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Power in Action: Democracy, Citizenship and Social Justice By Steven Friedman. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2018. 288 pp., $30.00 Paperback. 《权力在行动:民主、公民权和社会正义》,作者:史蒂文·弗里德曼。约翰内斯堡:Wits大学出版社,2018。288页,平装本30美元。
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-03 DOI: 10.1017/REP.2021.15
S. Dorman
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引用次数: 0
Racial Stasis: The Millennial Generation and the Stagnation of Racial Attitudes in American Politics By Christopher D. Desante and Candis Watts Smith. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020. 304 pp., $97.50, Cloth. 《种族停滞:千禧年一代和美国政治中种族态度的停滞》作者:克里斯托弗·d·迪桑特和坎迪斯·沃茨·史密斯。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2020。304页,$97.50,Cloth。
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2021.10
L. Stoker
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引用次数: 0
Ignored Racism: White Animus toward Latinos By Mark D. Ramirez and David A. M. Peterson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 238 pp., $24.99. Paperback.
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-21 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2021.11
A. Engelhardt
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引用次数: 0
Voter registration and political knowledge among American Indians 美国印第安人的选民登记和政治知识
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-05-06 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2020.43
J. Koch
Abstract This research utilizes a valuable data source to explain voter registration and political knowledge by Native Americans, testing theories of the political engagement of minority populations. After taking account of socio-economic resources, American Indians exhibit lower rates of voter registration and political knowledge compared to Caucasians but similar to that of Hispanics. Relative to other racial groups, military service greatly enhances American Indian political knowledge and voter registration. This finding is especially noteworthy given American Indians' high rate of military service.
本研究利用一个有价值的数据来源来解释印第安人的选民登记和政治知识,检验少数民族人口政治参与的理论。考虑到社会经济资源,美国印第安人的选民登记率和政治知识比白人低,但与西班牙裔相似。相对于其他种族,服兵役大大提高了美国印第安人的政治知识和选民登记。考虑到美洲印第安人的高服兵役率,这一发现尤其值得注意。
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引用次数: 1
Outsiders at Home: The Politics of American Islamophobia By Nazita Lajevardi. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. 306 pp., $79.99 Cloth/$24.99 Paperback 《国内的局外人:美国伊斯兰恐惧症的政治》作者:Nazita Lajevardi。纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2020。306页,布面79.99美元/平装本24.99美元
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-22 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2021.8
Youssef Chouhoud
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引用次数: 0
The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century By Keneshia N. Grant. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2020. 199 pp., $74.50 Cloth 《大迁徙与民主党:黑人选民与20世纪美国政治的重新调整》费城:天普大学出版社,2020。199页,$74.50布
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-22 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2021.5
Robert A. Brown
Keneshia N. Grant’s The Great Migration and the Democratic Party: Black Voters and the Realignment of American Politics in the 20th Century highlights the multifaceted political effects of the Great Migration, which was the migration of over six million African Americans from the rural South to their resettlement in the North during the 20th century. As Grant shows, for African Americans, their migration to the North was prompted by many motivations. But, their desire to become full American citizens by being able to vote influenced their political behavior, their political power in northern cities, their ability to elect Black elected officials at various levels of government, and, as northern politicians progressively realized the electoral power of the growing population of Black migrants, their evolution towards becoming major voters in the Democratic Party’s electoral coalition. The Great Migration and the Democratic Party contributes to the current literatures that analyze the development of political parties, American politics, and African American politics. Grant begins by asking “How did the Great Migration influence American politics in northern cities?” (p. 4) Grant’s central argument is that the northward migration enabled Blacks to participate in politics, altering northern politicians’ interactions with growing populations of Black voters; significantly, the migration also enabled Blacks to elect an increasing number of Black elected officials across the nation. By meticulously examining the effect of African American migrant voters upon mayoral elections in Chicago, Detroit, and NY City, Grant adds to the conventional narrative that many Blacks primarily converted from being Republicans to the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. As Grant explains, political scientists generally conceive of political change as occurring either in the electorate or in parties’ organizations. Grant focuses on the elite level, political parties and politicians, arguing that these actors tailor their strategies and policy positions to shape their
