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Regulating the Rorts: The Legal Governance of Grants Programs in Australia 规范基金:澳大利亚基金项目的法律治理
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-11 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X231166704
Yee-Fui Ng
Numerous recent scandals have surfaced relating to the Australian government allegedly engaging in ‘pork barrelling’, that is, the partisan channelling of grants funding to government electorates, instead of merit-based allocation. Yet the probity of the use of public money is crucial towards preserving public trust in Australian democratic institutions. This article will critically analyse the legal accountability mechanisms for grants funding through public finance legislation, ‘soft law’ such as grants, guidelines and ministerial standards, and the availability of legal redress. It will also examine political accountability mechanisms, including the operation of parliamentary committees, the Auditor-General and the Ombudsman. The author argues that although political regulation provides transparency in the government’s use of public funds, it remains ineffective to combat the government’s deeply entrenched incentives to allocate grants in a partisan manner. As such, it is contended that stronger legal accountability in terms of enforceable rules and regulations is required to reform grants regulation towards improving the probity and accountability of the use of public funding.
最近出现了许多与澳大利亚政府涉嫌参与“猪肉桶”有关的丑闻,即向政府选民提供拨款的党派渠道,而不是基于绩效分配。然而,对于保持公众对澳大利亚民主制度的信任来说,公帑的使用是至关重要的。本文将批判性地分析通过公共财政立法、“软法”(如赠款、指导方针和部级标准)以及法律补救的可用性来资助赠款的法律问责机制。它还将审查政治问责机制,包括议会委员会、审计长和监察专员的运作。作者认为,尽管政治监管为政府使用公共资金提供了透明度,但它仍然无法打击政府以党派方式分配拨款的根深蒂固的动机。因此,有人认为,需要在可执行的规则和条例方面加强法律责任,以改革赠款条例,以改善使用公共资金的诚实性和责任性。
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引用次数: 0
White Hat, Black Hat, Slouch Hat: Could Australia’s Military Cyber Capability be Deployed Under Commonwealth Call-Out Powers? 白帽、黑帽、慢帽:澳大利亚的军事网络能力能否在英联邦的号召下部署?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231166697
Brendan Walker-Munro
In April 2016, then Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull confirmed the existence of Australia’s offensive cyber capability. Said to constitute both a coordinating Information Warfare Division inside the Australian Army as well as dedicated cyberoffensive capability inside the Australian Signals Directorate, the unveiling of this capability was a watershed in Australian defence policy. Yet whilst the literature has briefly examined whether Australia’s cyberoffensive capability is congruous with international law, no such analysis under Australia’s domestic laws has been undertaken. This paper seeks to partially address this gap in the research by focusing on whether the Australian Defence Force could legally launch cyberattacks against domestic targets under Commonwealth call-out powers.
2016年4月,时任总理马尔科姆·特恩布尔证实了澳大利亚进攻性网络能力的存在。据称,这既是澳大利亚陆军内部的一个协调信息战师,也是澳大利亚信号局内部的专门网络攻击能力,这一能力的公布是澳大利亚国防政策的一个分水岭。然而,尽管文献简要审查了澳大利亚的网络攻击能力是否符合国际法,但根据澳大利亚国内法,尚未进行此类分析。本文试图通过关注澳大利亚国防军是否可以根据英联邦的号召权合法地对国内目标发动网络攻击来部分解决这一研究空白。
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引用次数: 0
Commonwealth Power to Improve Access, Quality, and Efficiency of Medical Care: Does section 51 (xxiiiA) of the Constitution Limit Politically Feasible Health Policy Options Today? 提高医疗服务的可及性、质量和效率的联邦权力:宪法第51条(xxiiiA)是否限制了当今政治上可行的卫生政策选择?
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X231165872
F. McDonald, S. Duckett, Emma Campbell
Legal and political battles about health policy in the immediate post-war years have cast a long shadow in Australia. The ‘civil conscription’ sub-provision in s 51(xxiiiA) (health and welfare power) of the Australian Constitution is still cited as a major barrier to developing health policy. But long after the High Court moved on from a very restrictive interpretation of Commonwealth powers, policymakers appear to be cautious about testing whether the Commonwealth has power to make laws about medical services to pursue a bold agenda about access, quality, and efficiency of medical care. In this article we will first describe the origin and phrasing of s 51(xxiiiA), the main head of power, then trace the development of the interpretation of the civil conscription sub-provision, and finally discuss whether politically realistic policy options are likely to founder on the shoals of High Court interpretation. We argue that the civil conscription limitation in s 51 (xxiiiA) in the Constitution looms larger as a policy constraint on regulation of health care by the Commonwealth government in the minds of decision-makers, and as a weapon in the hands of stakeholders, than contemporary analysis of it warrants.
