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The Myth of Sino–Thai Brotherhood: Archival Evidence on Thailand’s Relations with China in Continental Southeast Asia in the 1990s 中泰兄弟会的神话——20世纪90年代泰国在东南亚大陆与中国关系的档案证据
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-10 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10014
P. Bunyavejchewin, Wichian Intasi, Watcharabon Buddharaksa
Thailand–China relations have often been described metaphorically as fraternal, signifying the special place China has in Thai foreign policy. However, Sino–Thai brotherly friendship is an illusion. Based on archival evidence recently made available in Bangkok, this study provides a new account of Thailand’s relations with China in the 1990s, usually described by scholars as the period of partnership. This study argues that during this period, Thai foreign policy vis-a-vis China was almost exclusively driven by the Kingdom’s national interests, framed by its consistent diplomatic mentality over time. Specifically, the primacy of national interest was a modus operandi of Thailand’s China policy. Notably, Bangkok policymakers viewed China’s expanding role and influence in mainland Southeast Asia and throughout Asia as a long-term threat to the Kingdom’s security. Thus, ironically, China and Thailand might not be termed brothers but possibly in a distant fraternal relationship that some might categorize as “others.”
泰中关系经常被比喻为兄弟关系,象征着中国在泰国外交政策中的特殊地位。然而,中泰兄弟般的友谊只是一种幻觉。根据曼谷最近提供的档案证据,这项研究对20世纪90年代泰国与中国的关系进行了新的描述,学者们通常将其描述为伙伴关系时期。这项研究认为,在这一时期,泰国对中国的外交政策几乎完全由王国的国家利益驱动,并由其长期以来一贯的外交心态所决定。具体而言,国家利益至上是泰国对华政策的一种做法。值得注意的是,曼谷的政策制定者认为,中国在东南亚大陆和整个亚洲不断扩大的作用和影响力是对王国安全的长期威胁。因此,具有讽刺意味的是,中国和泰国可能不会被称为兄弟,但可能处于一种遥远的兄弟关系中,有些人可能会将其归类为“其他国家”
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引用次数: 2
Is There a Need for an Update of the Theory of Deterrence? US Failure in North Korea 威慑理论是否需要更新?美国在朝鲜的失败
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-02 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10011
T. Kivimäki
This article will answer why the United States failed in deterring North Korea from its development of nuclear weapons focusing on the basic logic of deterrence and identifying a historical deficiency. This is related to the failure to understand that in addition to the predictability of punishment, in case of unwanted behaviour of the target of deterrence, the non-punishment of non-aggressive action also needs to be made predictable. Focusing on this deficiency in the relationship of deterrence between the United States and North Korea, this article answers the question of why American deterrence has failed to prevent the emergence of North Korea as a de facto nuclear weapons power. The general proof of the failure of post-Cold War deterrence uses statistics of conflict, while the investigation of American deterrence vis-à-vis North Korea will use theory-guided process tracing based on evidence from declassified, primarily American, documents.
本文将围绕威慑的基本逻辑和历史缺陷,回答美国阻止北韩核武器开发失败的原因。这是由于未能理解,除了惩罚的可预测性之外,在威慑目标出现不希望的行为时,非侵略行动的不惩罚也需要是可预测的。本文着眼于美国和朝鲜之间威慑关系的这一缺陷,回答了为什么美国的威慑未能阻止朝鲜成为事实上的核武器大国的问题。冷战后威慑失败的一般证据使用冲突统计数据,而对美国对-à-vis朝鲜的威慑的调查将使用基于解密(主要是美国)文件证据的理论指导过程追踪。
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引用次数: 0
Deliberative Democracy in Action: The Case of Musrenbang in Bandung, Indonesia 在行动中的协商民主:在印度尼西亚万隆的Musrenbang案例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10015
Mireille Marcia Karman, Sylvia Yazid, Rizky Widian
Indonesia has adopted a regularized public deliberation mechanism as a democratic innovation to ensure the inclusive involvement of citizens in city development planning. This research analyzes how the innovation, called Musrenbang, is conducted in one of the cities in Indonesia: Bandung. To conduct such analysis, we used literature analysis, direct observation, and focus group discussions (FGD s) to gather the research. This research found that Musrenbang in Bandung has the potential to be an ideal deliberative arena, although some challenges that disrupt the deliberation process are still present. We believe that the case of Musrenbang can further contribute to the deliberative democracy literature as a promising example of a regularized official system for public deliberation.
