This paper draws attention to a robust grammatical change trajectory, here dubbed the copula-to-cleft pathway. We show that the emergence of the copular clause construction tends to lead to the emergence of the cleft construction, and the decline of one tends to be in tandem with the other. We further propose that the above pattern follows from a syntactic treatment that derives the cleft structure from a copular clause. Such copular syntax can be further combined with a semantic analysis where the focus interpretation of clefts is computed based on a copular structure.
{"title":"Towards the copular status of clefts—Evidence from diachrony","authors":"Dawei Jin, Jun Chen","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00423","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper draws attention to a robust grammatical change trajectory, here dubbed the copula-to-cleft pathway. We show that the emergence of the copular clause construction tends to lead to the emergence of the cleft construction, and the decline of one tends to be in tandem with the other. We further propose that the above pattern follows from a syntactic treatment that derives the cleft structure from a copular clause. Such copular syntax can be further combined with a semantic analysis where the focus interpretation of clefts is computed based on a copular structure.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43794587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Studies on Budapest Speech, Based on the Budapest Sociolinguistic Interview","authors":"J. Andor","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00549","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42284069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I investigate the distribution and semantic behavior of various proportional quantifiers (PQs) in Polish. Based on novel evidence including corpus data, I conclude that Polish PQs do not constitute a uniform category, but rather can be divided into four distinct classes based on the following properties: i) (in)compatibility with numerals and measure words, ii) (in)compatibility with approximative modifiers, iii) (in)compatibility with cumulative predicates and iv) (non)occurrence of spatial integrity effects. I propose that such a typology results from an interplay between more primitive semantic notions. In particular, the data call for combining degree semantics with a mereotopological approach to the meaning of PQs.
{"title":"A typology of proportional quantifiers: Evidence from Polish partitives","authors":"Marcin Wągiel","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00449","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, I investigate the distribution and semantic behavior of various proportional quantifiers (PQs) in Polish. Based on novel evidence including corpus data, I conclude that Polish PQs do not constitute a uniform category, but rather can be divided into four distinct classes based on the following properties: i) (in)compatibility with numerals and measure words, ii) (in)compatibility with approximative modifiers, iii) (in)compatibility with cumulative predicates and iv) (non)occurrence of spatial integrity effects. I propose that such a typology results from an interplay between more primitive semantic notions. In particular, the data call for combining degree semantics with a mereotopological approach to the meaning of PQs.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43063686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is concerned with the Q-particle də in Sinhala wh-questions and polar questions. Previous approaches propose a two-legged semantic dependency: (i) the lower leg projects a set of alternatives and (ii) the upper leg forms a choice function dependency. The contribution of the present paper is two-fold. First, it presents novel empirical data on complex questions with islands that pose a serious problem for this architecture when applied to polar questions. Second, it develops a new proposal that maintains a common meaning for the Q-particle in the two question types while avoiding this empirical problem. The key insight of the new analysis is to liberalize the upper dependency leg as to pass up a focus value that can later combine with different operators: with the Q-operator in wh-questions and with the squiggle operator in polar questions.
{"title":"Q-particles and islands in Sinhala wh- and polar questions","authors":"Maribel Romero, E. Meertens","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00470","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper is concerned with the Q-particle də in Sinhala wh-questions and polar questions. Previous approaches propose a two-legged semantic dependency: (i) the lower leg projects a set of alternatives and (ii) the upper leg forms a choice function dependency. The contribution of the present paper is two-fold. First, it presents novel empirical data on complex questions with islands that pose a serious problem for this architecture when applied to polar questions. Second, it develops a new proposal that maintains a common meaning for the Q-particle in the two question types while avoiding this empirical problem. The key insight of the new analysis is to liberalize the upper dependency leg as to pass up a focus value that can later combine with different operators: with the Q-operator in wh-questions and with the squiggle operator in polar questions.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42687921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates the historical development during the past three centuries of the English suffix -en, used to create denominal adjectives (e.g. golden, silken), focusing on words that have remained in the language until the present day. We specify a way of calculating the rate of loss of the suffix and apply this to different lexical items involved in this process. Finally, we explore the roles of word frequency and collocations, in order to shed some light on how these factors relate to the loss of a linguistic form.
{"title":"The historical development of the suffix -en in English","authors":"Jeroen van de Weijer, Hua Gao","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00474","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00474","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the historical development during the past three centuries of the English suffix -en, used to create denominal adjectives (e.g. golden, silken), focusing on words that have remained in the language until the present day. We specify a way of calculating the rate of loss of the suffix and apply this to different lexical items involved in this process. Finally, we explore the roles of word frequency and collocations, in order to shed some light on how these factors relate to the loss of a linguistic form.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42247590","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Few studies have explored the relevance of metrical structures in segmental processes. This paper shows that Dagbani (Gur, Ghana), has a prosodic word dominating a trochaic foot which licenses segmental processes and phonotactics. The foot is the domain for marked vowels and unmarked consonants. The prosodic word regulates the sequencing of syllables of different degrees of sonority and weight within a word. The Optimality Theoretic analyses make use of classical metrical theory and prosodic principles used in defining the prosodic word in stress languages to highlight the typological relevance of these principles and the prosodic universality of these metrical structures.
