Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).10
H. Barnett
{"title":"The Patient Perspective of Quality Care: A Literature Review","authors":"H. Barnett","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).10","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114803538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).05
{"title":"Effect of sublethal doses of dicamba on honeybee cognition","authors":"","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).05","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130289632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).06
E. Farris
With the rise of internal conflicts and insurgency groups since the end of the Cold War, international norms regarding human rights have grown exponentially, developing into international law that seeks to hold States accountable. While not all countries are party to international justice mechanisms like the International Criminal Court, human rights undoubtedly concern the entire international community. Armed conflicts that boast longevity and depth of reach are therefore especially worrisome in the face of norms and institutions that aim to ensure respect for human rights and protect the victims of the conflict. Colombia, a country that has suffered from an armed conflict lasting more than a half century, has recently begun its transition from a post-settlement to a post-conflict society with the culmination of the Final Agreement to End the Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace. However, Colombia’s successful journey to a post-conflict society is contingent upon the functionality of its newly created transitional justice system. A particularly precarious yet critical component of Colombia’s Transitional Justice System is the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. In order for Colombia to achieve sustainable peace and protect victims’ rights, the extrajudicial and judicial aspects of the system must work to complement each other. After World War II, the international community recognized its responsibility to ensure that states that had carried out “wars of aggression” against third states and their own populations would suffer international legal ramifications (Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9). These international efforts were carried out through the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, followed by the Declaration of Rights and Duties of Man in April of 1948, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment on the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, both ratified in December of 1948 by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, the Geneva Convention of 1949, and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights of 1950 (Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9-10). Overall, the international community was “judicialized” following both World Wars (Simmons & Danner, 2010). Collectively, these declarations and conventions establish a set of international norms that obligate the state to fulfil its duty to protect its population. This new international standard, however, does not mean each state has since abided by the norms created. In the post-Cold War era, it became difficult to hold states accountable and guarantee that perpetrators guilty of gross violations of human rights would be prosecuted, especially with the rise of armed conflicts and insurgencies. Moreover, Olasolo (2015) maintains that the international community failed to subject world hegemons to fair judgement in the post-Cold War world. He argues that this failure is grounds for an overall weak commitment to human ri
{"title":"Journey to A Post-Conflict Society: Colombia’s Transitional Justice System","authors":"E. Farris","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).06","url":null,"abstract":"With the rise of internal conflicts and insurgency groups since the end of the Cold War, international norms regarding human rights have grown exponentially, developing into international law that seeks to hold States accountable. While not all countries are party to international justice mechanisms like the International Criminal Court, human rights undoubtedly concern the entire international community. Armed conflicts that boast longevity and depth of reach are therefore especially worrisome in the face of norms and institutions that aim to ensure respect for human rights and protect the victims of the conflict. Colombia, a country that has suffered from an armed conflict lasting more than a half century, has recently begun its transition from a post-settlement to a post-conflict society with the culmination of the Final Agreement to End the Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace. However, Colombia’s successful journey to a post-conflict society is contingent upon the functionality of its newly created transitional justice system. A particularly precarious yet critical component of Colombia’s Transitional Justice System is the Special Jurisdiction for Peace. In order for Colombia to achieve sustainable peace and protect victims’ rights, the extrajudicial and judicial aspects of the system must work to complement each other. After World War II, the international community recognized its responsibility to ensure that states that had carried out “wars of aggression” against third states and their own populations would suffer international legal ramifications (Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9). These international