Pub Date : 2023-05-03DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10023
Jinhyun Lee
Increasingly, global efforts to combat climate change by reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have invoked national climate policies in the past decades. The Paris Agreement provides general guidelines for climate policy with which signatory countries are expected to comply. East Asia’s economic and political significance is rising in achieving these goals globally, but countries in the region are somewhat behind international climate norms and face criticism from global society. Moreover, despite government initiatives to achieve a sustainability transition domestically, East Asian societies are less aligned with international climate norms, prioritizing economic development over issues like climate change. As a result, governments in the region face different incentives for their policy options. This paper discusses three East Asian examples from the global norm-diffusion perspective by taking a state-society approach. It argues that the top-down efforts initiated by global society will fail without domestic societies embracing international efforts.
{"title":"A State-Society Approach to Climate Policy Diffusion for Sustainable Development in East Asia","authors":"Jinhyun Lee","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10023","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10023","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Increasingly, global efforts to combat climate change by reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions have invoked national climate policies in the past decades. The Paris Agreement provides general guidelines for climate policy with which signatory countries are expected to comply. East Asia’s economic and political significance is rising in achieving these goals globally, but countries in the region are somewhat behind international climate norms and face criticism from global society. Moreover, despite government initiatives to achieve a sustainability transition domestically, East Asian societies are less aligned with international climate norms, prioritizing economic development over issues like climate change. As a result, governments in the region face different incentives for their policy options. This paper discusses three East Asian examples from the global norm-diffusion perspective by taking a state-society approach. It argues that the top-down efforts initiated by global society will fail without domestic societies embracing international efforts.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47447202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10021
Jinwon Lee
Alliances are agreements among independent states to cooperate militarily in the face of potential or realized military conflict. However, not all alliances endure for decades. Existing empirical evidence suggests that there is a variance in the lifespan of alliances. I argue that alliances are more likely to be dissolved when their treaty obligations undermine autonomy in a state’s core security or military strategy. In this vein, I also insist that ‘strategic autonomy’ is a key factor in the termination of alliance and alliance duration. Alliances with strong ‘strategic autonomy constraints’ would not last longer than others. I use the ATOP data and principal components analysis (PCA) technique to test this argument to identify a strategic autonomy variable. The extracted principal components (PCs) are used as explanatory variables in regression. This paper finds that alliances with strategic autonomy constraints do not last longer than alliances that are not constrained, and the empirical results are consistent with the hypotheses.
{"title":"To Remain or to Terminate? The Quest for Strategic Autonomy: An Autonomy Cost Model of Alliance Duration","authors":"Jinwon Lee","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10021","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Alliances are agreements among independent states to cooperate militarily in the face of potential or realized military conflict. However, not all alliances endure for decades. Existing empirical evidence suggests that there is a variance in the lifespan of alliances. I argue that alliances are more likely to be dissolved when their treaty obligations undermine autonomy in a state’s core security or military strategy. In this vein, I also insist that ‘strategic autonomy’ is a key factor in the termination of alliance and alliance duration. Alliances with strong ‘strategic autonomy constraints’ would not last longer than others. I use the ATOP data and principal components analysis (PCA) technique to test this argument to identify a strategic autonomy variable. The extracted principal components (PCs) are used as explanatory variables in regression. This paper finds that alliances with strategic autonomy constraints do not last longer than alliances that are not constrained, and the empirical results are consistent with the hypotheses.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45086441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10024
Bendegúz Papp
Cyclone Nargis in 2008 is remembered as one of the deadliest disasters of modern Southeast Asia. Myanmar suffered the greatest losses of the states in the region, with more than a hundred thousand deaths and millions affected. The present research examines the events of the storm in a disaster diplomacy context. The methodological framework of the study is the Complex Adaptive System, which is applied through four properties and three mechanisms. According to the results, Cyclone Nargis hit the region in a cold international environment, and its treatment ended with a (to some extent) successful regional diplomatic outcome after easing the initial abstention. Among the variables of the CAS method, nonlinearity and aggregation, as well as internal model and building blocks, determined regional cooperation. The present case study shows that an extremely severe natural disaster is capable of promoting regional cooperation despite the actual cold political environment.
