首页 > 最新文献

Journal of Southeast Asian History最新文献

英文 中文
The Private Papers of Artus Gijsels as Source for the History of East Asia 作为东亚历史来源的阿图斯·吉塞尔斯的私人论文
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S021778110000507X
M. Meilink-Roelofsz
The General State Archives in The Hague are gradually becoming famous, even outside Europe, for the wealth of documentary material on Asian history deposited there. Moreover, this institution endeavours to supplement the Company archives with microfilms of documents stored in less obvious places, whether public or private, at home or abroad. Now such documents, written in Dutch and pertaining to subjects which usually fall outside the scope of other groups of archives in such institutions, attract little attention locally and so are insufficiently utilised. It is therefore very gratifying that the General State Archives recently acquired the microfilms of a comprehensive collection of documents deposited in the Badische Landesbiliothek in Karlsruhe in the German Federal Republic. This collection derives from Artus or Arnoud Gijsels, official of the Dutch East Indies Company, and only at the end of the century became known in the Netherlands. Then the German Dr. E. F. Kossmann, Germanic scholar who later settled in the Netherlands, father and grandfather of renowned Dutch scholars, drew up a brief guide to its contents. He published this guide in “De Nederlandsche Spectator” (1888), a now almost forgotten cultural periodical published in the Netherlands. Colonial history was not Kossmann's special line, but the way he summarised this guide demands our respect. Thanks to his article, this collection received the attention both of the editors of the “Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis van de Maleise Archipel” (Material for the history of the Malayan Archipelago), P. A. Tiele and J. G. Heeres and of the editors of the journal of Batavia, H. T. Colenbrander, later professor of Colonial History at the University of Leyden. One gets the impression, however, that they did not personally investigate the entire collection in Karlsruhe. Tiele and Heeres mention it only in passing. Colenbrander's interest was directed mainly towards two reports drawn up by the Governor-General Van Diemen in 1636 and 1637. The report of 1636 was also deposited in the General State Archives, and this example differed only on minor details from that of Karlsruhe. But neither the General State Archives nor the Government Archives of Batavia had a copy of the 1637 report. This report, spanning merely the period from 1 January to 27 May 1637, was published by Colenbrander in his series of journals, supplemented by two other documents dating from after 27 May 1637. Van Diemen's journal of his voyage to Amboina was also lacking in The Hague and Batavia, and of it he had manuscript copies made — it was still the pre-technical age —. These copies are now preserved in the General State Archives' collection of accessions.
位于海牙的国家总档案馆(General State Archives)因其存放的丰富的亚洲历史文献资料而逐渐声名远扬,甚至在欧洲以外的地方也是如此。此外,该机构还努力用缩微胶卷来补充公司的档案,这些缩微胶卷储存在不太显眼的地方,无论是公共的还是私人的,无论是在国内还是国外。现在这些用荷兰语写的文件,涉及的主题通常不在这些机构的其他档案组的范围之内,很少引起当地的注意,因此没有得到充分利用。因此,非常令人欣慰的是,国家总档案馆最近获得了存放在德意志联邦共和国卡尔斯鲁厄Badische Landesbiliothek的大量文件的缩微胶卷。这些藏品来自荷兰东印度公司的官员Artus或Arnoud Gijsels,直到本世纪末才在荷兰为人所知。后来,后来定居荷兰的德国学者、著名荷兰学者的父亲和祖父、德国人E. F. Kossmann博士起草了一份简短的指南。他在《荷兰观察家》(De Nederlandsche Spectator, 1888)上发表了这本指南,这是一本现在几乎被遗忘的荷兰文化期刊。殖民历史并不是科斯曼的专长,但他总结这本指南的方式值得我们尊敬。由于他的文章,这本文集受到了《马来群岛历史资料》(Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis van de Maleise Archipel)的编辑P. A. Tiele和J. G. Heeres以及《巴达维亚》杂志的编辑H. T. Colenbrander的注意,后者后来成为莱顿大学殖民史教授。然而,人们得到的印象是,他们并没有亲自调查卡尔斯鲁厄的整个收藏。蒂勒和赫雷斯只是顺带提了一下。科伦布兰德的兴趣主要集中在1636年和1637年总督范迪门起草的两份报告上。1636年的报告也保存在国家总档案馆,这个例子与卡尔斯鲁厄的报告只有一些小细节上的不同。但是国家总档案馆和巴达维亚政府档案馆都没有1637年报告的副本。这份报告的时间跨度仅为1637年1月1日至5月27日,由Colenbrander在他的系列期刊中发表,并补充了另外两份日期为1637年5月27日之后的文件。在海牙和巴达维亚,范迪门关于他到安博伊纳的航行的日记也没有,而且他还制作了手稿副本——那还是前技术时代。这些副本现在保存在国家总档案馆的档案中。
