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No Place Like Home? Alienage, Popular Sovereignty and an Implied Freedom of Entry into Australia Under the Constitution 没有地方像家?外侨身份、人民主权和根据宪法进入澳大利亚的隐含自由
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-20 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x241255445
Benjamin Durkin
Does the Constitution protect the ability of an Australian to enter the country? This article investigates that question. Whilst the Constitution provides no express guarantee of a citizen’s right to enter Australia, a series of recent cases — particularly Love v Commonwealth 1 and Alexander v Minister for Home Affairs 2 — give occasion to consider whether a freedom of entry forms an implied part of Australia’s constitutional framework. Early scholarly attempts to establish a freedom of entry have relied upon the definition of non-alienage to ground this implication. This article commences by reviewing the effect of the High Court’s recent alienage jurisprudence on these arguments. After concluding that fatal difficulties attend this approach, I investigate an alternative foundation for an implied freedom of entry: an implication drawn from a constitutional principle of popular sovereignty. Focusing on a recent thread of High Court jurisprudence which has placed an increasing emphasis on the constitutional protection afforded to popular sovereignty, I conclude that this alternative basis provides a viable foundation upon which an implied freedom of entry could be recognised in the Constitution.
宪法》是否保护澳大利亚人入境的能力?本文对这一问题进行了探讨。虽然《宪法》没有明确保障公民进入澳大利亚的权利,但最近的一系列案件--尤其是 Love 诉联邦案 1 和 Alexander 诉内政部长案 2 --使我们有机会考虑入境自由是否构成澳大利亚宪法框架的一个隐含部分。学术界早期试图确立入境自由的努力依赖于非外国人的定义来为这一含义提供依据。本文首先回顾了高等法院最近的外国人判例对这些论点的影响。在得出这一方法存在致命困难的结论后,我研究了隐含入境自由的另一种基础:从人民主权的宪法原则中得出的含义。最近高等法院的判例越来越强调对人民主权的宪法保护,我将重点放在这一判例上,并得出结论:这一替代依据提供了一个可行的基础,在此基础上,默示的入境自由可以在宪法中得到承认。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Interference and the Incremental Chilling of Free Speech 外国干涉和对言论自由的逐步扼杀
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x241235983
Sarah Sorial, Shireen Morris, Peter Greste
Foreign interference is a growing threat to all liberal democracies, including Australia. To respond to this growing threat, the Department of Home Affairs has developed a complex ‘Counter-Foreign Interference Strategy’ (CFIS). At the heart of the strategy lies a suite of interlocking and overlapping legislation, including the Foreign Influence Transparency Scheme Act 2018 (FITS), the National Security Legislation Amendment (Espionage and Foreign Interference) Act 2018 and the Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Act 2018 (Electoral Funding Act). The aim of this paper is to explain and clarify the legislation and the free speech burdens it imposes, and determine whether the laws are suitably targeted at foreign interference without unduly limiting legitimate communication activity. We argue that the current criminal law regime is ineffective in addressing the problem because foreign interference is a complex and pervasive phenomenon taking many different forms — from espionage on university campuses to anonymous and targeted social media campaigns. The legislative scheme is not properly tailored to tackle foreign interference as it actually occurs.