{"title":"An Analysis of ASEAN’s Cyclone Nargis 2008 Disaster Diplomacy","authors":"Bendegúz Papp","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10024","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Cyclone Nargis in 2008 is remembered as one of the deadliest disasters of modern Southeast Asia. Myanmar suffered the greatest losses of the states in the region, with more than a hundred thousand deaths and millions affected. The present research examines the events of the storm in a disaster diplomacy context. The methodological framework of the study is the Complex Adaptive System, which is applied through four properties and three mechanisms. According to the results, Cyclone Nargis hit the region in a cold international environment, and its treatment ended with a (to some extent) successful regional diplomatic outcome after easing the initial abstention. Among the variables of the CAS method, nonlinearity and aggregation, as well as internal model and building blocks, determined regional cooperation. The present case study shows that an extremely severe natural disaster is capable of promoting regional cooperation despite the actual cold political environment.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48923232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-26DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10025
Simon Lacey, A. Mitchell
The COVID-19 pandemic galvanized national regulatory authorities (NRAs) to adopt innovative and cooperative vaccine approval approaches. Against a backdrop of deaths, economic paralysis, and political instability, it became clear that legacy approaches to vaccine approvals would no longer suffice. Regulatory cooperation between NRAs has developed since the 1960s in Europe and later in other regions. But the crisis wrought by COVID-19 has instilled a new sense of the value of networking, work-sharing, reliance, and recognition among NRAs in all countries and regions. Regional and multilateral collaboration — particularly in the Asia-Pacific — have also enabled shared knowledge and resources while contributing to some degree of harmonization in rules and procedures. Indeed, this will likely pave the way for dealing with future global health crises. Yet, amidst the detritus, there is much to learn.
{"title":"Regulatory Cooperation for Vaccines: The Asia-Pacific and Beyond","authors":"Simon Lacey, A. Mitchell","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10025","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The COVID-19 pandemic galvanized national regulatory authorities (NRAs) to adopt innovative and cooperative vaccine approval approaches. Against a backdrop of deaths, economic paralysis, and political instability, it became clear that legacy approaches to vaccine approvals would no longer suffice. Regulatory cooperation between NRAs has developed since the 1960s in Europe and later in other regions. But the crisis wrought by COVID-19 has instilled a new sense of the value of networking, work-sharing, reliance, and recognition among NRAs in all countries and regions. Regional and multilateral collaboration — particularly in the Asia-Pacific — have also enabled shared knowledge and resources while contributing to some degree of harmonization in rules and procedures. Indeed, this will likely pave the way for dealing with future global health crises. Yet, amidst the detritus, there is much to learn.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44067576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10019
Mason Richey, Daewon Ohn
Despite conceptual and methodological ambiguities, strategic culture has become a useful notion in international politics. An extension of this is the emergence of debates concerning the EU’s endeavors to cultivate a strategic culture at a supranational level. The EU has functioned as a constructivist laboratory insofar as its integration has been synonymous with the formation of institutional identity and decision-making processes that are building blocks of strategic culture. Employing the definition of strategic culture as the interplay of discourse and practice arrived at through an elite-negotiated reality, we undertake a document analysis that addresses an often neglected issue: what are some of the mechanisms that have led EU strategic culture to advance or stagnate? Beyond simple constructivist accounts, we investigate EU strategic culture formation through lessons gleaned from political and organizational/institutional psychology’s understanding of how biased reasoning affects decision-making. We claim that groupthink bias and other biases within the decision-making apparatuses of EU institutions have shaped EU strategic culture formation. This approach enables us to better understand the specific nature of the EU’s efforts to solidify its strategic culture, as well as the prospects for the EU to coherently execute grand strategy addressing challenges in the EU neighborhood and the Indo-Pacific.
