This paper addresses two issues: 1. Empirically, we report novel experimental data on agreement with exclusively disjoined subjects in Slovenian; 2. Theoretically, we look into the nature of attested agreement strategies with coordinated NPs. In particular, we investigate how these strategies behave under coordinators with different semantics, i.e. exclusive disjunction and conjunction. Based on the elicitation results, we argue that closest conjunct agreement, resolved agreement, and highest conjunct agreement are all present under exclusive disjunction to different extents, which suggests a uniform set of agreement strategies under disjunction and conjunction despite the semantic difference. Further, we argue against the presence of default agreement under both disjunction and conjunction in Slovenian, and argue for a particular set of gender resolution rules.
{"title":"Gender agreement with exclusive disjunction in Slovenian","authors":"Franc Marušič, Zheng Shen","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00443","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00443","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses two issues: 1. Empirically, we report novel experimental data on agreement with exclusively disjoined subjects in Slovenian; 2. Theoretically, we look into the nature of attested agreement strategies with coordinated NPs. In particular, we investigate how these strategies behave under coordinators with different semantics, i.e. exclusive disjunction and conjunction. Based on the elicitation results, we argue that closest conjunct agreement, resolved agreement, and highest conjunct agreement are all present under exclusive disjunction to different extents, which suggests a uniform set of agreement strategies under disjunction and conjunction despite the semantic difference. Further, we argue against the presence of default agreement under both disjunction and conjunction in Slovenian, and argue for a particular set of gender resolution rules.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41857328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is commonly assumed that basic cardinal numerals such as English three are simplex expressions whose primary function is to quantify over entities denoted by the modified NP (e.g., Kennedy 2015; Rothstein 2017; Ionin & Matushansky 2018). In this paper, we explore cross-linguistic marking patterns suggesting that cardinals in fact lexicalize complex syntactic and semantic structures derived from the primitive notion of the number scale. The evidence we will investigate comes from various morphological shapes of cardinal numerals when used to count objects and when used for abstract arithmetical counting.
{"title":"Complex simplex numerals","authors":"Marcin Wągiel, Pavel Caha","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00460","url":null,"abstract":"It is commonly assumed that basic cardinal numerals such as English three are simplex expressions whose primary function is to quantify over entities denoted by the modified NP (e.g., Kennedy 2015; Rothstein 2017; Ionin & Matushansky 2018). In this paper, we explore cross-linguistic marking patterns suggesting that cardinals in fact lexicalize complex syntactic and semantic structures derived from the primitive notion of the number scale. The evidence we will investigate comes from various morphological shapes of cardinal numerals when used to count objects and when used for abstract arithmetical counting.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48663918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The telicity behavior of degree achievements has been a puzzling problem to many linguists. The most successful and currently standard theory (Kennedy & Levin 2008) treats them as degree expressions lexicalizing different types of scales, which in turn influence the resulting evaluative or non-evaluative interpretation. While it may account for English, this theory does not hold up cross-linguistically. We challenge the scalar theory with new Slavic data and show that verbal prefixes influence the (non-)evaluative interpretation of degree achievements more than their underlying scales do. This proposal is formalised as an addition of two type shifters, morphosyntactically realised as prefixes, which, in result, have an evaluative/non-evaluative effect on the given degree achievement.
{"title":"Evaluativity of degree achievements and verbal prefixes: Evidence from Czech morphology","authors":"M. Dočekal, Lucia Vlášková","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00427","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The telicity behavior of degree achievements has been a puzzling problem to many linguists. The most successful and currently standard theory (Kennedy & Levin 2008) treats them as degree expressions lexicalizing different types of scales, which in turn influence the resulting evaluative or non-evaluative interpretation. While it may account for English, this theory does not hold up cross-linguistically. We challenge the scalar theory with new Slavic data and show that verbal prefixes influence the (non-)evaluative interpretation of degree achievements more than their underlying scales do. This proposal is formalised as an addition of two type shifters, morphosyntactically realised as prefixes, which, in result, have an evaluative/non-evaluative effect on the given degree achievement.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49028163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper reports on a two-part research project, conducted in order to see how Hungarian learners with at least vantage level of Spanish realize melodic peaks in their Spanish utterances. First, we are focusing on the tonal and distributional characteristics of melodic peaks, taking into consideration the proportion of the rise in f0 with respect to the previous syllable and examining if the affected syllable is lexically stressed. Second, the range of the tonal rise until the first peak of the utterance is analyzed. The method applied in both cases is Cantero Serena’s Prosodic Analysis of Speech (2019), which represents intonation by objectively comparable standardized melodic curves. The differences found in the speech of Hungarian learners as compared to native Spanish speakers have not proved to be significant in the aspects analyzed here. The main finding of the research is that native Spanish speakers tend to realize the first peak of their declarative sentences as the highest f0 point of the utterance, whereas this is less typical in the oral production of Hungarian learners of Spanish.