外国干涉对包括澳大利亚在内的所有自由民主国家的威胁与日俱增。为了应对这一日益严重的威胁,内政部制定了一项复杂的 "反外国干涉战略"(CFIS)。该战略的核心是一整套环环相扣、相互重叠的立法,包括《2018 年外国影响透明计划法》(FITS)、《2018 年国家安全立法修正案(间谍活动和外国干涉)法》(National Security Legislation Amendment (Espionage and Foreign Interference) Act 2018)和《2018 年选举立法修正案(选举资金和披露改革)法》(Electoral Legislation Amendment (Electoral Funding and Disclosure Reform) Act 2018)(《选举资金法》)。本文旨在解释和澄清这些立法及其带来的言论自由负担,并确定这些法律是否适当地针对外国干涉,同时又不会过度限制合法的传播活动。我们认为,现行刑法制度无法有效解决这一问题,因为外国干涉是一种复杂而普遍的现象,其形式多种多样--从大学校园中的间谍活动到匿名和有针对性的社交媒体活动。立法方案没有适当调整以解决实际发生的外国干涉问题。
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引用次数: 0
Traversing Uncharted Territory? The Legislative and Regulatory Landscape of Heritable Human Genome Editing in Australia 穿越未知领域?澳大利亚可遗传的人类基因组编辑的立法和监管情况
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x241236212
Olga C. Pandos
In 2018, the birth of the world’s first ‘CRISPR Babies’ rendered the global community in disbelief. This was the catalyst for an international moratorium on Heritable Human Genome Editing (‘HHGE’). For the first time, the international community was prompted to consider a pathway forward to regulate HHGE. In light of the evolving maturity of Clustered Regularly Interspaced Short Palindromic Repeats (‘CRISPR’) as a biotechnology, it is timely to evaluate Australian federal legal and regulatory frameworks governing human genome editing. The response to HHGE must carefully balance the need to prevent unethical applications, against the progress of research to improve and refine the technology. This article argues Australia’s federal legislative regime must be reviewed to ensure it has the necessary capabilities to effectively regulate HHGE. It applies three schools of thought which offer an instructive theoretical lens to understand how Australian law has responded to advancements in technology. In addition, an analysis of the governing federal legislation reveals three regulatory gaps — complexity, operational ambiguity and inconsistent legislative objectives. Together, these gaps may be indicative of a legislative and regulatory landscape that is no longer fit for purpose.
2018 年,世界首例 "CRISPR 婴儿 "的诞生令全球社会难以置信。这也是国际社会暂停可遗传人类基因组编辑('HHGE')的催化剂。这第一次促使国际社会考虑如何规范 HHGE。鉴于聚类正则间隔短码回文(CRISPR)这一生物技术日趋成熟,现在正是评估澳大利亚联邦人类基因组编辑法律和监管框架的好时机。应对 HHGE 的措施必须在防止不道德应用的需要与改进和完善该技术的研究进展之间保持谨慎的平衡。本文认为,必须对澳大利亚的联邦立法制度进行审查,以确保其具备有效监管 HHGE 的必要能力。文章运用了三个学派的观点,从理论角度来理解澳大利亚法律是如何应对技术进步的。此外,对相关联邦立法的分析揭示了三个监管漏洞--复杂性、操作模糊性和立法目标不一致。这些差距共同表明,立法和监管环境已不再适合目的。
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引用次数: 0
Reviewing Review: Administrative Justice and the Immigration Assessment Authority 审查审查:行政司法与移民评估局
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-18 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231213120
Amy Elton
The Immigration Assessment Authority (‘IAA’) provides the final merits review mechanism for people seeking asylum by boat in Australia. For fast-track applicants, the outcome of IAA review is incredibly significant, with consequences ranging from resettlement in Australia, removal to an applicant’s country of origin or indefinite immigration detention in harsh conditions. Eight years since its introduction, this article asks whether the IAA has realised the goal of promoting efficient review whilst meeting other important administrative objectives. The article takes a novel approach, applying a pre-formulated theory of administrative justice to analyse whether the IAA has balanced administrative justice properties. In so doing, this article offers a unique lens to critically reflect on the role of the IAA and whether, once its mandate is ended, this new model of review should be abandoned or revived for future merits review of asylum claims.
移民评估局("IAA")为乘船到澳大利亚寻求庇护的人提供最终的案情审查机制。对于快速通道申请人而言,IAA 的审查结果意义重大,其后果包括在澳大利亚重新安置、遣送回申请人原籍国或在恶劣条件下无限期移民拘留。IAA 实施八年以来,本文提出了一个问题:IAA 是否实现了促进高效审查的目标,同时达到了其他重要的行政目标。文章采用了一种新颖的方法,运用预先制定的行政司法理论来分析《国际仲裁法》是否兼顾了行政司法的特性。在此过程中,本文提供了一个独特的视角来批判性地反思《国际仲裁法》的作用,以及一旦其任务结束,这种新的审查模式是否应被放弃,还是应在未来的庇护申请案情审查中重新启用。
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引用次数: 0
Managing Ownership of Copyright in Research Publications to Increase the Public Benefits from Research 管理研究出版物的版权所有权,提高公众从研究中受益的程度
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-18 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231213676
Kathy Bowrey, Tom Cochrane, Marie Hadley, Jill McKeough, Kylie Pappalardo, Kimberlee Weatherall
Producing and disseminating knowledge is core university business and a collaborative, global activity engaging multiple stakeholders including universities, researchers, governments, Indigenous communities, commercial bodies and the public. While ownership of university inventions attracts scholarly and policy attention, effective management of copyright in research outputs is also necessary to maximise the benefits of publicly funded research, but often neglected. This article explains current dynamics in academic publishing and research ownership. It seeks to explain the complex interface of copyright law, university policies, academic customary practices, Enterprise Bargaining Agreements (EBA), research funder mandates and policies, the guidelines and policies that pertain to Indigenous research, and publishing contracts. The article concludes with proposals for copyright management to maximise opportunities for greater public benefit from Australian research.