{"title":"Defining the prosodic word with segmental processes in Dagbani","authors":"Fusheini Hudu","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00437","url":null,"abstract":"Few studies have explored the relevance of metrical structures in segmental processes. This paper shows that Dagbani (Gur, Ghana), has a prosodic word dominating a trochaic foot which licenses segmental processes and phonotactics. The foot is the domain for marked vowels and unmarked consonants. The prosodic word regulates the sequencing of syllables of different degrees of sonority and weight within a word. The Optimality Theoretic analyses make use of classical metrical theory and prosodic principles used in defining the prosodic word in stress languages to highlight the typological relevance of these principles and the prosodic universality of these metrical structures.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47228585","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Japanese self-addressed questions (SAQs) are either marked with SAQ question particles (i.e. kana, yara) or marked with modals daroo or desyoo. The present paper argues that the pragmatic profile of Japanese SAQs should not be limited to solitary contexts. The paper presents an experiment examining whether daroo-ka/desyoo-ka can be perceived as SAQs in the accompanied contexts. The results of the experiment indicate that Japanese SAQs can be felicitously uttered in the presence of a second (socially higher) person. Apart from the experimental study, this paper also presents a pilot study of comparing daroo-ka questions and plain information-seeking questions (i.e. those without daroo-ka) in urgent situation contexts. The preliminary results shed light on the fact that Japanese native speakers interpret daroo-ka questions as canonical questions in the performance of indirect speech acts.
{"title":"Self-addressed questions and honorifications: The case of Japanese daroo-ka/desyoo-ka","authors":"Chengxia Chang","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00446","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00446","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Japanese self-addressed questions (SAQs) are either marked with SAQ question particles (i.e. kana, yara) or marked with modals daroo or desyoo. The present paper argues that the pragmatic profile of Japanese SAQs should not be limited to solitary contexts. The paper presents an experiment examining whether daroo-ka/desyoo-ka can be perceived as SAQs in the accompanied contexts. The results of the experiment indicate that Japanese SAQs can be felicitously uttered in the presence of a second (socially higher) person. Apart from the experimental study, this paper also presents a pilot study of comparing daroo-ka questions and plain information-seeking questions (i.e. those without daroo-ka) in urgent situation contexts. The preliminary results shed light on the fact that Japanese native speakers interpret daroo-ka questions as canonical questions in the performance of indirect speech acts.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41756326","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines expletive negation in root clauses (surprise negation sentences and wh-exclamatives) in Hungarian. We argue that Hungarian has three distinct negation positions, each corresponding to a truth-reversal operation on a different level. When the negator nem ‘no’ is merged in the CP layer (in the head position of the Speaker Deixis Phrase), this yields surprise negation sentences, corresponding to negation at the level of presuppositions (expletive negation). The negator being merged as the head of NegP within the extended TP yields standard negation (at the propositional level). In wh-exclamatives, the negator is head-adjoined to T0, which results in negation at the level of implicatures (expletive negation). In addition to pointing out this mapping between syntactic position and semantic-pragmatic interpretation, we also argue that the data from Hungarian present a strong case against a raising analysis of expletive negation.
{"title":"Expletive negation in exclamatives – Evidence from Hungarian","authors":"Anna Huszár, T. Halm","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00445","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper examines expletive negation in root clauses (surprise negation sentences and wh-exclamatives) in Hungarian. We argue that Hungarian has three distinct negation positions, each corresponding to a truth-reversal operation on a different level. When the negator nem ‘no’ is merged in the CP layer (in the head position of the Speaker Deixis Phrase), this yields surprise negation sentences, corresponding to negation at the level of presuppositions (expletive negation). The negator being merged as the head of NegP within the extended TP yields standard negation (at the propositional level). In wh-exclamatives, the negator is head-adjoined to T0, which results in negation at the level of implicatures (expletive negation). In addition to pointing out this mapping between syntactic position and semantic-pragmatic interpretation, we also argue that the data from Hungarian present a strong case against a raising analysis of expletive negation.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44269417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In realizational theories of morphology, different opinions exist on the relationship between phonology and Vocabulary Insertion. On the one hand, there are separational theories like Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), which assume that Vocabulary Insertion does not interact with the phonological component of the grammar. These theories predict that the properties of a language's regular phonology never play a role when vocabulary items (VIs) are inserted. The opposite view is held by integrational theories as, for instance, proposed in Wolf (2008). These theories assume that the general phonology of a language can influence Vocabulary Insertion. Based on adjectival agreement in the language Vata, I propose an integrational model that assumes that Vocabulary Insertion applies in an Optimality-Theoretic (Prince & Smolensky 1993) phonology, where regular phonological constraints are active. I propose that the phonology consists of two levels: one level where VIs are inserted and one level for regular phonology.
{"title":"The role of phonology in Vata adjectival agreement","authors":"Sebastian Bredemann","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00438","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00438","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In realizational theories of morphology, different opinions exist on the relationship between phonology and Vocabulary Insertion. On the one hand, there are separational theories like Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), which assume that Vocabulary Insertion does not interact with the phonological component of the grammar. These theories predict that the properties of a language's regular phonology never play a role when vocabulary items (VIs) are inserted. The opposite view is held by integrational theories as, for instance, proposed in Wolf (2008). These theories assume that the general phonology of a language can influence Vocabulary Insertion. Based on adjectival agreement in the language Vata, I propose an integrational model that assumes that Vocabulary Insertion applies in an Optimality-Theoretic (Prince & Smolensky 1993) phonology, where regular phonological constraints are active. I propose that the phonology consists of two levels: one level where VIs are inserted and one level for regular phonology.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42189493","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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