efforts were carried out through the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, followed by the Declaration of Rights and Duties of Man in April of 1948, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment on the Crime of Genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, both ratified in December of 1948 by the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, the Geneva Convention of 1949, and the Convention for the Protection of Human Rights of 1950 (Olasolo, 2015, pp. 9-10). Overall, the international community was “judicialized” following both World Wars (Simmons & Danner, 2010). Collectively, these declarations and conventions establish a set of international norms that obligate the state to fulfil its duty to protect its population. This new international standard, however, does not mean each state has since abided by the norms created. In the post-Cold War era, it became difficult to hold states accountable and guarantee that perpetrators guilty of gross violations of human rights would be prosecuted, especially with the rise of armed conflicts and insurgencies. Moreover, Olasolo (2015) maintains that the international community failed to subject world hegemons to fair judgement in the post-Cold War world. He argues that this failure is grounds for an overall weak commitment to human ri","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114316354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).07
Jack Deperrior
Since the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank has begun gradually unwinding its $4.5 trillion balance sheet, investors are anxious to see how credit markets will react to the end of U.S. quantitative easing and the dawn of tighter monetary policy. This paper tests if corporate credit markets are behaving differently now that the total stock of assets on the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet is declining; the research employs a sum of leastsquares time series regression that aims to measure the causal relationship between Federal Reserve assets and three different corporate credit spreads (investment grade, BBB and high yield) before and after the policy change. The results indicate that the basic correlation between Federal Reserve assets and corporate credit spreads is altered by the policy change. However, when controlling for other explanatory variables, the analysis shows that the causal relationship remains unchanged. This paper therefore concludes that there are stronger explanatory forces that are keeping corporate credit spreads low despite declining Federal Reserve assets. In the heat of the 2008-2009 Financial Crisis, the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States (Federal Reserve) purchased substantial quantities of government sponsored enterprise (GSE) debt, non-performing mortgage backed securities (MBS) and United States Treasury debt on the secondary market to provide stimulus to the U.S. economy and liquidity to its vital financial markets. The process, known by investors across the globe as “quantitative easing,” can be an effective monetary policy tool for central bankers to use when policy rates are already at or approaching zero. The policy has proven quite useful in the United States as all the major market indices are now well above precrisis highs, unemployment is the lowest it has been in two decades and the economy is growing at an impressive rate of 3.5% so far in 2018. Amidst the economic recovery, the Federal Reserve Bank announced in late October 2017 that it was planning to reduce the bank’s stock of reserve assets from $4.5 trillion to approximately $3 trillion by 2020. To avoid disrupting secondary markets, the Federal Reserve’s plan is to gradually allow the bonds and other securities on its balance sheet to come due without reinvesting the proceeds rather than flooding the secondary market with billions of dollars in securities all at once. As of September 2018, the Federal Reserve has successfully shed close to $200 billion in assets off its balance sheet. Since the Federal Reserve is now pivoting to a less aggressive monetary policy by allowing assets to mature without refinancing and hiking its trademark Federal Funds Rate which directly affects cost of overnight bank borrowing and indirectly affects institutional and retail lending – there are several essential questions that investors should be asking themselves: (1) How are the prices of riskier credit securities responding to the Federal Reserve’s policy change? (2) Ar
{"title":"‘Quantitative Ceasing’: Reverse Quantitative Easing and its Effect on U.S. Corporate Credit Markets","authors":"Jack Deperrior","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).07","url":null,"abstract":"Since the U.S. Federal Reserve Bank has begun gradually unwinding its $4.5 trillion balance sheet, investors are anxious to see how credit markets will react to the end of U.S. quantitative easing and the dawn of tighter monetary policy. This paper tests if corporate credit markets are behaving differently now that the total stock of assets on the Federal Reserve’s balance sheet is declining; the research employs a sum of leastsquares time series regression that aims to measure the causal relationship between Federal Reserve assets and three different corporate credit spreads (investment grade, BBB and high yield) before and after the policy change. The results indicate that the basic correlation between Federal Reserve assets and corporate credit spreads is altered by the