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Assessing the Political Clout of Thailand’s “Monarchized” Military in 2023 评估 2023 年泰国 "君主制 "军队的政治影响力
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10035
Paul Chambers
Since 1980, Thailand’s monarchy and military have enjoyed a partnership of power with the latter as a junior affiliate — a highly “monarchized military.” However, after 1992, direct military influence across the country diminished, and after the 2006 and 2014 coups, the military regained enormous clout. The country’s post-2019 facade democracy represents the continuation of a tutelary regime involving palace-endorsed military intervention in politics and apparent electoral governance. However, the armed forces-influenced government faces growing domestic challenges. This study examines Thailand’s military in late 2023. 2023 was profoundly significant because a new civilian government entered office that year, which might challenge monarchy-military primacy. The study chiefly asks: To what extent has the monarchy-military partnership clothed itself under the appearance of democracy (while indirectly interfering in it) to sustain its power, and what are the principal challenges this partnership faces? The study finds that in late 2023, Thailand remained a façade democracy, characterized by electoral authoritarianism and lorded over by monarchy and military — a situation the two institutions preferred to maintain.
自 1980 年以来,泰国的君主政体和军方一直保持着权力合作关系,军方是君主政体的附属机构,是高度 "君主化的军方"。然而,1992 年后,军方在全国的直接影响力减弱,2006 年和 2014 年政变后,军方重新获得了巨大的影响力。该国在 2019 年后的表面民主代表着一种监护制度的延续,其中涉及宫廷认可的军事干预政治和表面上的选举治理。然而,受武装部队影响的政府面临着日益严峻的国内挑战。本研究探讨了 2023 年末的泰国军方。2023 年意义深远,因为新的文职政府将在这一年上台执政,这可能会挑战君主制-军方的主导地位。本研究的主要问题是在多大程度上,君主制与军方的合作关系披上了民主的外衣(同时间接干涉民主),以维持其权力?研究发现,在 2023 年末,泰国仍然是一个以选举威权主义为特征、由君主和军方控制的假民主国家--这两个机构更愿意维持这种局面。
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引用次数: 0
The Impacts of Community-Driven Development Program in Conflict-Affected Regions: Evidence from Cambodia 受冲突影响地区社区驱动发展计划的影响:柬埔寨的证据
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10031
Jaehyun Jung, Taejong Kim, Booyuel Kim
This study evaluates the effects of the Cambodia Rural Development Program, specifically focusing on income generation and social capital. By employing a difference- in-differences framework and propensity score matching, the study finds a statistically significant positive impact on income, primarily driven by increased engagement in regular income-generating activities. However, the study also finds that the program has a limited effect on village-level collective actions, social cohesion, and perceived safety while inadvertently discouraging financial contributions to community projects. Additionally, trust between villagers and government officials remains unchanged. Heterogeneous analyses reveal the ineffective participation of trauma-experienced subgroups, highlighting the need for tailored approaches in conflict-affected regions.
本研究评估了柬埔寨农村发展计划的效果,特别关注创收和社会资本。通过采用差分法框架和倾向得分匹配法,研究发现该计划对收入产生了具有统计学意义的积极影响,其主要原因是参与常规创收活动的人数有所增加。然而,研究还发现,该计划对村级集体行动、社会凝聚力和安全感的影响有限,同时无意中阻碍了对社区项目的资金捐助。此外,村民与政府官员之间的信任也没有改变。异质性分析表明,经历过创伤的亚群体的参与效果不佳,这凸显了在受冲突影响的地区采取有针对性的方法的必要性。
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Convergence or Differential Exclusion? Temporary Labor Migration Policy in Japan and Korea 自由趋同还是差异排斥?日本和韩国的临时劳工移民政策
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10034
Felicia Istad, Sardar Ahmed Shah
The rapid industrialization of countries in East Asia and the resulting labor shortage are challenging established theories in research on migration policy. Studies argue that the persistence of temporary labor migration programs in this region contests the liberal convergence thesis, which suggests that democratization inevitably leads to more open migration policies. This article revisits the theoretical debate, focusing on conceptual equivalence across time and space. In a comparative policy study of Japan and Korea, we examine the development of two temporary labor migration programs (the Specified Skilled Worker program and the Employment Permit System). Our findings demonstrate how migration policies alternately intersect and diverge throughout time and across policy dimensions. The article contributes to comparative research in migration policy by highlighting the significance of historically informed and empirically equivalent analysis of migration policies.
