This paper investigates the (hybrid) agreement patterns with collective and military rank nouns in Jordanian Arabic, both inside and outside the determiner phrase (DP). It will be argued that the number, unit (group), and feminization features are hosted on functional heads merged in various positions in the course of the syntactic derivation of the DP, and that agreement is determined on the basis of the Merge sites of those functional projections. More particularly, it will be shown that the heads Num(ber) and Unit may be situated higher or lower within the DP, and that each head controls agreement on the adnominals above it via feature sharing prior to movement, consequently producing different patterns of number agreement inside the DP, which in turn feeds DP-external agreement. The feminizing head, by comparison, is optionally merged, but when it is present, mixed gender agreement arises, depending on its Merge position. Finally, it will be shown that the above assumptions are substantiated by empirical data from Jordanian Arabic as well as from other languages.
{"title":"On the morphosyntax of hybrid agreement in Jordanian Arabic","authors":"Basem Ibrahim Malawi Al-Raba'a","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00465","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00465","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates the (hybrid) agreement patterns with collective and military rank nouns in Jordanian Arabic, both inside and outside the determiner phrase (DP). It will be argued that the number, unit (group), and feminization features are hosted on functional heads merged in various positions in the course of the syntactic derivation of the DP, and that agreement is determined on the basis of the Merge sites of those functional projections. More particularly, it will be shown that the heads Num(ber) and Unit may be situated higher or lower within the DP, and that each head controls agreement on the adnominals above it via feature sharing prior to movement, consequently producing different patterns of number agreement inside the DP, which in turn feeds DP-external agreement. The feminizing head, by comparison, is optionally merged, but when it is present, mixed gender agreement arises, depending on its Merge position. Finally, it will be shown that the above assumptions are substantiated by empirical data from Jordanian Arabic as well as from other languages.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48165049","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Hungarian question tag mi? is subject to more special contextual restrictions compared to ugye?. An utterance that features mi? i) tentatively commits the addressee as a source for the anchor proposition of the tag question, and ii) it commits the speaker as a source for the addressee's being a source for p, which is a pragmatic presupposition. A speaker is a source for a proposition p if that speaker's commitment to p does not depend on any other discourse participant's commitment (Gunlogson 2008). The results of an online survey of a minimal set of pragmatically relevant contexts support claim i), and indirectly, claim ii). The effect of mi? on the immediate context of the discourse is modeled on a conversational scoreboard (Farkas & Bruce 2010; Malamud & Stephenson 2015).
{"title":"The Hungarian question tag mi? As characterized by dependent and independent commitments","authors":"Angelika Kiss","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00537","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Hungarian question tag mi? is subject to more special contextual restrictions compared to ugye?. An utterance that features mi? i) tentatively commits the addressee as a source for the anchor proposition of the tag question, and ii) it commits the speaker as a source for the addressee's being a source for p, which is a pragmatic presupposition. A speaker is a source for a proposition p if that speaker's commitment to p does not depend on any other discourse participant's commitment (Gunlogson 2008). The results of an online survey of a minimal set of pragmatically relevant contexts support claim i), and indirectly, claim ii). The effect of mi? on the immediate context of the discourse is modeled on a conversational scoreboard (Farkas & Bruce 2010; Malamud & Stephenson 2015).","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42925582","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper investigates hitherto unnoticed variation in the linguistic coding of spatial anaphora in locative PPs in Hungarian. While Hungarian primarily employs reflexives in these configurations, it is well-known that pronouns are the default strategy in English, and the reflexive anaphor is allowed in locative PPs only in the presence of certain licensing factors. One such factor is the availability of body-oriented readings (Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2007, 2011), and we argue here that this plays an important role in Hungarian, too. The paper reports the findings of a corpus study and an online questionnaire study and shows that pronouns are not only acceptable in Hungarian spatial anaphora, but either outperform or form a viable alternative to reflexives when the location denoted by the PP is not close to the referent of the antecedent. A secondary effect of structure building is also observable in two configurations of the extended PP. We argue that the employment of a possessive structure in certain PPs, and moving a P-element to a CPPP cap may also contribute to saving pronouns in contexts of spatial anaphora.