policy change. However, when controlling for other explanatory variables, the analysis shows that the causal relationship remains unchanged. This paper therefore concludes that there are stronger explanatory forces that are keeping corporate credit spreads low despite declining Federal Reserve assets. In the heat of the 2008-2009 Financial Crisis, the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States (Federal Reserve) purchased substantial quantities of government sponsored enterprise (GSE) debt, non-performing mortgage backed securities (MBS) and United States Treasury debt on the secondary market to provide stimulus to the U.S. economy and liquidity to its vital financial markets. The process, known by investors across the globe as “quantitative easing,” can be an effective monetary policy tool for central bankers to use when policy rates are already at or approaching zero. The policy has proven quite useful in the United States as all the major market indices are now well above precrisis highs, unemployment is the lowest it has been in two decades and the economy is growing at an impressive rate of 3.5% so far in 2018. Amidst the economic recovery, the Federal Reserve Bank announced in late October 2017 that it was planning to reduce the bank’s stock of reserve assets from $4.5 trillion to approximately $3 trillion by 2020. To avoid disrupting secondary markets, the Federal Reserve’s plan is to gradually allow the bonds and other securities on its balance sheet to come due without reinvesting the proceeds rather than flooding the secondary market with billions of dollars in securities all at once. As of September 2018, the Federal Reserve has successfully shed close to $200 billion in assets off its balance sheet. Since the Federal Reserve is now pivoting to a less aggressive monetary policy by allowing assets to mature without refinancing and hiking its trademark Federal Funds Rate which directly affects cost of overnight bank borrowing and indirectly affects institutional and retail lending – there are several essential questions that investors should be asking themselves: (1) How are the prices of riskier credit securities responding to the Federal Reserve’s policy change? (2) Ar","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116619852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).11
G. Anagnostopoulos
The concept of “Southern lag” describes the lack of compliance of Southern European countries with EU law which has had increased salience after the 2008 eurozone crisis. This article identifies the most binding constraints on energy policy, a previously overlooked area in the Southern lag debate. Two factors make the evaluation of the Europeanization of energy policy critical: first, the energy union is a key objective of the EU and understanding the constraints to compliance is essential for its success. Second, EU energy policy objectives provide concrete goals that make measuring Europeanization easier in terms of actual policy outcomes . This article first identifies the key explanations of this Southern lag that scholars have proposed. Then, it evaluates and compares the levels of compliance of Greece and Austria with EU energy policy objectives. By contrasting the empirical policy outcomes with the predictions of the various theories of Europeanization, this article establishes that the level of compliance is mostly determined by the level of misfit. A policy has a high misfit when it has high political and economic costs associated with its implementation. Furthermore, this comparative analysis introduces the importance of geography in affecting the level of misfit in energy policy. This result implies that the most successful strategies for Europeanization will be focused on bringing down the level of misfit by tailoring goals and policies to each country’s previous conditions. The eurozone crisis of 2008 brought to the forefront questions about Europeanization. As it became apparent that the hoped-for convergence among member-states in terms of both policy and economic performance had not materialized, many turned to exploring the reasons. Scholars had already sought to answer the question of why southern European countries seem to comply less and Europeanize slower than Northern ones. The 2008 crisis, however, and its overwhelming consequences for southern member-states gave the question new salience. Studying the divergence between north and south and understanding its causes is crucial to designing effective policies and avoiding the apparently consequential lackluster compliance in the future. This analysis seeks to do so by studying the Europeanization of Greece and Austria. It argues that even though Greece has made less progress on the Europeanization of its energy policy than Austria, this is due to the EU policies’ misfit with pre-existing institutions and energy policies. Greece, in other words, is not lacking the capacity nor the willingness to comply but the costs of its compliance are much higher than for Austria. This misfit is due to economic, political, and geographic factors that make compliance costlier for Greece. This analysis it makes 3 contributions: Firstly, it yields an in-depth analysis of the Europeanization of energy policy, an increasingly salient policy area both in Europe where the energy union occupies a h