{"title":"Tonal peaks in the spontaneous speech of vantage level Hungarian learners of Spanish","authors":"Kata Baditzné Pálvölgyi","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00436","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00436","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper reports on a two-part research project, conducted in order to see how Hungarian learners with at least vantage level of Spanish realize melodic peaks in their Spanish utterances. First, we are focusing on the tonal and distributional characteristics of melodic peaks, taking into consideration the proportion of the rise in f0 with respect to the previous syllable and examining if the affected syllable is lexically stressed. Second, the range of the tonal rise until the first peak of the utterance is analyzed. The method applied in both cases is Cantero Serena’s Prosodic Analysis of Speech (2019), which represents intonation by objectively comparable standardized melodic curves. The differences found in the speech of Hungarian learners as compared to native Spanish speakers have not proved to be significant in the aspects analyzed here. The main finding of the research is that native Spanish speakers tend to realize the first peak of their declarative sentences as the highest f0 point of the utterance, whereas this is less typical in the oral production of Hungarian learners of Spanish.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44665558","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A growing body of literature suggests that the world's languages can be classified into three rhythm classes: mora-timed languages, stress-timed languages, and syllable-timed languages. However, scholars cannot agree on which rhythmic measures discriminate rhythm classes most satisfactorily and whether the speech rate factor should be considered. In this study, we analyze speech production by bilingual speakers, and compare their production with that of monolingual speakers and ESL speakers. Our rhythmic metric measure results show that when speech rate is taken into consideration, a combination of the two metric measures for vowels, Varco∆V and vocalic nPVI, is most reliable in discriminating different rhythm classes, while consonants do not seem effective, whether the speech rate factor is included or not.
{"title":"Mora-timed, stress-timed, and syllable-timed rhythm classes: Clues in English speech production by bilingual speakers","authors":"Shan Liu, Kay Takeda","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00469","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00469","url":null,"abstract":"A growing body of literature suggests that the world's languages can be classified into three rhythm classes: mora-timed languages, stress-timed languages, and syllable-timed languages. However, scholars cannot agree on which rhythmic measures discriminate rhythm classes most satisfactorily and whether the speech rate factor should be considered. In this study, we analyze speech production by bilingual speakers, and compare their production with that of monolingual speakers and ESL speakers. Our rhythmic metric measure results show that when speech rate is taken into consideration, a combination of the two metric measures for vowels, Varco∆V and vocalic nPVI, is most reliable in discriminating different rhythm classes, while consonants do not seem effective, whether the speech rate factor is included or not.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46761605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present paper seeks to investigate the characteristics of possessive constructions in Kurdish (the Central variety also known as Sorani) and Hungarian from a cognitive viewpoint. Starting with nominal possessive constructions, which include attenuated possessors and nominal possessees, we will argue that both Kurdish and Hungarian make use of essentially similar typological strategies to encode the possessive relationship. Moreover, the defining characteristics of nominal possessive constructions in both languages will be justifiably accounted for through the same lines of cognitive argumentation in terms of Langacker's reference-point model (2008, 2009). However, a different cognitive treatment is proposed for cases in which the possessor and the possessee are nominal and linked to each other via an Ezafe. We will argue that Ezafe, which links the nominal head to its dependents in a Noun Phrase (Qharib et al. 1971; Moiin 1984; Ghomeshi 1997; Lotfi 2014), evokes an intrinsic asymmetric relationship between the possessor as the landmark and the possessee as the trajector. As the second major type of possessive constructions elaborated on in this paper, the predicative possessive is first classified into topic-possessive and be-possessive categories. Despite their subtle structural differences, it is again shown that both Kurdish and Hungarian employ almost similar clausal patterns to form both categories of predicative possessives, and the same cognitive models can be brought into play to account for their underlying characteristics. The final section of the present paper is devoted to the so-called ergative constructions in Kurdish. Seeking to propose a new cognitive approach to account for the peculiarities of the non-accusative alignment, we will argue that the so-called ergative constructions in Kurdish are conceptually linked to predicative possessive constructions.