{"title":"Pushed out of arm's reach: Pronouns and spatial anaphora in Hungarian","authors":"György Rákosi, Enikő Tóth","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00539","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00539","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper investigates hitherto unnoticed variation in the linguistic coding of spatial anaphora in locative PPs in Hungarian. While Hungarian primarily employs reflexives in these configurations, it is well-known that pronouns are the default strategy in English, and the reflexive anaphor is allowed in locative PPs only in the presence of certain licensing factors. One such factor is the availability of body-oriented readings (Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2007, 2011), and we argue here that this plays an important role in Hungarian, too. The paper reports the findings of a corpus study and an online questionnaire study and shows that pronouns are not only acceptable in Hungarian spatial anaphora, but either outperform or form a viable alternative to reflexives when the location denoted by the PP is not close to the referent of the antecedent. A secondary effect of structure building is also observable in two configurations of the extended PP. We argue that the employment of a possessive structure in certain PPs, and moving a P-element to a CPPP cap may also contribute to saving pronouns in contexts of spatial anaphora.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45900179","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anna Szeteli, Ákos Gocsál, Gábor Szente, Gábor Alberti
The paper presents the interpretation and explanation of the findings of two pieces of experimental research within the framework of Varga's (2016) pitch-tier model of the Hungarian declarative sentence. One of the experiments was established to investigate the information-structural contribution of quantified expressions (such as mindhárom barátom ‘all three of my friends’ and Csaba is ‘Csaba also’). The other experiment explored the acoustic features of the spontaneous-speech specific discourse marker hát ‘well/so’. The two topics can be regarded as interconnected if Varga's model is interpreted in the strong sense that pitch – presumably in a more or less strong correlation with intensity – is responsible for indicating the topic–comment dichotomy and other factors of the discourse-embedding of sentences. Thus, the reconciliation of our data with Varga's model requires the consideration of the pitch-tier substructures in their complex dynamism. The experiments support the plausible hypothesis that the variants of the discourse marker hát as part of the preparatory contour primarily differ in duration, while is-quantifiers in different pitch-tier parts differ in terms of pitch values.
{"title":"Differentiation of segmentally identical expressions occurring in the same or different sentence zones in Hungarian by duration, pitch, intensity and irregular voicing","authors":"Anna Szeteli, Ákos Gocsál, Gábor Szente, Gábor Alberti","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00535","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The paper presents the interpretation and explanation of the findings of two pieces of experimental research within the framework of Varga's (2016) pitch-tier model of the Hungarian declarative sentence. One of the experiments was established to investigate the information-structural contribution of quantified expressions (such as mindhárom barátom ‘all three of my friends’ and Csaba is ‘Csaba also’). The other experiment explored the acoustic features of the spontaneous-speech specific discourse marker hát ‘well/so’. The two topics can be regarded as interconnected if Varga's model is interpreted in the strong sense that pitch – presumably in a more or less strong correlation with intensity – is responsible for indicating the topic–comment dichotomy and other factors of the discourse-embedding of sentences. Thus, the reconciliation of our data with Varga's model requires the consideration of the pitch-tier substructures in their complex dynamism. The experiments support the plausible hypothesis that the variants of the discourse marker hát as part of the preparatory contour primarily differ in duration, while is-quantifiers in different pitch-tier parts differ in terms of pitch values.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44068933","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We look at the presuffixal vowels occurring after adjectival and nominal stems in Hungarian. We show that their “low” or “nonlow” status depends not only on the morphological category and arbitrary lexical properties of the stem, but also on its semantic properties and syntactic position, as well as the identity of the suffix and the typical environments in which the suffix occurs. Syntactic positions can be arranged in a scale ranging from more adjectival (less nominal) to less adjectival (more nominal). The same scale may be applied to suffixes typical of these syntactic positions. The lowness of the presuffixal vowels neatly follows these scales, with no variation at the two edges and a zone of variation in the middle of the scale.