战后几年关于卫生政策的法律和政治斗争给澳大利亚蒙上了很长的阴影。《澳大利亚宪法》第51(xxiiiA)条(健康和福利权力)中的“民事征兵”子条款仍然被认为是制定卫生政策的主要障碍。但在高等法院改变了对英联邦权力的限制性解释很久之后,政策制定者似乎对测试英联邦是否有权制定有关医疗服务的法律持谨慎态度,以追求有关医疗服务获取、质量和效率的大胆议程。在这篇文章中,我们将首先描述主要权力首脑s 51(xxiiiA)的起源和措辞,然后追溯民事征兵子条款解释的发展,最后讨论政治现实的政策选择是否可能建立在高等法院解释的基础上。我们认为,宪法第51条(xxiiiA)中的民事征兵限制在决策者心目中是对联邦政府医疗保健监管的政策约束,在利益相关者手中是一种武器,比当代对其的分析更为重要。
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引用次数: 0
The Australia’s Foreign Relations Act and Australia’s Relationship with International Law 澳大利亚的《外交关系法》与澳大利亚与国际法的关系
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231166158
Georgina Clough
This article examines the consequences of the Australia’s Foreign Relations (State and Territory Arrangements) Act 2020 (Cth) (‘Foreign Relations Act’) for international law. It argues that the arrangements entered into by state, territory and local governments to which the Foreign Relations Act applies can be relevant to international law in three ways. First, they may relate indirectly to Australia’s international legal obligations. Second, they may be a means by which Australian subnational governments claim a role for themselves in governance on global issues. Third, as an exercise of diplomacy, they influence the relations Australia maintains with other nations and the way in which it participates in the international system. As the states and territories in particular become more assertive, including on international issues such as climate change, giving the Commonwealth complete control over such arrangements may impact Australia’s relationship with international law.
本文探讨了《2020年澳大利亚外交关系(州和地区安排)法》(Cth)(“外交关系法”)对国际法的影响。它认为,《外交关系法》适用的州、地区和地方政府达成的安排可以在三个方面与国际法相关。首先,它们可能与澳大利亚的国际法律义务间接相关。其次,它们可能是澳大利亚国家以下各级政府声称自己在全球问题治理中发挥作用的一种手段。第三,作为一种外交手段,它们影响澳大利亚与其他国家保持的关系以及澳大利亚参与国际体系的方式。随着各州和地区变得更加自信,包括在气候变化等国际问题上,赋予英联邦对此类安排的完全控制权可能会影响澳大利亚与国际法的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Reinstatement of Previously Deregistered Health Professionals in Australia: Legal Determinations of Risk, Patient Safety, and Public Interest 澳大利亚先前注销的卫生专业人员的恢复:风险、患者安全和公共利益的法律决定
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x221146334
J. Millbank
Each year approximately 60 registered health practitioners in Australia have their registration cancelled for reasons of serious misconduct or, less commonly, impairment or criminal conviction. Cancellation remains in force unless the practitioner successfully brings a later application to be restored to the register. While the decision to deregister takes place in a public tribunal process, with published reasons, throughout most of Australia determinations concerning reinstatement are undertaken by professional Boards in private. This research examines available reinstatement decisions concerning 86 health practitioners to analyse how the health regulatory system in Australia determines questions of public interest and public safety when deciding whether deregistered health practitioners who seek reinstatement are now ‘fit and proper’ to practise their profession again. There is a considerable body of case law on the meaning of fitness to practise for health professionals, and the process by which it can be assessed. However, there is remarkably little legislative content or administrative guidance to structure the reinstatement inquiry, assist applicants in the process or to ensure consistency of decision-making, in particular by drawing attention to broader public protection factors. Reinstatement determinations would be improved through the introduction of structured guidance on how to apply the paramount objective of public protection. The article also suggests that having all reinstatement determinations take place in public with published reasons would improve public understanding of, and confidence in, the reinstatement process.