{"title":"The Private Papers of Artus Gijsels as Source for the History of East Asia","authors":"M. Meilink-Roelofsz","doi":"10.1017/S021778110000507X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S021778110000507X","url":null,"abstract":"The General State Archives in The Hague are gradually becoming famous, even outside Europe, for the wealth of documentary material on Asian history deposited there. Moreover, this institution endeavours to supplement the Company archives with microfilms of documents stored in less obvious places, whether public or private, at home or abroad. Now such documents, written in Dutch and pertaining to subjects which usually fall outside the scope of other groups of archives in such institutions, attract little attention locally and so are insufficiently utilised. It is therefore very gratifying that the General State Archives recently acquired the microfilms of a comprehensive collection of documents deposited in the Badische Landesbiliothek in Karlsruhe in the German Federal Republic. This collection derives from Artus or Arnoud Gijsels, official of the Dutch East Indies Company, and only at the end of the century became known in the Netherlands. Then the German Dr. E. F. Kossmann, Germanic scholar who later settled in the Netherlands, father and grandfather of renowned Dutch scholars, drew up a brief guide to its contents. He published this guide in “De Nederlandsche Spectator” (1888), a now almost forgotten cultural periodical published in the Netherlands. Colonial history was not Kossmann's special line, but the way he summarised this guide demands our respect. Thanks to his article, this collection received the attention both of the editors of the “Bouwstoffen voor de geschiedenis van de Maleise Archipel” (Material for the history of the Malayan Archipelago), P. A. Tiele and J. G. Heeres and of the editors of the journal of Batavia, H. T. Colenbrander, later professor of Colonial History at the University of Leyden. One gets the impression, however, that they did not personally investigate the entire collection in Karlsruhe. Tiele and Heeres mention it only in passing. Colenbrander's interest was directed mainly towards two reports drawn up by the Governor-General Van Diemen in 1636 and 1637. The report of 1636 was also deposited in the General State Archives, and this example differed only on minor details from that of Karlsruhe. But neither the General State Archives nor the Government Archives of Batavia had a copy of the 1637 report. This report, spanning merely the period from 1 January to 27 May 1637, was published by Colenbrander in his series of journals, supplemented by two other documents dating from after 27 May 1637. Van Diemen's journal of his voyage to Amboina was also lacking in The Hague and Batavia, and of it he had manuscript copies made — it was still the pre-technical age —. These copies are now preserved in the General State Archives' collection of accessions.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126336541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Changes in the Pattern of Malay Politics, 1629–c. 1655 马来政治格局的变化(1629-c)1655
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005019
D. Bassett
For almost a century before 1629, the sultanate of Acheh in north Sumatra was the most formidable indigenous state on either side of Malacca Strait. A stalemate had developed between Acheh and the Portuguese in Malacca, with the Portuguese unable to maintain sufficient forces locally to invade Acheh, and the Ach?nese unable to press their numerous sieges of Malacca to a successful conclusion before the Portuguese relief fleet arrived from India. Under addi tional Dutch pressure early in the seventeenth century, the Portu guese seem to have been unable to render the assistance against Acheh which they had given the Malay states on occasion in the sixteenth century. In 1613-20 Johore, Pahang, Kedah and Perak were conquered by Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607-36) of Acheh. In most cases, the defeated sultan was carried off to Acheh and a relative installed as a vassal of Acheh. Sultan Ala'ud-din Ri'ayat Shah II of Johore escaped when the Ach?nese overran Batu Sawar in June 1613, but died a few years later. His half-brother, Raja Bongsu or Raja Seberang, was taken to Acheh, married to Iskander Muda's sister, and sent back to Batu Sawar as Sultan Abdullah Ma'ayat Shah (1613-23). When Abdullah rejected Iskander