本论文试图从认知的角度研究库尔德语(中部品种也被称为索拉尼语)和匈牙利语中所有格结构的特征。从名义所有格结构(包括弱化所有格和名义所有格)开始，我们将论证库尔德语和匈牙利语使用本质上相似的类型学策略来编码所有格关系。此外，根据Langacker的参考点模型(2008,2009)，两种语言中名义所有格结构的定义特征将通过相同的认知论证线得到合理的解释。然而，对于拥有人和被拥有人是名义上的，并通过Ezafe相互联系的情况，提出了不同的认知处理方法。我们将讨论Ezafe，它将名词短语中的名义词头与其依赖词联系起来(Qharib et al. 1971;Moiin 1984;Ghomeshi 1997;Lotfi 2014)，唤起了作为地标的占有者和作为轨迹的占有者之间内在的不对称关系。作为本文所阐述的第二大类所有格结构，谓语所有格首先分为主题所有格和所有格。尽管它们在结构上存在微妙的差异，但研究再次表明，库尔德语和匈牙利语都使用了几乎相似的小句模式来构成这两类谓语所有格，并且可以使用相同的认知模型来解释它们的潜在特征。本论文的最后一节专门讨论库尔德语中所谓的否定结构。为了提出一种新的认知方法来解释非宾格对齐的特殊性，我们将论证库尔德语中所谓的否定结构在概念上与谓语所有格结构有关。
{"title":"A comparative study of possessive construction in Kurdish and Hungarian from a cognitive perspective","authors":"Rahman Veisi Hasar, Zaniar Naghshbandi","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00157","url":null,"abstract":"The present paper seeks to investigate the characteristics of possessive constructions in Kurdish (the Central variety also known as Sorani) and Hungarian from a cognitive viewpoint. Starting with nominal possessive constructions, which include attenuated possessors and nominal possessees, we will argue that both Kurdish and Hungarian make use of essentially similar typological strategies to encode the possessive relationship. Moreover, the defining characteristics of nominal possessive constructions in both languages will be justifiably accounted for through the same lines of cognitive argumentation in terms of Langacker's reference-point model (2008, 2009). However, a different cognitive treatment is proposed for cases in which the possessor and the possessee are nominal and linked to each other via an Ezafe. We will argue that Ezafe, which links the nominal head to its dependents in a Noun Phrase (Qharib et al. 1971; Moiin 1984; Ghomeshi 1997; Lotfi 2014), evokes an intrinsic asymmetric relationship between the possessor as the landmark and the possessee as the trajector. As the second major type of possessive constructions elaborated on in this paper, the predicative possessive is first classified into topic-possessive and be-possessive categories. Despite their subtle structural differences, it is again shown that both Kurdish and Hungarian employ almost similar clausal patterns to form both categories of predicative possessives, and the same cognitive models can be brought into play to account for their underlying characteristics. The final section of the present paper is devoted to the so-called ergative constructions in Kurdish. Seeking to propose a new cognitive approach to account for the peculiarities of the non-accusative alignment, we will argue that the so-called ergative constructions in Kurdish are conceptually linked to predicative possessive constructions.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42170832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, it is argued that synthetic compounds based on the passive participle in English fall into two classes, depending on whether they possess the capacity to license modifiers pointing to the presence of the external argument. Compounds such as computer-generated, pencil-drawn or home-made are typically used as eventive and resultative participles, both of which are syntactically agentive. Compounds belonging to this group are contrasted with adjectives such as action-packed, family-oriented, work-related or adult-themed, which are shown to behave syntactically like underived adjectives, with no traces of the external argument. As such, they correspond to the class of stative participles.
{"title":"Agentive and non-agentive adjectival synthetic compounds in English","authors":"S. Wasak","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00428","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, it is argued that synthetic compounds based on the passive participle in English fall into two classes, depending on whether they possess the capacity to license modifiers pointing to the presence of the external argument. Compounds such as computer-generated, pencil-drawn or home-made are typically used as eventive and resultative participles, both of which are syntactically agentive. Compounds belonging to this group are contrasted with adjectives such as action-packed, family-oriented, work-related or adult-themed, which are shown to behave syntactically like underived adjectives, with no traces of the external argument. As such, they correspond to the class of stative participles.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48062362","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper deals with the underlying representation of [w]-final words in Brazilian Portuguese, usually spelled with and pronounced as [w] and occasionally as [ɫ] (e.g., papel / [paˈpɛw] ~ [paˈpɛɫ] ‘paper’). It focuses on non-verbs derived by a vowel-initial suffix preceded by [l] (e.g., papel+eiro ‘paper+suffix’ / [papeˈlejɾʊ] ‘papermaker’; cliente+ismo ‘client+suffix’ / [kliẽnteˈlizmʊ] ‘patronage’). The results from a pseudoword task answered by 219 participants contrasted to lexicon data from Corpus Brasileiro show that native speakers associate such derived forms with bases already containing [l] in the last syllable, either in the onset or the coda position. This observation is interpreted in a constraint-based approach, with the assumption that a demand for alignment between vowel-initial suffixes and roots closed by /l/, along with the requirement for phonological correspondence between base and derivative, is highly ranked in a grammar that accounts for learning morphophonological representations in the language.