澳大利亚每年约有60名注册保健从业人员因严重的不当行为或不太常见的损害或刑事定罪而被取消注册。除非该从业员成功地将日后的申请恢复至注册簿,否则取消注册仍有效。虽然撤销登记的决定是在公开法庭程序中作出的,并有公布的理由,但在澳大利亚,大多数关于恢复登记的决定都是由专业委员会私下作出的。本研究调查了86名医疗从业人员的现有复职决定,以分析澳大利亚的卫生监管系统在决定寻求复职的已注销医疗从业人员现在是否“适合和适当”再次执业时,如何确定公共利益和公共安全问题。有相当多的判例法规定了保健专业人员适合行医的意义,以及可以对其进行评估的程序。但是,在恢复调查的结构、在程序中协助申请人或确保决策的一致性方面,特别是提请注意更广泛的公共保护因素方面,立法内容或行政指导非常少。通过引入关于如何应用公共保护这一最重要目标的结构化指导,将改进恢复的决定。文章还建议,所有恢复决定都公开进行,并公布原因,这将提高公众对恢复过程的理解和信心。
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引用次数: 1
Federal Charities Law and the Taxation Power: Three Constitutional Problems 联邦慈善法与征税权:三个宪法问题
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X221146330
N. Aroney
The Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission Act 2012 and Australian Charities and Not-for-Profits Commission Regulation 2013 have established a comprehensive regulatory framework for the charities and not-for-profit sector at a federal level. When making the Act and Regulation the Commonwealth relied upon several heads of legislative power in section 51 of the Constitution, the most important of which is the taxation power. This article develops and assesses three arguments why the relevant provisions of the legislative scheme are not supported by the taxation power. These arguments are, firstly, that the Act and Regulations do not have a sufficient connection to the subject matter of taxation, secondly, that they are not reasonably capable of being considered appropriate and adapted to achieving a legitimate purpose or object that falls within the taxation power and, thirdly, that in combination with the Income Tax Act 1986 and Income Tax Assessment Act 1997, they impose an obligation to pay money in a manner that is so arbitrary that they cannot be characterised as laws with respect to the subject matter of taxation. It is concluded that these three lines of argument provide strong reasons why the Act and Regulations are not supported by the taxation power.
《2012年澳大利亚慈善和非营利委员会法》和《2013年澳大利亚慈善与非营利委员会条例》在联邦层面为慈善和非盈利部门建立了一个全面的监管框架。在制定该法案和条例时,英联邦依赖于《宪法》第51条中的几位立法权首脑,其中最重要的是税收权。本文阐述并评估了为什么立法方案的相关条款没有得到税收权力支持的三个论点。这些论点是,首先,该法案和条例与税收主题没有足够的联系,其次,它们不能被合理地认为是适当的,也不能被调整为实现税收权力范围内的合法目的或目标,第三,结合1986年《所得税法》和1997年《所得税评估法》,它们以一种武断的方式强加了支付金钱的义务,以至于不能将其定性为与税收主题有关的法律。结论是,这三条论点为该法案和条例不受税收权力支持提供了有力的理由。
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引用次数: 1
The New Right and Aboriginal Rights in the High Court of Australia 澳大利亚高等法院的新权利与土著权利
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-17 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X221146333
H. Hobbs
In resolving disputes, the High Court of Australia sometimes has cause to expound upon the relationship between the Australian State and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. This article examines overblown and disingenuous New Right criticism directed towards the High Court in the aftermath of judgments deemed favourable to Indigenous Australians. It finds two themes recur in these attacks: that the High Court’s decision is undemocratic, or that the High Court has acted illegitimately. This article demonstrates that such claims are legally baseless. Drawing on quotes from major players in this debate, the article argues further that beneath this criticism lies a deeper angst over the sovereign foundations of Australia; an anxiety that reappears in arguments against contemporary calls for constitutional reform. As Australia nonetheless inches closer towards constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, the ferocity of New Right censure suggests that the movement may fear the Australian people do not share their same suspicions.
在解决争端时,澳大利亚高等法院有时有理由阐述澳大利亚政府与原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民之间的关系。这篇文章探讨了在被认为有利于澳大利亚原住民的判决之后,新右翼对高等法院的夸大其词和虚伪的批评。调查发现,在这些攻击中,有两个主题反复出现:高等法院的裁决是不民主的,或者高等法院的行为是非法的。这篇文章表明,这种说法在法律上是没有根据的。文章引用了这场辩论中主要参与者的话,进一步指出,在这种批评的背后,隐藏着对澳大利亚主权基础的更深层次的焦虑;这种焦虑再次出现在反对当代宪法改革呼声的争论中。尽管如此,随着澳大利亚越来越接近宪法对原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民的承认,新右翼的猛烈谴责表明,该运动可能担心澳大利亚人民不会有同样的怀疑。
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引用次数: 1
Fundamental Rights and Necessary Implication 基本权利和必要含义
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X221146332
D. Meagher
This article traces the manner in which the High Court’s recent legality jurisprudence has applied the ‘modern approach’ to interpretation in the context of fundamental rights. It is an approach which has exerted doctrinal pressure on the iconic and once authoritative conception of legality outlined in Coco v The Queen. Relevantly, the Court’s commitment to contextualism has extended to the interpretation of statutes which, on their ordinary meaning, implicate fundamental rights; and the important doctrinal shift which these cases seem to evidence is that the infringement of fundamental rights by necessary implication no longer has to satisfy the stringent — Coco — test. In Coco, the Court had stated that legality — the fundamental rights presumption — ‘may be displaced by an implication if it is necessary to prevent the statutory provisions from becoming inoperative or meaningless.’