肯尼夏·n·格兰特的《大迁徙与民主党:黑人选民与20世纪美国政治的重新调整》强调了大迁徙的多方面政治影响,大迁徙是20世纪600多万非洲裔美国人从南方农村迁移到北方的重新安置。正如格兰特所展示的,对于非裔美国人来说,他们向北方的迁移有很多动机。但是,他们希望通过投票成为正式的美国公民的愿望影响了他们的政治行为,影响了他们在北方城市的政治权力,影响了他们在各级政府中选举黑人民选官员的能力,而且,随着北方政治家逐渐意识到不断增长的黑人移民人口的选举权力,他们逐渐成为民主党选举联盟中的主要选民。《大迁徙与民主党》为当前分析政党、美国政治和非裔美国人政治发展的文献做出了贡献。格兰特以“大迁徙如何影响美国北方城市的政治?”(第4页)格兰特的中心论点是,向北移民使黑人能够参与政治,改变了北方政治家与不断增长的黑人选民的互动;值得注意的是,移民也使黑人能够在全国范围内选举越来越多的黑人民选官员。通过仔细研究非裔美国移民选民对芝加哥、底特律和纽约市市长选举的影响,格兰特补充说,在新政时代,许多黑人主要从共和党人转变为民主党人。正如格兰特所解释的那样,政治学家通常认为政治变革要么发生在选民中,要么发生在政党组织中。格兰特关注的是精英阶层、政党和政治家,他认为这些行为者会调整他们的战略和政策立场,以塑造他们的影响力
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引用次数: 0
The Case for Identity Politics: Polarization, Demographic Change, and Racial Appeals By Christopher T. Stout. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2020. 268 pp., $42.50 Cloth. 《身份政治:两极分化、人口结构变化和种族诉求》作者:克里斯托弗·t·斯托特夏洛茨维尔:弗吉尼亚大学出版社,2020年。268页,$42.5布。
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-22 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2021.6
Natasha V. Christie
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引用次数: 4
Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior By Ismail K. White and Chryl N. Laird. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020. 248 pp., $29.95 Cloth. 坚定的民主党人:社会力量如何塑造黑人政治行为伊斯梅尔·k·怀特和克里尔·n·莱尔德著。普林斯顿,新泽西州:普林斯顿大学出版社,2020。248页,29.95美元。
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-15 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2021.4
Ivy A. M. Cargile
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引用次数: 38
Justice: The Racial Motive We All Have and Need 正义:我们都拥有和需要的种族动机
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2020.36
David C. Wilson
Abstract This essay posits that justice is the core value epitomizing our moment. Justice is violated when positive outcomes are undeserved, and the felt sense of injustice motivates a need for retribution. Because politics involves allocation (distribution and redistribution), deservingness is a core appraisal of “who gets what” and therefore justice is fundamental for politics. This is especially germane to race, ethnicity, and politics scholars. I present a few core tenets of justice theory, and argue that political science can take advantage of the moment to engage the concept of justice; especially as it relates to the study of racial attitudes and the identification of racial enablers—those ostensible non-racists who facilitate the status quo. Summarily, I propose that justice can unify debates over prejudice and politics, and advance our scholarly understanding of how well-intentioned people—regardless of their identities, or ideological or partisan labels—can facilitate racism, racial inequality, and injustice.
摘要本文认为,正义是我们这个时代的核心价值。当积极的结果不应该得到时,正义就被侵犯了,不公正的感觉激发了报复的需要。因为政治涉及分配(分配和再分配),应得性是“谁得到什么”的核心评价,因此正义是政治的基础。这对种族、民族和政治学者尤为重要。我提出了正义理论的几个核心原则,并认为政治科学可以利用这一时刻来参与正义的概念;特别是当它涉及到种族态度的研究和种族推动者的识别-那些表面上的非种族主义者促进现状。总之,我认为正义可以统一关于偏见和政治的争论,并促进我们对善意的人——无论他们的身份、意识形态或党派标签——如何助长种族主义、种族不平等和不公正的学术理解。
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引用次数: 4
Importance of State and Local Variation in Black–Brown Attitudes: How Latinos View Blacks and How Blacks Affect Their Views 州和地方差异对黑人和棕色人种态度的重要性:拉丁美洲人如何看待黑人以及黑人如何影响他们的观点
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/rep.2019.33
Barbara Gomez-Aguinaga, Gabriel R. Sanchez, M. Barreto
Abstract This study explores Latino perceptions of commonality and competition with African Americans across the country, focusing on the South. Using the Latino National Survey (LNS), we test the existing inter-group relation theories using an original measurement approach. With the creation of relative measures of commonality and competition of Latinos toward Blacks, we find that Latinos perceive co-ethnics as a greater source of competition than Blacks when our relative measure is used to interpret Latino perceptions of competition with African Americans. Moreover, our results suggest that Latinos in the South have similar perceptions of commonality to Blacks as Latinos more generally, across both approaches that measure perceptions of commonality. Most importantly, we find that when the relative competition measure is employed, Latinos who live in Southern states do in fact have higher perceptions of competition with Blacks than Latinos at large. These trends provide a valuable addition to the extant literature focused on inter-group relations by emphasizing that not only place and context matter, but also the way perceptions of competition and commonality are measured and operationalized.
本研究以美国南部为研究对象,探讨了拉丁裔美国人对与非洲裔美国人的共性和竞争的看法。利用拉丁裔全国调查(LNS),我们用一种原始的测量方法测试了现有的群体间关系理论。随着拉丁美洲人对黑人的共性和竞争的相对衡量标准的建立,我们发现,当我们的相对衡量标准被用来解释拉丁美洲人对与非洲裔美国人竞争的看法时,拉丁美洲人认为同种族是比黑人更大的竞争来源。此外,我们的研究结果表明,在两种衡量共性的方法中,南方的拉丁美洲人对黑人的共性的看法与拉丁美洲人普遍相似。最重要的是,我们发现,当采用相对竞争衡量标准时,居住在南方各州的拉美裔人实际上比其他拉美裔人对与黑人竞争的感知更高。这些趋势为现有的关注群体间关系的文献提供了有价值的补充,强调不仅地点和背景重要,而且对竞争和共性的感知方式也很重要。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Journal of Race, Ethnicity and Politics
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