This paper investigates the underlying structure of exceptive constructions with the Arabic exceptive marker ’illā and reveals the existence of two types of constructions: r(estrictive)-exceptives and s(ubtractive)-exceptives. The underlying factor that distinguishes these two constructions relates to the existence of a subtraction domain in s-exceptive constructions and its absence in r-exceptives. This distinction suggests that the exceptive marker ’illā ‘except' has a different syntactic function in these two constructions. Furthermore, this difference in the functional status of ’illā suggests a different internal and external structure of the ’illā-XP in each of these constructions. I argue that while the ’illā-XP in r-exceptive constructions projects a R-ExP, involving a covert antecedent in the form of the NPIs ’aḥad ‘one' or shay’ ‘thing’ and is a nominal adjunct, in s-exceptive constructions the ’illā-XP forms an S-ExP and can be classified into connected and free exceptives.
{"title":"The syntax of exceptive constructions in Arabic","authors":"Sameerah T. Saeed","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00520","url":null,"abstract":"This paper investigates the underlying structure of exceptive constructions with the Arabic exceptive marker ’illā and reveals the existence of two types of constructions: r(estrictive)-exceptives and s(ubtractive)-exceptives. The underlying factor that distinguishes these two constructions relates to the existence of a subtraction domain in s-exceptive constructions and its absence in r-exceptives. This distinction suggests that the exceptive marker ’illā ‘except' has a different syntactic function in these two constructions. Furthermore, this difference in the functional status of ’illā suggests a different internal and external structure of the ’illā-XP in each of these constructions. I argue that while the ’illā-XP in r-exceptive constructions projects a R-ExP, involving a covert antecedent in the form of the NPIs ’aḥad ‘one' or shay’ ‘thing’ and is a nominal adjunct, in s-exceptive constructions the ’illā-XP forms an S-ExP and can be classified into connected and free exceptives.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44515294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper develops a syntax-pragmatics interface analysis of imperative clauses overtly marked by two grammatical categories of qing ‘please’ in Mandarin and refines the division of labor among directive force, clause typing and deontic modality jointly computing the interpretative properties of qing imperatives. We present a cluster of properties to differentiate between the two categories of qing and observe that qing1 denotes obligation imposed on the addressee by the speaker, while qing2 denotes permission with which the addressee is allowed to perform an action or make true a state of affairs according to a set of norms. It is argued that qing1 is an imperative mood head, while qing2 is an imperative adverb, but both are endowed with a similar internal composition and extent of the phrasal hierarchies of the CP periphery, and their disparate imperative properties can be ascribed to the addressee-oriented and subject-oriented deontic modality (Tsai & Portner 2008). Following Haegeman & Hill's (2013) version of the Speech Act Phrase, we claim that a speech act layer externally merges to the topmost position of ForceP to drive the syntax-pragmatics interface computation of the speaker-addressee relation and to mediate the imperative mood and clause typing represented in the CP layer.
{"title":"Two grammatical categories for please in Mandarin imperative clauses","authors":"Wei-Cherng Sam Jheng","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00507","url":null,"abstract":"This paper develops a syntax-pragmatics interface analysis of imperative clauses overtly marked by two grammatical categories of qing ‘please’ in Mandarin and refines the division of labor among directive force, clause typing and deontic modality jointly computing the interpretative properties of qing imperatives. We present a cluster of properties to differentiate between the two categories of qing and observe that qing1 denotes obligation imposed on the addressee by the speaker, while qing2 denotes permission with which the addressee is allowed to perform an action or make true a state of affairs according to a set of norms. It is argued that qing1 is an imperative mood head, while qing2 is an imperative adverb, but both are endowed with a similar internal composition and extent of the phrasal hierarchies of the CP periphery, and their disparate imperative properties can be ascribed to the addressee-oriented and subject-oriented deontic modality (Tsai & Portner 2008). Following Haegeman & Hill's (2013) version of the Speech Act Phrase, we claim that a speech act layer externally merges to the topmost position of ForceP to drive the syntax-pragmatics interface computation of the speaker-addressee relation and to mediate the imperative mood and clause typing represented in the CP layer.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41359647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This investigation explored the effects of time duration and bilingualism/trilingualism on speakers' language production. A word-naming task was conducted under three conditions—700 ms, 1,000 ms, and unlimited time. The results showed that the participants incurred fewer errors and successfully corrected errors at 1,000 ms and unlimited time; the bilingual/trilingual advantage was identified in error self-repairs at 1,000 ms; and trilinguals were more strategic in correcting errors than monolinguals and bilinguals. This suggests that unlimited time did not ensure higher accuracy in lexical production and efficient error correction, and that 1,000 ms was the optimal timeframe for processing single monosyllabic Chinese characters.