东亚国家的快速工业化以及由此导致的劳动力短缺正在挑战着移民政策研究的既定理论。有研究认为,该地区持续存在的临时劳动力迁移项目对自由主义趋同论提出了质疑,后者认为民主化必然导致更加开放的移民政策。本文重新审视了这一理论争论,重点关注跨时空的概念等同性。在对日本和韩国的政策比较研究中,我们考察了两个临时劳工移民项目(特定技术工人项目和就业许可制度)的发展。我们的研究结果表明,移民政策是如何在不同时期和不同政策层面交替出现交叉和分歧的。文章强调了对移民政策进行有历史依据和实证等效分析的重要性,从而为移民政策的比较研究做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Whose Ideas Matter? The Changing Meaning of Health Protocols in Indonesia’s Border Management Policies in the Pandemic Era 谁的想法重要?大流行时代印尼边境管理政策中卫生协议含义的变化
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-05-10 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10033
Sylvia Yazid, Mireille Marcia Karman
The COVID-19 pandemic affected border management policies by introducing health protocol norms for foreigners entering the country. Although public rhetoric often emphasized the importance of preventing an increase in imported cases, the implementation of health protocols in Indonesian border management policy varied from long quarantine periods during the advent of the pandemic to the easing of border control during the Omicron spike. This paper is focused on the international and domestic dynamics that affected the meaning and implementation of health protocols in Indonesia’s border management policies. It was found that, although international health norms served as initial guidance for health protocols at the start of the pandemic, their influence faded over time as they did not align with the national agenda, which prioritized economic growth. Therefore, after successfully adapting to the pandemic, the president and his elite circle redefined health protocols to favor the economic recovery process.
COVID-19 大流行影响了边境管理政策,对进入印尼的外国人实行了卫生规程规范。虽然公共言论经常强调防止输入病例增加的重要性,但印尼边境管理政策中卫生协议的执行情况却各不相同,从大流行来临时的长期隔离,到欧米茄疫情高峰期的放松边境管制。本文的重点是影响印尼边境管理政策中卫生协议的意义和实施的国际和国内动态。研究发现,虽然国际卫生规范在疫情初期为卫生规程提供了初步指导,但随着时间的推移,其影响力逐渐减弱,因为这些规范与以经济增长为优先事项的国家议程并不一致。因此,在成功适应大流行病之后,总统及其精英圈子重新制定了有利于经济复苏进程的卫生规范。
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引用次数: 0
Securitizing Non-Traditional Security (NTS) Threats: China’s Track 2 Diplomacy in Southeast Asia 非传统安全(NTS)威胁的安全化:中国在东南亚的二轨外交
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10027
Aletheia Kerygma B. Valenciano
As China continues to strengthen its geopolitical status in Southeast Asia, it has expanded its foreign policy strategies to include track 2 diplomacy, which focuses on multilateral security dialogues and aims to support and strengthen official diplomacy. The existing literature on China’s track 2 diplomacy focuses on its effectiveness as a mechanism for conflict resolution, often overlooking the important question of how and why it became a foreign policy option for China. Using data drawn from key informant interviews, document analysis, and participant observation, this study examines specifically the role of non-traditional security (NTS) in the expansion of China’s track 2 diplomacy in Southeast Asia. From the lens of the securitization framework, this study argues that China’s track 2 diplomacy in Southeast Asia is, to a certain extent, a result of securitizing the NTS dimension of these issues. Moreover, while track 2 diplomacy functions as a mechanism to manage NTS threats, China has not completely abandoned its traditional security considerations. In fact, it views track 2 as instrumental in pursuing its wider political, security, and strategic goals. This study further explores the prospects and challenges for China’s track 2 diplomacy.
