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Black Flags in Vietnam. The Story of a Chinese Intervention . By H. McAleavy. George Allen and Unwin Ltd., London 1968. Pp. 296. Preface, Principal Source. Notes and Index. Price 42 s. 越南的黑旗。中国干预的故事。麦卡利维著。乔治艾伦和昂温有限公司,伦敦1968年。296页。前言,主要来源。注释和索引。价格42美元。
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S021778110000449X
M. Coughlin
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引用次数: 0
Some Aspects of Indian Settlement in Singapore, 1819–1969 * 1819-1969年印度人在新加坡定居的若干方面*
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004361
Kernial Singh Sandhu
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引用次数: 6
The Rise and Demise of Kadazan Nationalism 卡达山民族主义的兴衰
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004439
M. Roff
Writing in June 1960 Donald Stephens, editor of the North Borneo News and Sabah Times , remarked that “… the Penampang Kadazans have seldom found much favour in official circles because of the bit of education they possess and because of the courage they have in fighting for their rights.” Certainly the observations of British North Borneo Chartered Company officials and others in the past often included disparaging comparisons between the then-called “Dusun” people of the Penampang, Papar and Membakut areas south of Jesselton (now Kota Kinabalu), and the more tractable people of Tuaran to the north. Owen Rutter, for instance, delivered himself in 1922 of the opinion that “The Dusuns of Tuaran … are … the pleasantest of the lowland Dusuns, just as the people of Papar and Membakut are the most objectionable.” He went on to describe an incident occurring in 1910 in which the people of Papar led a protest movement against the sale of land by the Chartered Company to rubber companies. They contended that such compensation as they had received for fruit trees and ancestral graves was inadequate, and that the land itself was their heritage for which they should also be paid. “At one time”, wrote Rutter, “the agitation movement threatened to spread to Tuaran, but the good people of the district did not appreciate squandering on legal charges the comfortable sum they had extracted from the Tuaran Rubber Estate for their fruit trees, and the Papar envoys went home practically empty-handed.” K. G. Tregonning, alluding to the same incident, merely says “At Papar, a notorious trouble-maker, strongly influenced by the long-established Roman Catholic mission there, found for the Christian Dusuns imaginary faults in the change from traditional tenure.”
1960年6月,《北婆罗洲新闻》和《沙巴时报》的编辑唐纳德·斯蒂芬斯写道:“……槟榔邦卡达山人很少得到官方的支持,因为他们受过一点教育,也因为他们有勇气为自己的权利而战。”当然,英国北婆罗洲特许公司的官员和其他人在过去的观察中经常将杰塞尔顿(现在的哥打京那巴鲁)以南的槟榔邦、帕帕和曼巴库地区的当时被称为“Dusun”的人与北部的图阿兰更容易相处的人进行轻蔑的比较。例如,欧文·拉特在1922年发表了自己的观点:“图阿兰的杜桑人……是低地杜桑人中最令人愉快的,就像帕帕尔和曼巴克特的杜桑人最令人讨厌一样。”他接着描述了1910年发生的一件事,帕帕尔人民领导了一场抗议运动,反对特许公司将土地出售给橡胶公司。他们争辩说,他们对果树和祖坟所得到的补偿是不够的,土地本身是他们的遗产,他们也应该得到补偿。“有一次,”拉特写道,“骚动运动有蔓延到图阿兰的危险,但这个地区的善良的人们不喜欢把他们从图阿兰橡胶庄园为他们的果树赚来的一笔可观的钱浪费在法律诉讼上,帕帕尔特使几乎空手而归。”k·g·特雷贡宁,暗指同样的事件,只是说:“在帕帕尔,一个臭名昭著的麻烦制造者,受到当地长期建立的罗马天主教会的强烈影响,发现基督教的杜桑在改变传统任期方面存在想象中的错误。”
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引用次数: 21
Islam Observed: Religious Development in Morocco and Indonesia . By Clifford Geertz. Yale University Press, New Haven and London 1968. Pp. xii, 136. Price 45s. 观察伊斯兰教:摩洛哥和印度尼西亚的宗教发展。克利福德·格尔茨著。耶鲁大学出版社,纽黑文和伦敦,1968年。第十二页,136页。价格45 s。
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004592
A. Johns
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引用次数: 0
Vietnam. An Australian Analysis . By Sir Alan Watt. F. W. Cheshire, Melbourne 1968. Pp. ix, 177. Editor's foreword, Appendices, Bibliography. Price A$3.50. 越南。澳大利亚分析。艾伦·瓦特爵士著。F. W.柴郡,墨尔本,1968。第9页,177页。编者序、附录、参考书目。价格3.50美元。
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004506
Milton E. Osborne
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引用次数: 0
Proceedings of the First International Conference Seminar of Tamil Studies, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, April 1966. Volume 1. International Association of Tamil Research, Kuala Lumpur 1968. Pp. xl, 764. Price not quoted. 第一届泰米尔研究国际研讨会论文集,马来西亚吉隆坡,1966年4月。卷1。国际泰米尔研究协会,吉隆坡,1968年。11页,764页。价格未报。