{"title":"The effects of time duration and bilingualism/trilingualism on second-language production","authors":"Hsiu-ling Hsu","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00569","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00569","url":null,"abstract":"This investigation explored the effects of time duration and bilingualism/trilingualism on speakers' language production. A word-naming task was conducted under three conditions—700 ms, 1,000 ms, and unlimited time. The results showed that the participants incurred fewer errors and successfully corrected errors at 1,000 ms and unlimited time; the bilingual/trilingual advantage was identified in error self-repairs at 1,000 ms; and trilinguals were more strategic in correcting errors than monolinguals and bilinguals. This suggests that unlimited time did not ensure higher accuracy in lexical production and efficient error correction, and that 1,000 ms was the optimal timeframe for processing single monosyllabic Chinese characters.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43833355","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this discussion note we explore why and how we need a pragmalinguistic and speech act-anchored approach to systematically study a key pragmatic phenomenon: phatic interaction. By so doing, we aim to draw attention to a special issue which we plan to publish in Acta Linguistica Academica. First, we present a general model through which phatic interaction can be replicably studied across different data types and linguacultures, by breaking it down to speech act types occurring in different slots of an interaction. Second, we provide a case study involving Chinese learners of English as a foreign language, in order to illustrate how the proposed framework can be put to actual use.
{"title":"Analysing phatic interaction through speech acts – A discussion note","authors":"J. House, D. Kádár","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00533","url":null,"abstract":"In this discussion note we explore why and how we need a pragmalinguistic and speech act-anchored approach to systematically study a key pragmatic phenomenon: phatic interaction. By so doing, we aim to draw attention to a special issue which we plan to publish in Acta Linguistica Academica. First, we present a general model through which phatic interaction can be replicably studied across different data types and linguacultures, by breaking it down to speech act types occurring in different slots of an interaction. Second, we provide a case study involving Chinese learners of English as a foreign language, in order to illustrate how the proposed framework can be put to actual use.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46228617","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the (hybrid) agreement patterns with collective and military rank nouns in Jordanian Arabic, both inside and outside the determiner phrase (DP). It will be argued that the number, unit (group), and feminization features are hosted on functional heads merged in various positions in the course of the syntactic derivation of the DP, and that agreement is determined on the basis of the Merge sites of those functional projections. More particularly, it will be shown that the heads Num(ber) and Unit may be situated higher or lower within the DP, and that each head controls agreement on the adnominals above it via feature sharing prior to movement, consequently producing different patterns of number agreement inside the DP, which in turn feeds DP-external agreement. The feminizing head, by comparison, is optionally merged, but when it is present, mixed gender agreement arises, depending on its Merge position. Finally, it will be shown that the above assumptions are substantiated by empirical data from Jordanian Arabic as well as from other languages.
{"title":"On the morphosyntax of hybrid agreement in Jordanian Arabic","authors":"Basem Ibrahim Malawi Al-Raba'a","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00465","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the (hybrid) agreement patterns with collective and military rank nouns in Jordanian Arabic, both inside and outside the determiner phrase (DP). It will be argued that the number, unit (group), and feminization features are hosted on functional heads merged in various positions in the course of the syntactic derivation of the DP, and that agreement is determined on the basis of the Merge sites of those functional projections. More particularly, it will be shown that the heads Num(ber) and Unit may be situated higher or lower within the DP, and that each head controls agreement on the adnominals above it via feature sharing prior to movement, consequently producing different patterns of number agreement inside the DP, which in turn feeds DP-external agreement. The feminizing head, by comparison, is optionally merged, but when it is present, mixed gender agreement arises, depending on its Merge position. Finally, it will be shown that the above assumptions are substantiated by empirical data from Jordanian Arabic as well as from other languages.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48165049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Hungarian question tag mi? is subject to more special contextual restrictions compared to ugye?. An utterance that features mi? i) tentatively commits the addressee as a source for the anchor proposition of the tag question, and ii) it commits the speaker as a source for the addressee's being a source for p, which is a pragmatic presupposition. A speaker is a source for a proposition p if that speaker's commitment to p does not depend on any other discourse participant's commitment (Gunlogson 2008). The results of an online survey of a minimal set of pragmatically relevant contexts support claim i), and indirectly, claim ii). The effect of mi? on the immediate context of the discourse is modeled on a conversational scoreboard (Farkas & Bruce 2010; Malamud & Stephenson 2015).
{"title":"The Hungarian question tag mi? As characterized by dependent and independent commitments","authors":"Angelika Kiss","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00537","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Hungarian question tag mi? is subject to more special contextual restrictions compared to ugye?. An utterance that features mi? i) tentatively commits the addressee as a source for the anchor proposition of the tag question, and ii) it commits the speaker as a source for the addressee's being a source for p, which is a pragmatic presupposition. A speaker is a source for a proposition p if that speaker's commitment to p does not depend on any other discourse participant's commitment (Gunlogson 2008). The results of an online survey of a minimal set of pragmatically relevant contexts support claim i), and indirectly, claim ii). The effect of mi? on the immediate context of the discourse is modeled on a conversational scoreboard (Farkas & Bruce 2010; Malamud & Stephenson 2015).","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42925582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates hitherto unnoticed variation in the linguistic coding of spatial anaphora in locative PPs in Hungarian. While Hungarian primarily employs reflexives in these configurations, it is well-known that pronouns are the default strategy in English, and the reflexive anaphor is allowed in locative PPs only in the presence of certain licensing factors. One such factor is the availability of body-oriented readings (Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2007, 2011), and we argue here that this plays an important role in Hungarian, too. The paper reports the findings of a corpus study and an online questionnaire study and shows that pronouns are not only acceptable in Hungarian spatial anaphora, but either outperform or form a viable alternative to reflexives when the location denoted by the PP is not close to the referent of the antecedent. A secondary effect of structure building is also observable in two configurations of the extended PP. We argue that the employment of a possessive structure in certain PPs, and moving a P-element to a CPPP cap may also contribute to saving pronouns in contexts of spatial anaphora.