随着中国不断加强其在东南亚的地缘政治地位,中国已将其外交政策战略扩展至第二轨道外交,第二轨道外交侧重于多边安全对话,旨在支持和加强官方外交。有关中国第二轨道外交的现有文献主要关注其作为冲突解决机制的有效性,而往往忽略了其如何以及为何成为中国外交政策选项这一重要问题。本研究利用关键信息提供者访谈、文件分析和参与观察所获得的数据,具体研究了非传统安全(NTS)在中国在东南亚扩展第二轨道外交中的作用。本研究从安全化框架的视角出发,认为中国在东南亚的第二轨道外交在一定程度上是将这些问题的非传统安全层面安全化的结果。此外,虽然第二轨道外交是一种管理 NTS 威胁的机制,但中国并未完全放弃传统的安全考虑。事实上,中国认为第二轨道有助于实现其更广泛的政治、安全和战略目标。本研究进一步探讨了中国第二轨道外交的前景和挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Asianizing the Integrated Approach for Development Cooperation: Scaling-Up Dynamics of KOICA’s Peace-Development Nexus Projects in Lao PDR and Cambodia 发展合作综合方法的亚洲化:韩国国际协力团在老挝人民民主共和国和柬埔寨开展的和平与发展关联项目的扩展动态
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10026
Taekyoon Kim, Bo Kyung Kim
This study explores the significance of mainstreaming an integrated approach to development in enhancing development cooperation. It underscores the Asianization of this integrated approach by scrutinizing a unique path that harmonizes global guidelines for integrated approaches within Asia’s regional context. Serving as the focal case study, the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA)’s Peace Village Development Projects in Cambodia and Lao PDR illuminate how projects can evolve into integrated programs. This evolution draws on universalist lessons within the contextualist epistemological framework for scaling up. The research establishes that comprehensive needs and capacity assessments, in conjunction with the active participation of various stakeholders, are crucial for the effective design and implementation of these projects, which engage mixed scaling-up processes. KOICA’s integrated strategy serves as a dynamic catalyst for social inclusion and the optimization of sectoral outcomes, offering a mechanism for scaling up that contributes to the formation of ‘an organically societized Asia.’
本研究探讨了将综合发展方法纳入主流对于加强发展合作的重要意义。它通过仔细研究在亚洲地区背景下协调全球综合方法指导方针的独特路径,强调了这种综合方法的亚洲化。作为重点案例研究,韩国国际协力团(KOICA)在柬埔寨和老挝人民民主共和国的和平村发展项目阐明了项目如何演变为综合计划。这种演变在扩大规模的背景主义认识论框架内吸取了普遍主义的经验教训。研究表明,全面的需求和能力评估,以及各利益相关方的积极参与,对于这些项目的有效设计和实施至关重要。韩国国际协力团的综合战略是社会包容和部门成果优化的动态催化剂,提供了一种有助于形成'有机社会化亚洲'的扩大规模机制。
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引用次数: 0
Rich Nation, Liberal International: Ideology and Action in Japanese Foreign Aid Policy 富裕国家,自由国际:日本对外援助政策中的意识形态与行动
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10028
Joel Atkinson
Characterizations of foreign aid donors neglect the overarching importance of ideas in determining policy. This article explores Japan’s ideological criteria for foreign aid decision-making, differentiated both between goals and the instruments to achieve them, as well as between ideas in the specific foreground and the general background. Japan continues to operate with a recognizable postwar ideology, which synthesized aspects of an earlier militarist and economic nationalism paradigm with liberal internationalism. In recent years, the perception of a growing threat from China and other changes have catalyzed a shift in Japan’s ODA toward greater securitization and liberal value-orientation; however, aid policy still remains situated within this “Rich Nation, Liberal International” paradigm.
