the solutions, with the intention that the work will serve and contribute the scientific knowledge of institutional design in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
{"title":"Institutional Design in Bosnia and Herzegovina","authors":"Ljiljana Aulić, Zoran Kalinić","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The authors of the paper have been studing the electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the formal rules define the behavior of parties, politicians and citizens. In the first part of the hypothesis is tested whether the institutional design of Bosnia and Herzegovina contributes to the strengthening of democracy and its consolidation. We discuss the key dilemmas and challenges of the Constitution of BiH, as well as the electoral system where we’ve provided concrete examples of electoral engineering. In the second part of the paper the authors state the causes and consequences of electoral engineering in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where attention is given to the institutional design. The aim is to point out the necessary reforms of the electoral system, which is expected to reduce ethnic conflicts, the creation of democratic accountability, solving social problems, strengthening the will and confidence of voters, as well as increasing women’s quota in institutions. At the end of the work we point out the solutions, with the intention that the work will serve and contribute the scientific knowledge of institutional design in Bosnia and Herzegovina.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"409 - 429"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The recent comprehensive research on youth attitudes to democratic governance, political leaders and civic participation has explored several patterns of electoral behaviour of young voters. The major domains of such include support for alternative political platforms, dissatisfaction with the democratic performance, rise of xenophobia and propensity to far-right politics and radical problem solutions. These trends have been, to some extent, visible during the electoral campaign and confirmed in the results, let alone the rise of extremist measures among young voters and their political support. The aim of the research paper is to confront the research data in Slovakia from two contrasting field sites with the electoral paradigms as interpreted from the electoral results and support for particular political parties and movements. We argue using the combined methodological approaches from quantitative surveys and in-depth individual interviews with young people from MYPLACE project and other research data to compare the research implications with the electoral results and related major themes.
{"title":"When electoral Paradigm meets the research Implications: The Youth Perspective","authors":"Jaroslav Mihálik","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0016","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The recent comprehensive research on youth attitudes to democratic governance, political leaders and civic participation has explored several patterns of electoral behaviour of young voters. The major domains of such include support for alternative political platforms, dissatisfaction with the democratic performance, rise of xenophobia and propensity to far-right politics and radical problem solutions. These trends have been, to some extent, visible during the electoral campaign and confirmed in the results, let alone the rise of extremist measures among young voters and their political support. The aim of the research paper is to confront the research data in Slovakia from two contrasting field sites with the electoral paradigms as interpreted from the electoral results and support for particular political parties and movements. We argue using the combined methodological approaches from quantitative surveys and in-depth individual interviews with young people from MYPLACE project and other research data to compare the research implications with the electoral results and related major themes.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"335 - 352"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67068005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The aim of the article is to see the degree of implicit position and value correlation between the voters of particular political parties in Slovakia (SMER-SD, SaS, and SDKÚ-DS). The free association method is supposed to reveal implicit purposes of individual political issues, beliefs and values in the eyes of their voters. Social representations, public discourse and implicit purposes objectified and anchored in civil society by the political elites are obtained by the discrete association method. The focus is held on the importance of political discourse for the voters to take note in the decision-making process in the election to the Parliament of the Slovak Republic in 2012.
{"title":"Implicit persuasion of voters in the 2012 Slovak republic parliamentary elections","authors":"Lukáš Cíbik","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0011","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The aim of the article is to see the degree of implicit position and value correlation between the voters of particular political parties in Slovakia (SMER-SD, SaS, and SDKÚ-DS). The free association method is supposed to reveal implicit purposes of individual political issues, beliefs and values in the eyes of their voters. Social representations, public discourse and implicit purposes objectified and anchored in civil society by the political elites are obtained by the discrete association method. The focus is held on the importance of political discourse for the voters to take note in the decision-making process in the election to the Parliament of the Slovak Republic in 2012.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"221 - 243"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The goal of this paper is twofold. Firstly, two instruments of economic development – investment incentives and cluster initiatives – were compared according to the frequency of their occurrence in selected mass media sources in the Czech Republic in the periods 2004-2005 and 2011-2012. Secondly, the mass media image of these two instruments of economic development was evaluated with respect to the frames deductively constructed from literature review. The findings pointed out a higher occurrence of the mass media articles/news dealing with investment incentives. These articles/news were, additionally, more controversial and covered a wider spectrum of frames. Politicians were a relatively more frequent type of actors who created the media message from the articles/news. On the contrary, the mass media articles/news concerning cluster initiatives typically created the frame of positive effects of clusters. The messages were told either by economic experts or by public authority representatives who were closely connected with cluster initiatives. Spatial origin of these messages was rather limited. The definitional vagueness, intangible and uncontroversial nature of cluster initiatives restrained their media appeal.