{"title":"Pushed out of arm's reach: Pronouns and spatial anaphora in Hungarian","authors":"György Rákosi, Enikő Tóth","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00539","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates hitherto unnoticed variation in the linguistic coding of spatial anaphora in locative PPs in Hungarian. While Hungarian primarily employs reflexives in these configurations, it is well-known that pronouns are the default strategy in English, and the reflexive anaphor is allowed in locative PPs only in the presence of certain licensing factors. One such factor is the availability of body-oriented readings (Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2007, 2011), and we argue here that this plays an important role in Hungarian, too. The paper reports the findings of a corpus study and an online questionnaire study and shows that pronouns are not only acceptable in Hungarian spatial anaphora, but either outperform or form a viable alternative to reflexives when the location denoted by the PP is not close to the referent of the antecedent. A secondary effect of structure building is also observable in two configurations of the extended PP. We argue that the employment of a possessive structure in certain PPs, and moving a P-element to a CPPP cap may also contribute to saving pronouns in contexts of spatial anaphora.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45900179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anna Szeteli, Ákos Gocsál, Gábor Szente, Gábor Alberti
The paper presents the interpretation and explanation of the findings of two pieces of experimental research within the framework of Varga's (2016) pitch-tier model of the Hungarian declarative sentence. One of the experiments was established to investigate the information-structural contribution of quantified expressions (such as mindhárom barátom ‘all three of my friends’ and Csaba is ‘Csaba also’). The other experiment explored the acoustic features of the spontaneous-speech specific discourse marker hát ‘well/so’. The two topics can be regarded as interconnected if Varga's model is interpreted in the strong sense that pitch – presumably in a more or less strong correlation with intensity – is responsible for indicating the topic–comment dichotomy and other factors of the discourse-embedding of sentences. Thus, the reconciliation of our data with Varga's model requires the consideration of the pitch-tier substructures in their complex dynamism. The experiments support the plausible hypothesis that the variants of the discourse marker hát as part of the preparatory contour primarily differ in duration, while is-quantifiers in different pitch-tier parts differ in terms of pitch values.
{"title":"Differentiation of segmentally identical expressions occurring in the same or different sentence zones in Hungarian by duration, pitch, intensity and irregular voicing","authors":"Anna Szeteli, Ákos Gocsál, Gábor Szente, Gábor Alberti","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00535","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper presents the interpretation and explanation of the findings of two pieces of experimental research within the framework of Varga's (2016) pitch-tier model of the Hungarian declarative sentence. One of the experiments was established to investigate the information-structural contribution of quantified expressions (such as mindhárom barátom ‘all three of my friends’ and Csaba is ‘Csaba also’). The other experiment explored the acoustic features of the spontaneous-speech specific discourse marker hát ‘well/so’. The two topics can be regarded as interconnected if Varga's model is interpreted in the strong sense that pitch – presumably in a more or less strong correlation with intensity – is responsible for indicating the topic–comment dichotomy and other factors of the discourse-embedding of sentences. Thus, the reconciliation of our data with Varga's model requires the consideration of the pitch-tier substructures in their complex dynamism. The experiments support the plausible hypothesis that the variants of the discourse marker hát as part of the preparatory contour primarily differ in duration, while is-quantifiers in different pitch-tier parts differ in terms of pitch values.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44068933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We look at the presuffixal vowels occurring after adjectival and nominal stems in Hungarian. We show that their “low” or “nonlow” status depends not only on the morphological category and arbitrary lexical properties of the stem, but also on its semantic properties and syntactic position, as well as the identity of the suffix and the typical environments in which the suffix occurs. Syntactic positions can be arranged in a scale ranging from more adjectival (less nominal) to less adjectival (more nominal). The same scale may be applied to suffixes typical of these syntactic positions. The lowness of the presuffixal vowels neatly follows these scales, with no variation at the two edges and a zone of variation in the middle of the scale.
{"title":"Between adjective and noun","authors":"Péter Rebrus, Peter D Szigetvari","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00536","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 We look at the presuffixal vowels occurring after adjectival and nominal stems in Hungarian. We show that their “low” or “nonlow” status depends not only on the morphological category and arbitrary lexical properties of the stem, but also on its semantic properties and syntactic position, as well as the identity of the suffix and the typical environments in which the suffix occurs. Syntactic positions can be arranged in a scale ranging from more adjectival (less nominal) to less adjectival (more nominal). The same scale may be applied to suffixes typical of these syntactic positions. The lowness of the presuffixal vowels neatly follows these scales, with no variation at the two edges and a zone of variation in the middle of the scale.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47774810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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