对对外援助国的描述忽视了思想在决定政策方面的首要作用。本文探讨了日本对外援助决策的意识形态标准,既区分了目标和实现目标的手段,也区分了具体前景和一般背景中的思想。日本在战后仍然沿用着一种可识别的意识形态,这种意识形态综合了早期军国主义和经济民族主义范式与自由国际主义的各个方面。近年来,对来自中国的日益增长的威胁的认识和其他变化促使日本的官方发展援助向更安全和更自由的价值取向转变;然而,援助政策仍停留在 "富国、自由国际 "的范式中。
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引用次数: 0
Korea’s Country Partnership Strategy and Bilateral Trade: Establishing a Nexus in Sub-Saharan Africa 韩国国家伙伴战略与双边贸易:在撒哈拉以南非洲建立联系
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10030
Ben Katoka
Abstract Is the establishment of Korea’s Country Partnership Strategy ( CPS ) since 2011 associated with increases in Korea’s exports to and imports from its Sub-Saharan African ( SSA ) partners? Two cases of Korea’s CPS for SSA countries — Ethiopia and Mozambique — indicate that an association can be established between the CPS inception and increases in Korea’s exports of manufactured products to and imports of primary commodities from its priority partners. At the same time, the study revealed that improvement in the trade balance in favor of the priority partners depended on the type of primary commodities in which those countries specialize. Specifically, priority partners specializing in minerals exports experienced a dramatic improvement in their trade balance with Korea relative to their counterparts specializing in agricultural exports.
自2011年以来,韩国国家伙伴战略(CPS)的建立与韩国对撒哈拉以南非洲(SSA)伙伴的进出口增长有关吗?韩国为南非洲国家埃塞俄比亚和莫桑比克提供的两个CPS案例表明,CPS的启动与韩国向其优先合作伙伴出口制成品和从其优先合作伙伴进口初级商品的增加之间可以建立联系。同时,研究表明,贸易平衡是否改善,有利于优先伙伴,取决于这些国家专门生产的初级商品的类型。具体而言,专门从事矿物出口的优先伙伴与专门从事农业出口的伙伴相比,在与韩国的贸易平衡方面有了显著改善。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-15 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-02401000
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引用次数: 0
Analyzing How the Philippine Government Shapes Gender Norms through Migration: The Case of an Institutionalized Award System 菲律宾政府如何通过移民塑造性别规范——以制度化奖励制度为例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1163/2667078x-bja10022
Aurora S. Llige
This study analyzes how the Philippine government shapes gender norms through the awardees of an institutionalized award system called the “Presidential Awards for Filipino Individuals and Organizations Overseas” (PAFIOO). Publicly available biennial books of awardees that span 30 years (1991–2021) were obtained from the Commission on Filipinos Overseas archives, and the narrative data of the 342 awardees were thematically analyzed. This study argues that the state reinforces gender norms within migration and development through two identity frames bestowed on the winners of PAFIOO. First, the hero/heroine identity emphasizes the traditional views of gender roles, where women awardees, regardless of their civil status, are framed as sacrificing mother figures. Second, the commodity identity highlights men awardees and their masculine-related fields. Consequently, their contribution to development reflected this. Further, the PAFIOO selection is imbalanced, consistently awarding more men than women in the past three decades.
本研究分析了菲律宾政府如何通过一项名为“菲律宾海外个人和组织总统奖”(PAFIOO)的制度化奖励制度的获奖者来塑造性别规范。从菲律宾人海外档案委员会获得了30年(1991-2021)的公开两年一度的获奖者书籍,并对342名获奖者的叙述数据进行了主题分析。这项研究认为,国家通过赋予PAFIOO获奖者的两个身份框架,加强了移民和发展中的性别规范。首先,男女主人公身份强调传统的性别角色观,即女性获奖者,无论其公民身份如何,都被视为牺牲母亲的形象。其次,商品身份突出了男性获奖者及其男性相关领域。因此,它们对发展的贡献反映了这一点。此外,PAFIOO的选拔是不平衡的,在过去三十年中,男性的奖励一直多于女性。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Asian International Studies Review
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