{"title":"Southern Laggards or Misfits? A comparative assessment of energy policy Europeanization","authors":"G. Anagnostopoulos","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).11","url":null,"abstract":"The concept of “Southern lag” describes the lack of compliance of Southern European countries with EU law which has had increased salience after the 2008 eurozone crisis. This article identifies the most binding constraints on energy policy, a previously overlooked area in the Southern lag debate. Two factors make the evaluation of the Europeanization of energy policy critical: first, the energy union is a key objective of the EU and understanding the constraints to compliance is essential for its success. Second, EU energy policy objectives provide concrete goals that make measuring Europeanization easier in terms of actual policy outcomes . This article first identifies the key explanations of this Southern lag that scholars have proposed. Then, it evaluates and compares the levels of compliance of Greece and Austria with EU energy policy objectives. By contrasting the empirical policy outcomes with the predictions of the various theories of Europeanization, this article establishes that the level of compliance is mostly determined by the level of misfit. A policy has a high misfit when it has high political and economic costs associated with its implementation. Furthermore, this comparative analysis introduces the importance of geography in affecting the level of misfit in energy policy. This result implies that the most successful strategies for Europeanization will be focused on bringing down the level of misfit by tailoring goals and policies to each country’s previous conditions. The eurozone crisis of 2008 brought to the forefront questions about Europeanization. As it became apparent that the hoped-for convergence among member-states in terms of both policy and economic performance had not materialized, many turned to exploring the reasons. Scholars had already sought to answer the question of why southern European countries seem to comply less and Europeanize slower than Northern ones. The 2008 crisis, however, and its overwhelming consequences for southern member-states gave the question new salience. Studying the divergence between north and south and understanding its causes is crucial to designing effective policies and avoiding the apparently consequential lackluster compliance in the future. This analysis seeks to do so by studying the Europeanization of Greece and Austria. It argues that even though Greece has made less progress on the Europeanization of its energy policy than Austria, this is due to the EU policies’ misfit with pre-existing institutions and energy policies. Greece, in other words, is not lacking the capacity nor the willingness to comply but the costs of its compliance are much higher than for Austria. This misfit is due to economic, political, and geographic factors that make compliance costlier for Greece. This analysis it makes 3 contributions: Firstly, it yields an in-depth analysis of the Europeanization of energy policy, an increasingly salient policy area both in Europe where the energy union occupies a h","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"77 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129407206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).03
{"title":"The Dominican Government and its Economic Control","authors":"","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).03","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130113912","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.1(2022).05
{"title":"The Gender Politics of Revolutionary Struggle in the Black Panther Party","authors":"","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.1(2022).05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.1(2022).05","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"2010 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125633254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).08
L. Blitstein
• This article juxtaposes the demonstrated prevalence of celebrity politics with that of climate change policy inaction in the United States, to contextualize Leonardo DiCaprio’s ecodocumentary, Before the Flood within its current sociopolitical moment. I argue these components work in tandem to structure DiCaprio’s message within a social framework accommodating him as a political figure. In turn, the documentary can be conceived of as both a contributor and a product of new celebrity political discourse serving to further the politicization of climate change. Anthropogenic climate change is the most pressing issue of the 21st century and beyond, as humans’ ability to continue living on Earth and maintaining business as usual affects every conceivable industry and social construct we have collectively built. In November of 2018, the U.S. Global Change Research Program, a federal agency, released the “Fourth National Climate Assessment,” (2018), with over a thousand pages of evidence from nearly 300 scientists, presenting clear, unequivocal proof that humans have caused climate change. The second chapter, “Our Changing Climate,” consolidates findings from observed warming, as well as formal detection and attribution studies, such as computer models and simulations, to support the conclusion that humans have contributed to a total “likely...global average temperature increase” of 1.1°F to 1.4°F (0.6°C to 0.8°) between 1951 and 2010 (p.76). The report points specifically to greenhouse gas emissions, aerosol production, ozone depletion, and changes in land cover, such as that due to deforestation, as causes. Following the evidence of human