本文追溯了高等法院最近的合法性判例如何在基本权利的背景下应用“现代方法”进行解释。这一方法对可可诉女王案中概述的标志性的、一度权威的合法性概念施加了理论压力。与此相关的是,法院对语境主义的承诺已经扩展到对法规的解释,这些法规在其普通意义上意味着基本权利;这些案件似乎证明了一个重要的理论转变,即通过必要的暗示侵犯基本权利不再需要满足严格的Coco测试。在Coco案中,法院表示,合法性——基本权利推定——“如果有必要防止法定条款变得无效或毫无意义,可能会被暗示所取代。”
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引用次数: 0
Can a Protectionist Measure be Non-Discriminatory? Comparative Federal Markets and a Proposal for a Definition of Discrimination Under s 92 of the Australian Constitution 保护主义措施可以是非歧视性的吗?比较联邦市场和澳大利亚宪法第92条下歧视定义的建议
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X221146336
C. Nagy
Three decades ago, in Cole v Whitfield, the High Court of Australia opted for a discrimination-based standard with the argument that s 92 of the Australian Constitution targets solely protectionist measures. This article demonstrates, with the use of comparative law analysis, that, in contrast with this teleology, the High Court has built a lacunose definition of discrimination that is incapable of covering the whole spectrum of protectionist measures. It argues that measures having an asymmetric impact should be considered discriminatory and countenanced only if they are justified by a local legitimate end and are proportionate, even if they rely on distinctions that are not based on out-of-state origin.
三十年前,在科尔诉惠特菲尔德案中,澳大利亚高等法院选择了基于歧视的标准,认为澳大利亚宪法第92条仅针对保护主义措施。这篇文章通过比较法分析表明,与这种目的论相反,高等法院对歧视建立了一个简洁的定义,无法涵盖所有保护主义措施。它认为,具有非对称影响的措施应被视为歧视性措施,只有在当地合法目的证明这些措施是合理的且相称的情况下,才应予以支持,即使这些措施所依据的区别不是基于州外出身。
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引用次数: 0
Active After Sunset: The Politics of Judicial Retirements in India* 日落后的活跃:印度的司法退休政治*
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1177/0067205X221146335
S. Dam
Indian judges retire, but not into inactivity. Many pursue careers in government-appointed roles. Scaffolded around the concept of institutional corruption, this article interrogates the history, law and politics of the retirement careers of judges in India. Three questions take centre stage in this analysis: What types of careers do retired judges pursue? Why do they pursue them? How do judges’ post-retirement ambitions impact their pre-retirement decisions? The cumulative analysis suggests that the Supreme Court of India, not specific judges, benches or decisions, is institutionally corrupt. The system of post-retirement jobs cycles like an economy of influence that is weakening the institution’s effectiveness, especially its capacity for impartial adjudication in matters that involve governments. But the Indian court’s performance and its public reception also reveal unique attributes that can enrich our general understanding of institutional corruption and separate the concept’s essential features from its auxiliary ones.
印度法官退休了,但并没有无所事事。许多人从事政府任命的工作。本文围绕机构腐败的概念,探讨了印度法官退休生涯的历史、法律和政治。在这项分析中,有三个问题占据了中心位置:退休法官追求什么类型的职业?他们为什么要追求他们?法官退休后的雄心如何影响他们退休前的决定?累积分析表明,印度最高法院,而不是特定的法官、法官席或裁决,在制度上是腐败的。退休后工作制度像影响力经济一样循环,削弱了该机构的有效性,尤其是其在涉及政府的事务中公正裁决的能力。但印度法院的表现及其公众接受度也揭示了独特的属性,这些属性可以丰富我们对制度腐败的总体理解,并将这一概念的本质特征与其辅助特征区分开来。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Federal Law Review
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