{"title":"Can You Get There from Here? Difficulties in Generating EU Strategic Culture","authors":"Mason Richey, Daewon Ohn","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10019","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Despite conceptual and methodological ambiguities, strategic culture has become a useful notion in international politics. An extension of this is the emergence of debates concerning the EU’s endeavors to cultivate a strategic culture at a supranational level. The EU has functioned as a constructivist laboratory insofar as its integration has been synonymous with the formation of institutional identity and decision-making processes that are building blocks of strategic culture. Employing the definition of strategic culture as the interplay of discourse and practice arrived at through an elite-negotiated reality, we undertake a document analysis that addresses an often neglected issue: what are some of the mechanisms that have led EU strategic culture to advance or stagnate? Beyond simple constructivist accounts, we investigate EU strategic culture formation through lessons gleaned from political and organizational/institutional psychology’s understanding of how biased reasoning affects decision-making. We claim that groupthink bias and other biases within the decision-making apparatuses of EU institutions have shaped EU strategic culture formation. This approach enables us to better understand the specific nature of the EU’s efforts to solidify its strategic culture, as well as the prospects for the EU to coherently execute grand strategy addressing challenges in the EU neighborhood and the Indo-Pacific.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46976438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-07DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10016
S. Han, Jisung Song
With the disproportionate impact of the global pandemic on developing countries, health aid has become crucial in improving people’s health and well-being more than ever. Reflecting developing countries’ needs, Korea, like other donors, made significant contributions to support the global COVID-19 response. Considering the increased amount and importance of the health sector in Korea’s foreign aid, this article aims to investigate the motivations of Korea’s total bilateral aid and bilateral health aid using panel data of 128 developing countries from 2006 to 2021 with the random-effects panel Tobit model. The time frame was divided into three periods, 2006–2009, 2010–2019 and 2020–2021, to test Korea’s aid determinants pre- and post-pandemic outbreak. No notable changes in Korea’s aid allocation pattern were found before and after the pandemic. Instead, Korea seemed to have mixed motives of donor interest and recipients’ needs in specific periods. However, a priority partner country was consistently identified as an influential factor in Korea’s aid.
{"title":"What Determines Korea’s Health Aid Allocation: Altruistic, Economic, or COVID-19 Motivations?","authors":"S. Han, Jisung Song","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10016","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10016","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000With the disproportionate impact of the global pandemic on developing countries, health aid has become crucial in improving people’s health and well-being more than ever. Reflecting developing countries’ needs, Korea, like other donors, made significant contributions to support the global COVID-19 response. Considering the increased amount and importance of the health sector in Korea’s foreign aid, this article aims to investigate the motivations of Korea’s total bilateral aid and bilateral health aid using panel data of 128 developing countries from 2006 to 2021 with the random-effects panel Tobit model. The time frame was divided into three periods, 2006–2009, 2010–2019 and 2020–2021, to test Korea’s aid determinants pre- and post-pandemic outbreak. No notable changes in Korea’s aid allocation pattern were found before and after the pandemic. Instead, Korea seemed to have mixed motives of donor interest and recipients’ needs in specific periods. However, a priority partner country was consistently identified as an influential factor in Korea’s aid.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45374757","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-04DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10018
Kerry Liu
China’s wolf warrior diplomacy has attracted extensive attention since 2020. One of the most prominent “wolf warriors” is Zhao Lijian, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson. Based on weekly Google Trends datasets between August 21, 2016 and August 8, 2021, this study provides a quantitative description of the development of Zhao Lijian diplomacy. Employing Granger causality tests and autoregressive distributed lag models, this study finds that Zhao Lijian diplomacy is part of China’s wolf warrior diplomacy. Most importantly, COVID-19 may be the only factor that has driven the rise of Zhao Lijian diplomacy. This study contributes to academia by presenting a new quantitative approach to international relations studies and contributes to our understanding of China’s foreign policy.
{"title":"The Rise of China’s Zhao Lijian Diplomacy: A Time Series Analysis","authors":"Kerry Liu","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10018","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 China’s wolf warrior diplomacy has attracted extensive attention since 2020. One of the most prominent “wolf warriors” is Zhao Lijian, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesperson. Based on weekly Google Trends datasets between August 21, 2016 and August 8, 2021, this study provides a quantitative description of the development of Zhao Lijian diplomacy. Employing Granger causality tests and autoregressive distributed lag models, this study finds that Zhao Lijian diplomacy is part of China’s wolf warrior diplomacy. Most importantly, COVID-19 may be the only factor that has driven the rise of Zhao Lijian diplomacy. This study contributes to academia by presenting a new quantitative approach to international relations studies and contributes to our understanding of China’s foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42029061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-26DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10017
Youngjeen Cho
Protecting the environment is not a new topic in international trade law. The growing environmental impacts of globalization have made protecting the environment an increasingly pressing issue. In fisheries subsidies negotiations since 2001, WTO members have attempted to introduce environmental norms into the existing trade law framework. After examining the draft text and the Fisheries Subsidies Agreement, this article finds it difficult and inappropriate to assess and regulate purely environmental issues through the lens of trade agreements, particularly the SCM Agreement. The draft text and the Agreement reveal conflicts with the basic concepts, principles, and framework of WTO law and do not ensure effective conservation of fisheries stocks. Based on these findings, this article argues that, as much as the conservation of fish stocks is imperative, it should be done in a manner consistent with the basic framework of international law and international trade law.