在1629年之前的近一个世纪里,北苏门答腊的亚齐苏丹国是马六甲海峡两岸最强大的土著国家。阿奇和葡萄牙人在马六甲陷入僵局,葡萄牙人无法在当地维持足够的兵力来入侵阿奇。在葡萄牙救援船队从印度抵达之前,葡萄牙人无法成功地结束对马六甲的围攻。在十七世纪早期荷兰人的额外压力下,葡萄牙人似乎无法提供他们在十六世纪偶尔给予马来国家的援助来对抗亚齐。1613年至1620年,柔佛、彭亨州、吉打州和霹雳州被亚齐的苏丹依斯干达穆达(1607年至1636年)征服。在大多数情况下,战败的苏丹被带到亚奇,一个亲戚被安置为亚奇的附庸。柔佛州苏丹阿拉德丁·里亚特·沙二世在阿赫?尼斯于1613年6月占领了拔都沙瓦尔,但几年后就去世了。他同父异母的弟弟拉贾·邦苏(Raja Bongsu)或拉贾·塞伯朗(Raja Seberang)被带到阿奇,娶了伊斯坎德尔·穆达的妹妹,并被送回巴都萨瓦尔,成为苏丹阿卜杜拉·马阿亚特·沙阿(1613-23)。当阿卜杜拉拒绝伊斯坎德尔时
{"title":"Changes in the Pattern of Malay Politics, 1629–c. 1655","authors":"D. Bassett","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005019","url":null,"abstract":"For almost a century before 1629, the sultanate of Acheh in north Sumatra was the most formidable indigenous state on either side of Malacca Strait. A stalemate had developed between Acheh and the Portuguese in Malacca, with the Portuguese unable to maintain sufficient forces locally to invade Acheh, and the Ach?nese unable to press their numerous sieges of Malacca to a successful conclusion before the Portuguese relief fleet arrived from India. Under addi tional Dutch pressure early in the seventeenth century, the Portu guese seem to have been unable to render the assistance against Acheh which they had given the Malay states on occasion in the sixteenth century. In 1613-20 Johore, Pahang, Kedah and Perak were conquered by Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607-36) of Acheh. In most cases, the defeated sultan was carried off to Acheh and a relative installed as a vassal of Acheh. Sultan Ala'ud-din Ri'ayat Shah II of Johore escaped when the Ach?nese overran Batu Sawar in June 1613, but died a few years later. His half-brother, Raja Bongsu or Raja Seberang, was taken to Acheh, married to Iskander Muda's sister, and sent back to Batu Sawar as Sultan Abdullah Ma'ayat Shah (1613-23). When Abdullah rejected Iskander","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125442978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 2
Achehnese Control over West Sumatra up to the Treaty of Painan, 1663 阿赫纳人对西苏门答腊的控制一直到1663年的《帕南条约》
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005020
J. Kathirithamby-Wells
The west Sumatran coast between Barus in the north and Inderapura in the south, which came under Achehnese rule, was originally part of the Minangkabau kingdom which developed in the fourteenth century and reigned supreme in central Sumatra up to about the end of the following century The Padang lowlands and the coastal region up to the northern border of Silebar were considered in the Alam Minangkabau as part of the rantau, or acquired territories, as different from the darat, or nucleus of the kingdom formed by the 3 luaks (or districts) of Agam, Tanah Data and Lima Puloh Kota. The important distinction between the darat and the rantau was that the former was administered on genealogical principles with a penghulu at the head of each negeri in the luak while the rantau was divided into several parts and was under the territorial rule of various rajas who were members of the royal family.2 Beneath the rajas appointed by the central administration at Pagarruyong were minor rajas and penghulus selected from amongst the local inhabitants who were in charge of the various districts. In return for the help and protection provided by the darat, especially in times of trouble, the negeris in the rantau were obliged to pay homage and tribute to Pagarruyong, a duty which they evaded during periods of weak central control, as at the end of the fifteenth century.