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004476
H. Owen
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引用次数: 0
Guerrilla Warfare and Marxism . A collection of writings from Karl Marx to the present on armed struggles for liberation and for socialism. Edited with an Introduction by William J. Pomeroy. International Publishers, New York 1968. Pp. 336. Price US$5.95. 游击战争与马克思主义。从卡尔·马克思到现在关于解放和社会主义的武装斗争的文集。编辑,由威廉J.波默罗伊介绍。国际出版社,纽约,1968年。336页。价格5.95美元。
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004579
D. Gibbons
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引用次数: 0
The Early Chinese Newspapers of Singapore, 1881–1912 . By Chen Mong Hock, University of Malaya Press, Singapore 1967. Pp. ix, 171,. Appendices, Illustrations, 4 plates, Bibliography and Index. Price M$25.00. 新加坡早期华文报纸,1881-1912。陈柏福著,马来亚大学出版社,新加坡,1967年。第9页,171页。附录,插图,4页,参考书目和索引。价格25.00美元。
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004543
T. Lee
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引用次数: 1
Asian Nationalism in the Twentieth Century . By J. Kennedy. Macmillan & Co. Ltd., London 1968. Pp. x, 244. Maps, Plates, Biographical notes, Index. Price 42s.
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004622
Zainal Abidin Abdul Wahid.
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引用次数: 0
The Malayan Union and the Historians 马来亚联邦与历史学家
Pub Date : 1969-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004440
M. Stenson
J. de V. Allen's recently published monograph on the Malayan Union will have served its purpose if it redirects the attention of historians to 'an event whose importance was only possibly exceeded by the things which seem to crowd it out of the historical books ? the Japanese occupation of 1943-1945, the emergency which began in 1948, and the declaration of indepen dence from Britain in 1957'.1 In his often fascinating elaboration of what is essentially the accepted, almost traditional, account of the Malayan Union's demise, Allen argues that the scheme (which provided for the amalgamation of the pre-war Federated and Unfederated Malay States and the crown colonies of Penang and Malacca into a unitary colony which would provide the basis for eventual independence by granting citizenship to the great majority of the existing population) represented a recognition by British planners of the advantages of administrative centralisation, of the permanence of settlement of many Chinese and Indian inhabitants and of the loyal support of the Chinese during the Japanese occupation. The scheme failed because it was deliberately foisted upon the Malay Sultans (who were required to cede their sovereignty) in great haste, because it took inadequate consideration of Malay attitudes and political forms, thus arousing united Malay and ex-Malayan Civil Servant opposition, and because it aroused no interest among the Chinese and Indians. Therefore the Malayan Union was replaced by the Federation of Malaya, which safe guarded the traditional leadership role of the Sultans, which allayed Malay fears of 'alien' domination and which yet offered 'generous' citizenship rights to the non-Malays. In this manner, so the account goes, a gross error of judgement was rectified and the groundwork laid for progress towards independence.
j·德·v·艾伦最近出版的关于马来亚联邦的专著,如果能把历史学家的注意力重新引导到“一个事件,它的重要性可能只会被那些似乎把它挤出历史书的事情所超越”,那么它就达到了它的目的。1943年至1945年的日本占领,1948年开始的紧急状态,以及1957年从英国宣布独立他对马来亚联邦灭亡的解释,基本上是公认的,几乎是传统的,他的阐述常常引人入胜,艾伦认为,该计划(将战前的联邦和非联邦马来州以及槟城和马六甲的直辖殖民地合并为一个统一的殖民地,通过给予绝大多数现有人口公民权,为最终的独立奠定基础)代表了英国规划者对行政集中优势的认可。许多中国和印度居民的永久定居以及中国人在日本占领期间的忠诚支持。这个计划失败了,因为它被故意匆忙地强加给马来苏丹(他们被要求放弃主权),因为它没有充分考虑到马来人的态度和政治形式,从而引起了马来人和前马来亚公务员的联合反对,因为它没有引起华人和印度人的兴趣。因此,马来亚联邦被马来亚联邦所取代,它保护了苏丹的传统领导角色,这减轻了马来人对“外来”统治的恐惧,并为非马来人提供了“慷慨”的公民权。按照这种方式,一个严重的判断错误得到纠正,并为走向独立奠定了基础。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Journal of Southeast Asian History
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