{"title":"Mass media image of selected instruments of economic develepment","authors":"Ladislav Kruliš","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The goal of this paper is twofold. Firstly, two instruments of economic development – investment incentives and cluster initiatives – were compared according to the frequency of their occurrence in selected mass media sources in the Czech Republic in the periods 2004-2005 and 2011-2012. Secondly, the mass media image of these two instruments of economic development was evaluated with respect to the frames deductively constructed from literature review. The findings pointed out a higher occurrence of the mass media articles/news dealing with investment incentives. These articles/news were, additionally, more controversial and covered a wider spectrum of frames. Politicians were a relatively more frequent type of actors who created the media message from the articles/news. On the contrary, the mass media articles/news concerning cluster initiatives typically created the frame of positive effects of clusters. The messages were told either by economic experts or by public authority representatives who were closely connected with cluster initiatives. Spatial origin of these messages was rather limited. The definitional vagueness, intangible and uncontroversial nature of cluster initiatives restrained their media appeal.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"282 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract For the past two decades, the characteristic feature of the Czech Republic and the Republic of Slovenia’s party system has been relatively invariable and closed to fundamental change. In both cases, there has been a distortion of the change and its nature which occurred around 2010, when new political entities began to emerge on the political scene. These entities have received support from a large part of the electorate. The reason for the success of the new political parties is mainly related to the dissatisfaction of the Czech and Slovenian public with the political situation and the conviction of citizens about the widespread corruption among public officials. The success of the newly formed entities caused the decline of primarily established parties. The aim of this article is to determine the effect of these changes on the party systems, and simultaneously to answer the question, to what extent both party systems are institutionalized. The answer to this question can be obtained by measuring the extend of institutionalization of party systems based on three criteria, which are incorporation of political parties in the party system, party system stability and quality of party competition.
{"title":"Institutionalization of the Czech and Slovenian party system","authors":"A. Klvaňová","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0012","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract For the past two decades, the characteristic feature of the Czech Republic and the Republic of Slovenia’s party system has been relatively invariable and closed to fundamental change. In both cases, there has been a distortion of the change and its nature which occurred around 2010, when new political entities began to emerge on the political scene. These entities have received support from a large part of the electorate. The reason for the success of the new political parties is mainly related to the dissatisfaction of the Czech and Slovenian public with the political situation and the conviction of citizens about the widespread corruption among public officials. The success of the newly formed entities caused the decline of primarily established parties. The aim of this article is to determine the effect of these changes on the party systems, and simultaneously to answer the question, to what extent both party systems are institutionalized. The answer to this question can be obtained by measuring the extend of institutionalization of party systems based on three criteria, which are incorporation of political parties in the party system, party system stability and quality of party competition.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"244 - 265"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1515/sjps-2016-0012","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The present paper is aimed to analyze the activities of the regional government in Poland as an entity conducting activities in the field of information policy. This issue, apart from the theory related to the tasks of the regional government in Poland, is based on the results of the authors’ research on the information policy conducted by the administrative units of the regional government in Poland. Two types of tests were used in the study. Primarily, the results of research on information policy conducted by the Marshal’s Offices, which are organs of the local government administration, were used. These studies involved approach to communication activities in the regional government bodies, applied in organizational solutions, as well as the tools used in the field of information policy. The second part of the study concerned the issue of information policy at the level of regional councils, i.e. legislative bodies of regional governments in Poland.
{"title":"Regional government in Poland as a bodz shaping informational policy","authors":"P. Kuca, R. Polak","doi":"10.1515/sjps-2016-0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The present paper is aimed to analyze the activities of the regional government in Poland as an entity conducting activities in the field of information policy. This issue, apart from the theory related to the tasks of the regional government in Poland, is based on the results of the authors’ research on the information policy conducted by the administrative units of the regional government in Poland. Two types of tests were used in the study. Primarily, the results of research on information policy conducted by the Marshal’s Offices, which are organs of the local government administration, were used. These studies involved approach to communication activities in the regional government bodies, applied in organizational solutions, as well as the tools used in the field of information policy. The second part of the study concerned the issue of information policy at the level of regional councils, i.e. legislative bodies of regional governments in Poland.","PeriodicalId":36889,"journal":{"name":"Slovak Journal of Political Sciences","volume":"16 1","pages":"304 - 320"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67067910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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