印度尼西亚采用了一种常态化的公共审议机制,作为一种民主创新,以确保公民包容性地参与城市发展规划。这项研究分析了这项被称为Musrenbang的创新是如何在印度尼西亚的万隆市进行的。为了进行这样的分析,我们采用了文献分析、直接观察和焦点小组讨论(FGD)来收集研究。本研究发现,万隆的Musrenbang有潜力成为一个理想的审议场所,尽管一些干扰审议过程的挑战仍然存在。我们认为,Musrenbang的案例可以进一步促进协商民主的文献,作为公共审议的正规化官方制度的一个有希望的例子。
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引用次数: 0
Perceptions of Political Corruption and Voting Behavior in South Korea 对韩国政治腐败和选举行为的认识
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-01 DOI: 10.16934/isr.20.2.201912.1
최은정
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引用次数: 0
Critical Review of North Korean Women and Children's Health, 2000-2019: Physical and Mental Health Challenges with a Focus on Gender 《2000-2019年朝鲜妇女儿童健康评论:关注性别的身心健康挑战》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-10-19 DOI: 10.16934/isr.20.2.201912.95
A. Wright, L. Pyun, E. Ha, J. Kim, H. Kim, S. H. Kim, I. Oh, E. M. Kim
Women account for over eighty percent of recent North Korean defectors arriving in South Korea, yet there is dearth of gender-based research. Given the speed with which the dialogue on denuclearization with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK, North Korea) has progressed since 2017, there is a surprising gap in research on possible health threats. If sanctions are eased, interactions with these previously isolated people will increase leading to potential health problems. This article reviews studies published since 2000 to understand physical and mental health faced in DPRK, among North Korean defectors to South Korea, and to provide policy recommendations. A content analysis of ninety studies found that mental health challenges are severe for North Korean defectors, and that women suffer differently than men during defection and its aftermath. We recommend a more nuanced and gendered approach for future research in order to devise tangible solutions to improve the health of North Koreans in general, and defector women and children in particular.
在最近抵达韩国的脱北者中,女性占80%以上,但缺乏基于性别的研究。鉴于自2017年以来与朝鲜民主主义人民共和国(朝鲜)的无核化对话取得进展的速度,在对可能的健康威胁的研究方面存在令人惊讶的差距。如果制裁放松,与这些以前孤立的人的互动将增加,从而导致潜在的健康问题。本文回顾了自2000年以来发表的研究,以了解朝鲜和韩国脱北者的身心健康状况,并提供政策建议。对90项研究的内容分析发现,脱北者面临着严重的心理健康挑战,在脱北期间及其后果中,女性遭受的痛苦与男性不同。我们建议在今后的研究中采用更加细致和性别化的方法,以便制定切实可行的解决办法,改善一般北韩人,特别是脱北者妇女和儿童的健康状况。
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引用次数: 0
Learned Societies, Cultural Encounter, and Social Distinction: The Royal Asiatic Society and Pre-War Western Relations with Korea, Japan, and China 学术团体、文化相遇和社会区别:皇家亚洲学会和战前西方与朝鲜、日本和中国的关系
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-10-19 DOI: 10.16934/isr.20.2.201912.73
Loughlin J. Sweeney
The Royal Asiatic Society (RAS), a British learned society for the antiquarian study of Asian civilizations, established a number of branches in East Asia between 1865 and 1900 and quickly became a central location for the socialization of elite westerners within these states. This paper examines the social function of three RAS branches by analyzing their membership characteristics between 1865 and 1934, and draws out the role of Western associational culture in pre-war interactions between Western states and Northeast Asia. The activities of the RAS presented an opportunity for prominent personalities to demonstrate social distinction and reinforce their status as leading members of their communities, and to make claims to local expertise through the study and discussion of East Asian societies. RAS branches attracted a diverse mixture of diplomats, customs officials, military officers, missionaries, educators, merchants and medical professionals. Through a comparative analysis of the membership characteristics of RAS branches in Seoul, Tokyo, and Shanghai (the branches covering Korea, Japan, and North China respectively), the different social structures of the Western communities in these three states can be discerned. These reflect particular aspects of international relations between Northeast Asia and the West before the Second World War.