本文研究了巴西葡萄牙语中[w]-词尾词的基本表示，这些词尾词通常拼写和发音为[w]，偶尔也会发音为[ɫ]（例如papel/[pa p w]~[pa pɫ;]'paper'）。它侧重于由[l]前面的元音词尾派生的非动词（例如，papel+eiro“paper+后缀”/[pape lejɾ]“papermaker”；cliente+ismo“client+后缀”/[kliẽ“赞助”）。219名参与者回答的一项伪词任务的结果与巴西语料库的词典数据进行了对比，结果表明，母语为母语的人将这种派生形式与最后一个音节中已经包含[l]的碱基联系在一起，无论是在开头还是结尾位置。这一观察结果是以基于约束的方法来解释的，假设元音首后缀和用/l/封闭的词根之间的对齐要求，以及基和导数之间的语音对应要求，在解释语言中学习形态语音表征的语法中排名很高。
{"title":"Underlying representation of [w]-final words in Brazilian Portuguese: Evidence from morphological derivation","authors":"L. C. Schwindt","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00482","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00482","url":null,"abstract":"This paper deals with the underlying representation of [w]-final words in Brazilian Portuguese, usually spelled with and pronounced as [w] and occasionally as [ɫ] (e.g., papel / [paˈpɛw] ~ [paˈpɛɫ] ‘paper’). It focuses on non-verbs derived by a vowel-initial suffix preceded by [l] (e.g., papel+eiro ‘paper+suffix’ / [papeˈlejɾʊ] ‘papermaker’; cliente+ismo ‘client+suffix’ / [kliẽnteˈlizmʊ] ‘patronage’). The results from a pseudoword task answered by 219 participants contrasted to lexicon data from Corpus Brasileiro show that native speakers associate such derived forms with bases already containing [l] in the last syllable, either in the onset or the coda position. This observation is interpreted in a constraint-based approach, with the assumption that a demand for alignment between vowel-initial suffixes and roots closed by /l/, along with the requirement for phonological correspondence between base and derivative, is highly ranked in a grammar that accounts for learning morphophonological representations in the language.","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47744207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Suppletive allomorphs may be conditioned based on their phonological environment. When the allomorphy distribution is phonologically natural, this has motivated theoretical models supporting phonologically-optimizing suppletive allomorphy (POSA), whereby the phonological grammar selects the suppletive allomorph whose output is least marked. This paper re-examines four cases argued to support POSA in Irish, Tiene, Katu, and Konni, and for each provides counter-arguments against this position. In contrast to POSA, I assert that the most straightforward analysis is to formalize the conditioning phonological environment via subcategorization frames, and that the burden of proof falls on proponents of POSA to show otherwise. Subcategorization correctly predicts that subcategorized phonological material is the only phonological material which suppletion can be sensitive to. [An appendix is provided which argues against POSA in another language, Udihe, and instead posits a single underlying form with gradient representations.]
{"title":"Against phonologically-optimizing suppletive allomorphy (POSA) in Irish, Tiene, Katu, and Konni","authors":"Nicholas Rolle","doi":"10.1556/2062.2021.00459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1556/2062.2021.00459","url":null,"abstract":"Suppletive allomorphs may be conditioned based on their phonological environment. When the allomorphy distribution is phonologically natural, this has motivated theoretical models supporting phonologically-optimizing suppletive allomorphy (POSA), whereby the phonological grammar selects the suppletive allomorph whose output is least marked. This paper re-examines four cases argued to support POSA in Irish, Tiene, Katu, and Konni, and for each provides counter-arguments against this position. In contrast to POSA, I assert that the most straightforward analysis is to formalize the conditioning phonological environment via subcategorization frames, and that the burden of proof falls on proponents of POSA to show otherwise. Subcategorization correctly predicts that subcategorized phonological material is the only phonological material which suppletion can be sensitive to. [An appendix is provided which argues against POSA in another language, Udihe, and instead posits a single underlying form with gradient representations.]","PeriodicalId":37594,"journal":{"name":"Acta Linguistica Academica","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2021-07-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42387492","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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