{"title":"Between adjective and noun","authors":"Péter Rebrus, Peter D Szigetvari","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00536","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00536","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 We look at the presuffixal vowels occurring after adjectival and nominal stems in Hungarian. We show that their “low” or “nonlow” status depends not only on the morphological category and arbitrary lexical properties of the stem, but also on its semantic properties and syntactic position, as well as the identity of the suffix and the typical environments in which the suffix occurs. Syntactic positions can be arranged in a scale ranging from more adjectival (less nominal) to less adjectival (more nominal). The same scale may be applied to suffixes typical of these syntactic positions. The lowness of the presuffixal vowels neatly follows these scales, with no variation at the two edges and a zone of variation in the middle of the scale.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-06-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47774810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper draws attention to a robust grammatical change trajectory, here dubbed the copula-to-cleft pathway. We show that the emergence of the copular clause construction tends to lead to the emergence of the cleft construction, and the decline of one tends to be in tandem with the other. We further propose that the above pattern follows from a syntactic treatment that derives the cleft structure from a copular clause. Such copular syntax can be further combined with a semantic analysis where the focus interpretation of clefts is computed based on a copular structure.
{"title":"Towards the copular status of clefts—Evidence from diachrony","authors":"Dawei Jin, Jun Chen","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00423","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper draws attention to a robust grammatical change trajectory, here dubbed the copula-to-cleft pathway. We show that the emergence of the copular clause construction tends to lead to the emergence of the cleft construction, and the decline of one tends to be in tandem with the other. We further propose that the above pattern follows from a syntactic treatment that derives the cleft structure from a copular clause. Such copular syntax can be further combined with a semantic analysis where the focus interpretation of clefts is computed based on a copular structure.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43794587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Studies on Budapest Speech, Based on the Budapest Sociolinguistic Interview","authors":"J. Andor","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00549","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42284069","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, I investigate the distribution and semantic behavior of various proportional quantifiers (PQs) in Polish. Based on novel evidence including corpus data, I conclude that Polish PQs do not constitute a uniform category, but rather can be divided into four distinct classes based on the following properties: i) (in)compatibility with numerals and measure words, ii) (in)compatibility with approximative modifiers, iii) (in)compatibility with cumulative predicates and iv) (non)occurrence of spatial integrity effects. I propose that such a typology results from an interplay between more primitive semantic notions. In particular, the data call for combining degree semantics with a mereotopological approach to the meaning of PQs.
{"title":"A typology of proportional quantifiers: Evidence from Polish partitives","authors":"Marcin Wągiel","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00449","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00449","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In this paper, I investigate the distribution and semantic behavior of various proportional quantifiers (PQs) in Polish. Based on novel evidence including corpus data, I conclude that Polish PQs do not constitute a uniform category, but rather can be divided into four distinct classes based on the following properties: i) (in)compatibility with numerals and measure words, ii) (in)compatibility with approximative modifiers, iii) (in)compatibility with cumulative predicates and iv) (non)occurrence of spatial integrity effects. I propose that such a typology results from an interplay between more primitive semantic notions. In particular, the data call for combining degree semantics with a mereotopological approach to the meaning of PQs.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43063686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is concerned with the Q-particle də in Sinhala wh-questions and polar questions. Previous approaches propose a two-legged semantic dependency: (i) the lower leg projects a set of alternatives and (ii) the upper leg forms a choice function dependency. The contribution of the present paper is two-fold. First, it presents novel empirical data on complex questions with islands that pose a serious problem for this architecture when applied to polar questions. Second, it develops a new proposal that maintains a common meaning for the Q-particle in the two question types while avoiding this empirical problem. The key insight of the new analysis is to liberalize the upper dependency leg as to pass up a focus value that can later combine with different operators: with the Q-operator in wh-questions and with the squiggle operator in polar questions.
{"title":"Q-particles and islands in Sinhala wh- and polar questions","authors":"Maribel Romero, E. Meertens","doi":"10.1556/2062.2022.00470","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00470","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper is concerned with the Q-particle də in Sinhala wh-questions and polar questions. Previous approaches propose a two-legged semantic dependency: (i) the lower leg projects a set of alternatives and (ii) the upper leg forms a choice function dependency. The contribution of the present paper is two-fold. First, it presents novel empirical data on complex questions with islands that pose a serious problem for this architecture when applied to polar questions. Second, it develops a new proposal that maintains a common meaning for the Q-particle in the two question types while avoiding this empirical problem. The key insight of the new analysis is to liberalize the upper dependency leg as to pass up a focus value that can later combine with different operators: with the Q-operator in wh-questions and with the squiggle operator in polar questions.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42687921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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