皇家亚洲学会(RAS)是一个英国学者研究亚洲文明的学会,于1865年至1900年间在东亚建立了多个分支机构,并迅速成为这些国家精英西方人社会化的中心场所。本文通过分析1865年至1934年间三个RAS分支的成员特征,考察了它们的社会功能,并得出了西方结社文化在战前西方国家与东北亚互动中的作用。RAS的活动为知名人士提供了一个机会,让他们展示自己的社会地位,巩固自己作为社区领导成员的地位,并通过对东亚社会的研究和讨论,向当地专家提出要求。RAS分支机构吸引了外交官、海关官员、军官、传教士、教育工作者、商人和医疗专业人员。通过对首尔、东京和上海(分支机构分别覆盖韩国、日本和华北)RAS分支机构成员特征的比较分析,可以看出这三个州的西方社区的不同社会结构。这些反映了第二次世界大战前东北亚与西方之间国际关系的特殊方面。
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引用次数: 0
Norm Internalization and Disability-inclusive Elections in the Philippines 规范内部化与菲律宾包容残疾人的选举
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-10-19 DOI: 10.16934/isr.20.2.201912.53
Paula Bianca P. Lapuz, F. Magno
This article reviews the emergence of international norms connected with disability-inclusive elections and provides evidence of how they were cascaded and internalized in the Philippines. It examines the experience of the persons with disabilities (PWD) sector in the campaign for disability-inclusive elections. With the support of civil society organizations and international development partners, the PWD sector lobbied for the passage of the Accessible Polling Place (APP) Act which aims to improve the enfranchisement of PWDs. Primary data were collected through key informant interviews and focus group discussions, while a contextual analysis of relevant secondary documents was conducted to show proof of norm internalization in the establishment of disabilityinclusive elections.
本文回顾了与残疾人包容性选举相关的国际规范的出现,并提供了这些规范在菲律宾如何被级联和内化的证据。它审查了残疾人(PWD)部门在残疾人包容性选举运动中的经验。在民间社会组织和国际发展伙伴的支持下,残疾人士团体游说通过《无障碍投票站法》,旨在改善残疾人士的选举权。主要数据是通过关键信息者访谈和焦点小组讨论收集的,同时对相关次要文件进行了上下文分析,以证明在建立残疾人包容性选举过程中规范内部化的证据。
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引用次数: 1
Why and How Do Sojourners Talk about Macao? Effects of Perceived Risk and Expected Benefit 外国人为何谈论澳门?如何谈论澳门?感知风险和预期收益的影响
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-10-19 DOI: 10.16934/isr.20.2.201912.29
Suh-hee Choi, Lisa Tam, K. Ayhan, Dong-Min Lee
Due to the growing popularity of digital platforms, social media conversations have been proposed and used as an indicator of public diplomacy outcomes. Despite this, existing research has found that most publics were unwilling to engage with foreign countries on social media. Considering this, this study seeks to identify factors that motivate and/or constrain individuals’ engagement in conversations about foreign countries. A survey and semi-structured interviews were conducted with sojourners who temporarily resided in Macao. When choosing how (i.e., channels) and what (i.e., content) to transmit, they managed the tension between perceived risk and expected benefit. Reflecting the theory of planned behavior, where individuals’ motivation (i.e., intended outcomes) and perceived behavioral control (i.e., ability to manage the tension between perceived risk and expected benefit to achieve such intended outcomes) predict behavioral intentions, the findings unveil the limitations of monitoring and tracking social media conversations as an indicator of public diplomacy outcomes.
由于数字平台的日益普及,社交媒体对话已被提出并用作公共外交成果的指标。尽管如此,现有的研究发现,大多数公众不愿意在社交媒体上与外国接触。考虑到这一点,本研究试图确定激励和/或限制个人参与有关外国的对话的因素。研究人员对在澳门临时居留的人士进行了调查和半结构化访谈。在选择如何(即渠道)和传播什么(即内容)时,他们管理了感知风险和预期收益之间的紧张关系。研究结果反映了计划行为理论,即个人的动机(即预期结果)和感知行为控制(即管理感知风险和预期收益之间的紧张关系以实现预期结果的能力)预测行为意图,揭示了监控和跟踪社交媒体对话作为公共外交结果指标的局限性。
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引用次数: 5
The interpretation of Shahid in Patani 帕塔尼对沙希德的解释
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.16934/ISR.20.1.201906.137
Shintaro Hara
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引用次数: 0
Electoral Violence in Southern Thailand’s Border Provinces 泰国南部边境省份的选举暴力事件
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.16934/ISR.20.1.201906.159
A. Engvall
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asian International Studies Review
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