生产和传播知识是大学的核心业务,也是一项全球性的合作活动,涉及多方利益相关者,包括大学、研究人员、政府、土著社区、商业机构和公众。虽然大学发明的所有权引起了学术界和政策界的关注,但有效管理研究成果的版权对于最大限度地发挥公共资助研究的效益也是必要的,但却常常被忽视。本文解释了当前学术出版和研究所有权的动态。文章试图解释版权法、大学政策、学术习惯做法、企业谈判协议 (EBA)、研究资助者的任务和政策、与土著研究有关的指导方针和政策以及出版合同之间的复杂关系。文章最后提出了版权管理建议,以最大限度地增加公众从澳大利亚研究中获益的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Human Rights and Equality Commissions in Kenya and Their Role in Tackling Poverty and Economic Inequality 肯尼亚人权与平等委员会及其在解决贫困和经济不平等问题中的作用
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-10 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231212026
Victoria Miyandazi
This article explores the significance of the Kenya National Human Rights Commission (‘KNCHR’) and the National Gender and Equality Commission (‘NGEC’), as independent ‘fourth branch’ institutions protecting democracy (‘IPDs’) in Kenya, in promoting and protecting human rights, democracy and addressing poverty and economic inequality. It provides a conceptual background for the establishment of the two Commissions and evaluates their functions and effectiveness compared to civil society organisations with similar roles. It then examines the unique role of the Commissions in addressing poverty and economic inequality and their accomplishments in upholding the rule of law, democratic ideals and human rights in Kenya. The article also analyzes the challenges faced by the Commissions in achieving their goals and the opportunities arising from their emergence as fourth branch IPDs. Finally, it concludes that the constitutional entrenchment of the KNCHR and NGEC provides them with credibility, legitimacy and freedom to carry out their work effectively. However, resource constraints and dependence on political goodwill may hinder their effectiveness in translating human rights, particularly socio-economic rights, into reality. Despite these challenges, the Commissions’ oversight, investigation and complaint handling roles are critical in preventing and addressing poverty and economic inequality through data-driven transformation and collaborative efforts.
本文探讨了肯尼亚国家人权委员会(“KNCHR”)和国家性别与平等委员会(“NGEC”)作为肯尼亚保护民主的独立“第四分支”机构,在促进和保护人权、民主以及解决贫困和经济不平等问题方面的重要性。它为设立这两个委员会提供了概念背景,并将其与具有类似作用的民间社会组织进行比较,评估其职能和有效性。然后,报告审查了各委员会在解决贫穷和经济不平等问题方面的独特作用,以及它们在维护肯尼亚的法治、民主理想和人权方面取得的成就。这篇文章还分析了各委员会在实现其目标方面所面临的挑战,以及它们作为第四个部门发展中国家方案所产生的机会。最后,报告的结论是,KNCHR和NGEC的宪法保障为它们提供了有效开展工作的信誉、合法性和自由。然而,资源限制和对政治善意的依赖可能妨碍它们有效地将人权,特别是社会经济权利变为现实。尽管存在这些挑战,委员会的监督、调查和投诉处理作用对于通过数据驱动的转型和协作努力预防和解决贫困和经济不平等至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Developmental Constitutionalism and the Fourth Branch: Ghana’s Independent Constitutional Bodies and the Redress of Poverty and Inequality 发展性宪政和第四分支:加纳的独立宪法机构和对贫困和不平等的纠正
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231206622
Raymond A Atuguba, Katharine G Young
Ghana’s Constitution has long emphasized the importance of equality, democracy, human rights and development. These principles are entrenched in a separation of powers framework that includes independent constitutional bodies that operate semi-autonomously from the tripartite executive, legislative and judicial branches. As part of a symposium on so-called ‘fourth branch’ institutions that provide redress for poverty and inequality, this article explores two institutions: the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice and the National Development Planning Commission. The first is a 30-year-old national human rights institution, which monitors and investigates alleged violations of human rights, corruption and the misappropriation of public moneys, and provides redress, partly through its increasing focus on economic and social rights and the claims of the most vulnerable, including women, children and persons with disabilities. The second, currently executive body, is the subject of current calls for constitutional reform in Ghana. These reforms would entrench national development planning to enhance features of autonomy, technical capacity and partisan independence. As such, these proposals offer a distinctive and yet also paradigm-defying model of fourth branch arrangements in developmental constitutionalism, raising questions about the usurpation of policymaking and the deficits of democracy that are commonly raised against courts, international financial institutions or other international economic arrangements.