西苏门答腊海岸位于北部的巴鲁斯和南部的因德拉普拉之间,在阿赫奇人的统治下,最初是米南卡保王国的一部分,米南卡保王国于14世纪发展起来,一直统治着苏门答腊中部,直到下个世纪末。巴东低地和沿海地区一直到西里巴尔北部边界,在阿拉姆米南卡保被认为是rantau的一部分,或者说是获得的领土,与darat不同。或由Agam, Tanah Data和Lima Puloh Kota三个luaks(或地区)组成的王国的核心。darat和rantau之间的重要区别是,前者是根据宗谱原则管理的,在luak的每个negeri的头上都有一个penghulu,而rantau被分成几个部分,由不同的王公(rajas)统治,这些王公都是王室成员在帕加如永中央政府任命的王公之下,还有从当地居民中选出的小王公和彭胡勒斯,他们负责管理各个地区。为了回报达拉特提供的帮助和保护,特别是在困难时期,兰陀的黑人有义务向帕加如永致敬和进贡,在中央控制薄弱的时期,如15世纪末,他们逃避了这项义务。
{"title":"Achehnese Control over West Sumatra up to the Treaty of Painan, 1663","authors":"J. Kathirithamby-Wells","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005020","url":null,"abstract":"The west Sumatran coast between Barus in the north and Inderapura in the south, which came under Achehnese rule, was originally part of the Minangkabau kingdom which developed in the fourteenth century and reigned supreme in central Sumatra up to about the end of the following century The Padang lowlands and the coastal region up to the northern border of Silebar were considered in the Alam Minangkabau as part of the rantau, or acquired territories, as different from the darat, or nucleus of the kingdom formed by the 3 luaks (or districts) of Agam, Tanah Data and Lima Puloh Kota. The important distinction between the darat and the rantau was that the former was administered on genealogical principles with a penghulu at the head of each negeri in the luak while the rantau was divided into several parts and was under the territorial rule of various rajas who were members of the royal family.2 Beneath the rajas appointed by the central administration at Pagarruyong were minor rajas and penghulus selected from amongst the local inhabitants who were in charge of the various districts. In return for the help and protection provided by the darat, especially in times of trouble, the negeris in the rantau were obliged to pay homage and tribute to Pagarruyong, a duty which they evaded during periods of weak central control, as at the end of the fifteenth century.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"37 5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131846552","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 35
The Portuguese Administration in Malacca, 1511–1641 葡萄牙人在马六甲的统治(1511-1641
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005056
D. R. S. Desai
With the exception of Alfonso de Albuquerque in the 16th century, Marquis de Pombal in the 18th and Oliveira Salazar in the 20th, Portugal can hardly boast of any special genius for administration, whether of the colonies or of the mother-country. This lack of administrative acumen is matched by lack of interest in administrative matters among Portuguese chroniclers and historians. While the secular historians concentrated on the heroic deeds of a rather limited era, their Jesuit counterparts concerned themselves with exaggerating the scanty exploits in their evangelical enterprise. The administration was not elaborate and, therefore, the records were scanty. Portugal did not have a budgetary system; no systematic accounts were maintained either for Portugal or for the colonies, especially in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Consequently, one might with justification lament with Professor Charles R. Boxer upon the paucity of material for an administrative history of the Portuguese colonial possessions. Even so, one might study the Portuguese colonial administration in the larger context of interests, policies, and prejudices.
除了16世纪的阿方索·德·阿尔布开克、18世纪的庞巴尔侯爵和20世纪的奥利韦拉·萨拉查之外,葡萄牙在管理殖民地或母国方面几乎没有什么特别的天才。葡萄牙编年史家和历史学家对行政事务缺乏兴趣,这与缺乏管理头脑相匹配。当世俗历史学家专注于一个相当有限的时代的英雄事迹时,他们的耶稣会同行则关注于夸大他们福音事业中微不足道的功绩。行政部门没有详细说明,因此,记录很少。葡萄牙没有预算制度;无论是葡萄牙还是其殖民地,特别是在16和17世纪,都没有系统的记录。因此,人们有理由和查尔斯·r·鲍克瑟教授一样,哀叹葡萄牙殖民地行政史的材料太少。即便如此,我们也可以在更大的利益、政策和偏见背景下研究葡萄牙殖民政府。
{"title":"The Portuguese Administration in Malacca, 1511–1641","authors":"D. R. S. Desai","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005056","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005056","url":null,"abstract":"With the exception of Alfonso de Albuquerque in the 16th century, Marquis de Pombal in the 18th and Oliveira Salazar in the 20th, Portugal can hardly boast of any special genius for administration, whether of the colonies or of the mother-country. This lack of administrative acumen is matched by lack of interest in administrative matters among Portuguese chroniclers and historians. While the secular historians concentrated on the heroic deeds of a rather limited era, their Jesuit counterparts concerned themselves with exaggerating the scanty exploits in their evangelical enterprise. The administration was not elaborate and, therefore, the records were scanty. Portugal did not have a budgetary system; no systematic accounts were maintained either for Portugal or for the colonies, especially in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Consequently, one might with justification lament with Professor Charles R. Boxer upon the paucity of material for an administrative history of the Portuguese colonial possessions. Even so, one might study the Portuguese colonial administration in the larger context of interests, policies, and prejudices.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129548075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 6