impacts to the climate, the assessment outlines how, after leaving climate change largely unattended to since our first inclinations of its existence, we have nearly reached the point of no return from a world to be inundated with not-so-natural disasters, droughts, famines, and floods of near-biblical proportions. The report was not the first of its kind, or even the beginning of climate change research, which begs the question of how climate change policy in the United States has seemingly failed to enforce stringent guidelines in the face of over 185 years of what William Forster Lloyd (1832) conceptualized as a tragedy of the commons, an unwillingness for society to maintain the environment without a directive to do so. Joseph Fourier’s 1824 discovery of what became known as the greenhouse effect led to Svante Arrhenius’s conclusion in 1896 that the industrial burning of coal was contributing to global warming (Crawford, 2018). However, neither an approaching 200 years of climate change research, establishment of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), or consensus among scientists on the dire state of climate change has prompted consistent governmental intervention in the United States to mitigate the consequences or reduce the nation’s carbon footprint to pre-industrial levels. The United State
{"title":"Celebrity Precedents: Assessing New Politicization and Climate Change Policy Rhetoric in Leonardo DiCaprio’s \"Before the Flood\"","authors":"L. Blitstein","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).08","url":null,"abstract":"• This article juxtaposes the demonstrated prevalence of celebrity politics with that of climate change policy inaction in the United States, to contextualize Leonardo DiCaprio’s ecodocumentary, Before the Flood within its current sociopolitical moment. I argue these components work in tandem to structure DiCaprio’s message within a social framework accommodating him as a political figure. In turn, the documentary can be conceived of as both a contributor and a product of new celebrity political discourse serving to further the politicization of climate change. Anthropogenic climate change is the most pressing issue of the 21st century and beyond, as humans’ ability to continue living on Earth and maintaining business as usual affects every conceivable industry and social construct we have collectively built. In November of 2018, the U.S. Global Change Research Program, a federal agency, released the “Fourth National Climate Assessment,” (2018), with over a thousand pages of evidence from nearly 300 scientists, presenting clear, unequivocal proof that humans have caused climate change. The second chapter, “Our Changing Climate,” consolidates findings from observed warming, as well as formal detection and attribution studies, such as computer models and simulations, to support the conclusion that humans have contributed to a total “likely...global average temperature increase” of 1.1°F to 1.4°F (0.6°C to 0.8°) between 1951 and 2010 (p.76). The report points specifically to greenhouse gas emissions, aerosol production, ozone depletion, and changes in land cover, such as that due to deforestation, as causes. Following the evidence of human impacts to the climate, the assessment outlines how, after leaving climate change largely unattended to since our first inclinations of its existence, we have nearly reached the point of no return from a world to be inundated with not-so-natural disasters, droughts, famines, and floods of near-biblical proportions. The report was not the first of its kind, or even the beginning of climate change research, which begs the question of how climate change policy in the United States has seemingly failed to enforce stringent guidelines in the face of over 185 years of what William Forster Lloyd (1832) conceptualized as a tragedy of the commons, an unwillingness for society to maintain the environment without a directive to do so. Joseph Fourier’s 1824 discovery of what became known as the greenhouse effect led to Svante Arrhenius’s conclusion in 1896 that the industrial burning of coal was contributing to global warming (Crawford, 2018). However, neither an approaching 200 years of climate change research, establishment of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), or consensus among scientists on the dire state of climate change has prompted consistent governmental intervention in the United States to mitigate the consequences or reduce the nation’s carbon footprint to pre-industrial levels. The United State","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133609724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).03
A. Qureshi
{"title":"The Corporacy of the Cosmos: A Privatization of Space Research","authors":"A. Qureshi","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.2(2019).03","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130517352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1900-01-01DOI: 10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).07
{"title":"The Divestment Problem: Investigating GW’s Complicity in Apartheid South Africa","authors":"","doi":"10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.1(2023).07","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":371706,"journal":{"name":"The George Washington University Undergraduate Review","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127477345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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