加纳宪法长期以来一直强调平等、民主、人权和发展的重要性。这些原则在三权分立框架中根深蒂固,三权分立框架包括独立的宪法机构,这些机构在行政、立法和司法三方部门之外半自主地运作。作为所谓的“第四分支”机构为贫困和不平等提供补救的研讨会的一部分,本文探讨了两个机构:人权和行政司法委员会和国家发展计划委员会。第一个是一个有30年历史的国家人权机构,负责监督和调查侵犯人权、腐败和挪用公款的指控,并提供补救,部分方式是越来越重视经济和社会权利以及包括妇女、儿童和残疾人在内的最弱势群体的要求。第二个是目前的执行机构,是目前呼吁加纳宪法改革的主题。这些改革将巩固国家发展规划,以增强自主性、技术能力和党派独立性。就其本身而言,这些建议提供了一种独特的,但也是范式挑战的模式,即发展宪政中的第四分支安排,提出了关于决策篡夺和民主赤字的问题,这些问题通常是针对法院,国际金融机构或其他国际经济安排提出的。
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引用次数: 0
Regulating the Fairness of Work Contracts in the Gig Economy 规范零工经济中工作合同的公平性
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-11 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231205049
Andrew Stewart, Penny Williams
The growth of the ‘gig economy’ has prompted debate about the regulation of arrangements to obtain work and income through digital labour platforms. For platform workers who are classified as freelancers or independent contractors, rather than as employees, one possibility is to invoke general laws on the fairness of contractual terms to challenge the inclusion of harsh or one-sided provisions in the contracts of adhesion typically drafted and imposed by digital platforms. To test the potential application of one such regime, in pt 2-3 of the Australian Consumer Law ( ACL), we systematically analyse the terms and conditions used by various platforms intermediating work performed in Australia, within and across different industry sectors. Our analysis uncovers many examples of terms that are designated in s 25 of the ACL as potentially unfair or that have been identified as potentially problematic by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC). We also examine the practical difficulties confronting a worker seeking to challenge the fairness of their contract terms, against the background of recent reforms to enhance the efficacy of this regime.
“零工经济”的增长引发了关于通过数字劳动力平台获得工作和收入安排的监管的争论。对于被归类为自由职业者或独立承包商而不是雇员的平台工作人员,一种可能性是援引关于合同条款公平的一般法律,以挑战通常由数字平台起草和实施的粘合合同中包含严厉或片面的条款。为了测试一种这样的制度的潜在应用,在澳大利亚消费者法(ACL)的第2-3部分,我们系统地分析了在澳大利亚不同行业部门内部和跨行业执行的各种平台中介工作所使用的条款和条件。我们的分析揭示了许多在ACL第25条中被指定为潜在不公平的术语或被澳大利亚竞争与消费者委员会(ACCC)确定为潜在问题的术语的例子。我们还研究了在最近为提高这一制度的有效性而进行的改革的背景下,工人寻求挑战其合同条款的公平性所面临的实际困难。
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引用次数: 0
Collective Bargaining in Fissured Work Contexts: An Analysis of Core Challenges and Novel Experiments 裂隙工作情境下的集体谈判:核心挑战与新实验分析
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231205051
Anthony Forsyth, Tess Hardy, Shae McCrystal
Facilitating access to effective and meaningful collective bargaining is at the heart of the most recent set of reforms to the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) (‘ FW Act’) enacted in the Fair Work Legislation Amendment (Secure Jobs, Better Pay) 2022 (Act). In the shadow of these reforms, this article explores who can engage in collective bargaining in Australia and under what conditions. While there are a range of issues impeding the effectiveness of the collective bargaining system under the FW Act, this article focuses on the question of bargaining access under both labour and competition laws and reveals some of the formidable challenges facing employed and non-employed workers alike. It examines how the rise in dependent contractors and the disaggregation of firms—through labour hire, subcontracting, franchising and/or digital platforms—has destabilised the binary conception of employment. The decline in formal employment and the growth of the ‘fissured workplace’ have not only perpetuated the problem of ‘wage theft’, they have altered the way in which wages are set in the first place. Moreover, these factors have exposed the tensions that lie between the regulation of mainstream labour markets through worker-orientated labour legislation and the regulation of product markets and business relationships under consumer-orientated competition legislation. The discussion explores the limitations created by the siloing of regulatory approaches to enabling collective bargaining for workers covered by different statutory regimes. We identify that in both labour and competition laws, meaningful access to collective bargaining in fissured work contexts has been frequently stifled by misplaced assumptions about the nature of the regulatory target and the power distribution in business networks. The article contends that a regulatory response to fissuring (or the problem of ‘the networked firm’) would straddle the labour/competition law divide in various ways, to ensure fissured workers are no longer excluded from exercising collective power by both legal domains.