ANTONIO DE MORGA AND HIS SUCESOS DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS 安东尼奥·德·莫尔加和他的菲律宾群岛事件
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005081
J. Cummins
The value of Antonio de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas has long been recognised. A first-hand account of the early Spanish colonial venture into Asia, it was published in Mexico in 1609 and has since been re-edited on a number of occasions. It attracted the attention of the Hakluyt Society in 1851, although the edition prepared for the Society by H. E. J. Stanley was not published until 1868. Morga's work is based on personal experiences, or on documentation from eye-witnesses of the events described. Moreover, as he tells us himself, survivors from Legazpi's expedition were still alive while he was preparing his book in Manila, and these too he could consult. As a lawyer, it is obvious that he would hardly fail to seek such evidence. The Sucesos is the work of an honest observer, himself a major actor in the drama of his time, a versatile bureaucrat, who knew the workings of the administration from the inside.It is also the first history of the Spanish Philippines to be written by a layman, as opposed to the religious chroniclers. Morga's book was praised, quoted, and plagiarized, by contemporaries or successors. Filipinos have found it a useful account of the state of their native culture upon the coming of the conquistadors; Spaniards have regarded it as a work to admire or condemn, according to their views and the context of their times; some other Europeans, such as Stanley, found it full of lessons and examples.
安东尼奥·德·莫加(Antonio de Morga)的《岛屿继承者》(succesos de las Islas)的价值早已得到认可。它是早期西班牙殖民冒险进入亚洲的第一手资料,于1609年在墨西哥出版,此后被多次重新编辑。它在1851年引起了Hakluyt学会的注意,尽管h.e.j. Stanley为学会准备的版本直到1868年才出版。Morga的作品是基于个人经历,或从目击者的文件描述的事件。此外,正如他自己告诉我们的那样,当他在马尼拉准备他的书时,黎牙实比远征队的幸存者还活着,他也可以咨询他们。作为一名律师,很明显他不会不去寻找这样的证据。《继任者》是一位诚实的观察者的作品,他本人是他那个时代戏剧的主要演员,一位多才多艺的官僚,他从内部了解政府的运作。这也是第一部由外行人撰写的西班牙菲律宾历史,而不是宗教编年史家。莫加的书受到同时代人或后人的赞扬、引用和剽窃。菲律宾人发现它是对征服者到来时他们本土文化状况的有用描述;根据他们的观点和时代背景,西班牙人把它看作是一部值得赞赏或谴责的作品;其他一些欧洲人,如斯坦利,发现它充满了教训和例子。
{"title":"ANTONIO DE MORGA AND HIS SUCESOS DE LAS ISLAS FILIPINAS","authors":"J. Cummins","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005081","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005081","url":null,"abstract":"The value of Antonio de Morga's Sucesos de las Islas has long been recognised. A first-hand account of the early Spanish colonial venture into Asia, it was published in Mexico in 1609 and has since been re-edited on a number of occasions. It attracted the attention of the Hakluyt Society in 1851, although the edition prepared for the Society by H. E. J. Stanley was not published until 1868. Morga's work is based on personal experiences, or on documentation from eye-witnesses of the events described. Moreover, as he tells us himself, survivors from Legazpi's expedition were still alive while he was preparing his book in Manila, and these too he could consult. As a lawyer, it is obvious that he would hardly fail to seek such evidence. The Sucesos is the work of an honest observer, himself a major actor in the drama of his time, a versatile bureaucrat, who knew the workings of the administration from the inside.It is also the first history of the Spanish Philippines to be written by a layman, as opposed to the religious chroniclers. Morga's book was praised, quoted, and plagiarized, by contemporaries or successors. Filipinos have found it a useful account of the state of their native culture upon the coming of the conquistadors; Spaniards have regarded it as a work to admire or condemn, according to their views and the context of their times; some other Europeans, such as Stanley, found it full of lessons and examples.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121425855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 3
First Philippine Expedition to Indo-china
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005044
C. Quirino
The Philippines today has a battalion of soldiers in Vietnam, popularly known as the Philippines Civil Action Group or PHILCAG for short, and a controversy has risen as to whether or not it is justified to have done so. This is the third Philippine expedition to Indo-China. The second was sent in 1858, and the first late in the sixteenth century.