{"title":"Bringing Trade and Environmental Norms Together: The Case of the WTO Fisheries Subsidies Negotiations","authors":"Youngjeen Cho","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10017","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Protecting the environment is not a new topic in international trade law. The growing environmental impacts of globalization have made protecting the environment an increasingly pressing issue. In fisheries subsidies negotiations since 2001, WTO members have attempted to introduce environmental norms into the existing trade law framework. After examining the draft text and the Fisheries Subsidies Agreement, this article finds it difficult and inappropriate to assess and regulate purely environmental issues through the lens of trade agreements, particularly the SCM Agreement. The draft text and the Agreement reveal conflicts with the basic concepts, principles, and framework of WTO law and do not ensure effective conservation of fisheries stocks. Based on these findings, this article argues that, as much as the conservation of fish stocks is imperative, it should be done in a manner consistent with the basic framework of international law and international trade law.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43642846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-21DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10013
Yihyun Ryu
Drawing on the Foucauldian theoretical concepts of governmentality and genealogy as a method for grasping the unconventional reality of multiculturalism discourse in South Korea, this paper aims to go beyond ahistorical accounts of multicultural policy. The article offers an analysis of policy discourses relating to multicultural families in South Korea, and it examines the strategies utilized by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family to maintain and expand its ministerial jurisdiction. Such analyses reveal how policy discourse has shifted away from Korean blood-based ethnicity and the “mixed-blood” category of people in favor of focusing on female marriage migrants and their families. Furthermore, the examination highlights how legislation that supports these families conceptualizes female migrants as apolitical, family-oriented, and maternal beings. This conceptualization is legitimized by the ministerial strategies adopted by “femocrats,” government officials affiliated with the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family.
{"title":"Limiting Multiculturalism Discourse by Legislating Support for Multicultural Families in Korea","authors":"Yihyun Ryu","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10013","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Drawing on the Foucauldian theoretical concepts of governmentality and genealogy as a method for grasping the unconventional reality of multiculturalism discourse in South Korea, this paper aims to go beyond ahistorical accounts of multicultural policy. The article offers an analysis of policy discourses relating to multicultural families in South Korea, and it examines the strategies utilized by the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family to maintain and expand its ministerial jurisdiction. Such analyses reveal how policy discourse has shifted away from Korean blood-based ethnicity and the “mixed-blood” category of people in favor of focusing on female marriage migrants and their families. Furthermore, the examination highlights how legislation that supports these families conceptualizes female migrants as apolitical, family-oriented, and maternal beings. This conceptualization is legitimized by the ministerial strategies adopted by “femocrats,” government officials affiliated with the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45430448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-10DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10012
Amanda Fish
This study attempted to examine to what extent hybrid peacebuilding would be applicable in Xinjiang’s ethnic conflict between the Han and Uighurs. After situating hybrid peacebuilding within the liberal peacebuilding literature, for further contextualization, the study then extrapolated key information from several other Asian cases of hybrid peacebuilding. It then overviewed the conflict (the parties involved and their various perspectives), outlined the modern efforts to resolve the conflict, and determined how they remain problematic. Finally, the study qualitatively analyzed the theoretical applicability of hybrid peacebuilding, its potential benefits, and potential drawbacks. The study concluded that hybrid peacebuilding has theoretical potential in Xinjiang, especially in the future, but its current drawbacks hinder its chances of success.
{"title":"The Applicability of Hybrid Peacebuilding in Ethno-Religious Conflict: A Case Study of the Uighur-Han Conflict in Xinjiang, China","authors":"Amanda Fish","doi":"10.1163/2667078x-bja10012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This study attempted to examine to what extent hybrid peacebuilding would be applicable in Xinjiang’s ethnic conflict between the Han and Uighurs. After situating hybrid peacebuilding within the liberal peacebuilding literature, for further contextualization, the study then extrapolated key information from several other Asian cases of hybrid peacebuilding. It then overviewed the conflict (the parties involved and their various perspectives), outlined the modern efforts to resolve the conflict, and determined how they remain problematic. Finally, the study qualitatively analyzed the theoretical applicability of hybrid peacebuilding, its potential benefits, and potential drawbacks. The study concluded that hybrid peacebuilding has theoretical potential in Xinjiang, especially in the future, but its current drawbacks hinder its chances of success.","PeriodicalId":37023,"journal":{"name":"Asian International Studies Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44543902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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