促进有效和有意义的集体谈判是《2022年公平工作立法修正案(有保障的工作,更好的薪酬)》(法案)中颁布的《2009年公平工作法案》(Cth)(“FW法案”)最新改革的核心。在这些改革的阴影下,本文探讨了在澳大利亚谁可以参与集体谈判以及在什么条件下。虽然有一系列问题阻碍了《劳动合同法》规定的集体谈判制度的有效性,但本文着重讨论了劳动法和竞争法规定的谈判机会问题,并揭示了就业和非就业工人同样面临的一些艰巨挑战。它研究了依赖承包商的增加和公司的分解——通过劳动力雇佣、分包、特许经营和/或数字平台——是如何破坏二元就业概念的。正式就业的减少和“工作场所裂缝”的增加不仅使“工资盗窃”问题长期存在,而且改变了最初设定工资的方式。此外,这些因素暴露了通过以工人为导向的劳工立法对主流劳动力市场的管制与根据以消费者为导向的竞争立法对产品市场和商业关系的管制之间的紧张关系。讨论探讨了为使不同的法定制度所涵盖的工人能够进行集体谈判而孤立的管制办法所造成的限制。我们发现,在劳动法和竞争法中,对监管目标的性质和商业网络中的权力分配的错误假设,往往扼杀了在裂隙工作环境中进行有意义的集体谈判的机会。文章认为,对分裂(或“网络公司”问题)的监管反应将以各种方式跨越劳动法/竞争法的鸿沟,以确保分裂的工人不再被两个法律领域排除在行使集体权力之外。
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引用次数: 1
Consumer Protection Against Unfair Contract Terms in the Age of Smart Contracts 智能合约时代消费者对不公平合同条款的保护
Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-03 DOI: 10.1177/0067205x231205048
Son T Nguyen
Smart contracts are designed to be self-executing and self-enforcing. They are written as computer code that can automatically monitor, execute and enforce the performance of the agreed terms. The code of smart contracts exists across a distributed, decentralized blockchain network, controlling the execution and making transactions trackable and irreversible. This article examines the extent to which the Australian Consumer Law unfair contract term provisions can respond to the use of smart contracts. The article finds that the Australian Consumer Law unfair contract term provisions work relatively well to protect smart contract consumers. While some challenges exist and should be properly considered, there seems to be no need to either create entirely new law, modify the existing regime or totally ban smart contracts to protect consumers against unfair contract terms in smart consumer contracts.
智能合约被设计为自动执行和自我执行。它们被写成计算机代码,可以自动监控、执行和强制执行商定的条款。智能合约的代码存在于分布式、去中心化的区块链网络中,控制执行并使交易可跟踪和不可逆转。本文考察了澳大利亚消费者法的不公平合同条款条款在多大程度上可以对智能合约的使用做出反应。文章发现,澳大利亚消费者法的不公平合同条款条款在保护智能合约消费者方面发挥了相对较好的作用。虽然存在一些挑战,应该适当考虑,但似乎没有必要制定全新的法律,修改现有制度或完全禁止智能合约,以保护消费者免受智能消费者合约中不公平的合同条款的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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Federal Law Review
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