今天,菲律宾在越南有一个营的士兵,通常被称为菲律宾民事行动小组(PHILCAG),关于这样做是否合理的争议已经上升。第二封是在1858年寄出的,第一封是在16世纪晚期寄出的。
{"title":"First Philippine Expedition to Indo-china","authors":"C. Quirino","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005044","url":null,"abstract":"The Philippines today has a battalion of soldiers in Vietnam, popularly known as the Philippines Civil Action Group or PHILCAG for short, and a controversy has risen as to whether or not it is justified to have done so. This is the third Philippine expedition to Indo-China. The second was sent in 1858, and the first late in the sixteenth century.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128658824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Some Notes on the Dutch in Malacca and the Indo-Malayan Trade 1641–1670 马六甲荷兰人与印度-马来亚贸易(1641-1670)述评
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005032
S. Arasaratnam
The trade between India and the Malay Peninsula was an important link in the inter-Asian trading system. It took in a wide assortment of goods, embracing not only the produce of these two countries but also serving as a vehicle for the transhipment and distribution of goods from neighbouring and even distant regions that are assembled at these centres of trade. Thus the import trade from India to Malaya had cotton piece-goods as its staple and other produce of India in lesser quantities such as rice, wheat, butter, sugar, oil, hemp, leather and sometimes slaves. Among the items of import, goods that have an obviously non-Indian origin are Arabian incense, amber, red corals, rhinoceros horns and most of the elephant tusks. The articles exported show an even wider area of distribution. From the Malay peninsula itself and neighbouring regions there was tin, pepper, cloves, tortoise shells, sandal wood, sappan wood, benzoin, gumlac, coconut fibre, white and brown sugar, diamonds, besoar stones, quick silver and elephants. Chinese porcelain and copper were obviously brought from the far east. Even allowing for some exaggeration in Tome Pires's figures of Gujerati merchants in Malacca and of his account of the trade from Coromandel, Malabar and Bengal, there seems no doubt of the economic importance of the trade to societies on the two ends of the Bay of Bengal. Indeed the Bay seems to have formed a wellknit commercial unit exchanging surplus produce from its various regions for which the Indian traders were an invaluable medium. The main participants of this trade were the Muslims of the Gujerat ports, Muslims of Bengal and Golconda and Hindu and Muslim traders settled in Coromandel and Malabar coasts.
印度与马来半岛之间的贸易是亚洲内部贸易体系中的重要一环。它吸收了各种各样的货物,不仅包括这两个国家的产品,而且还作为转运和分配货物的工具,这些货物来自邻近甚至遥远的地区,聚集在这些贸易中心。因此,从印度到马来亚的进口贸易以棉织品为主要商品,而印度的其他产品数量较少,如大米、小麦、黄油、糖、油、大麻、皮革,有时还包括奴隶。在进口商品中,阿拉伯香、琥珀、红珊瑚、犀牛角和大部分象牙等明显不是印度原产地的商品。出口商品的分布范围更广。从马来半岛和邻近地区运来了锡、胡椒、丁香、龟壳、檀香木、柚木、安息香、胶胶、椰子纤维、白糖和红糖、钻石、红石、快银和大象。中国的瓷器和铜显然是从远东带来的。即使考虑到汤姆皮雷在马六甲的古吉拉特商人的形象和他对科罗曼德尔、马拉巴尔和孟加拉的贸易的描述有些夸张,似乎毫无疑问,贸易对孟加拉湾两端社会的经济重要性。事实上,海湾似乎已经形成了一个组织严密的商业单位,交换来自不同地区的剩余农产品,而印度商人是一个无价的媒介。这种贸易的主要参与者是古吉拉特邦港口的穆斯林、孟加拉和戈尔康达的穆斯林以及定居在科罗曼德尔和马拉巴尔海岸的印度教和穆斯林商人。
{"title":"Some Notes on the Dutch in Malacca and the Indo-Malayan Trade 1641–1670","authors":"S. Arasaratnam","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005032","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005032","url":null,"abstract":"The trade between India and the Malay Peninsula was an important link in the inter-Asian trading system. It took in a wide assortment of goods, embracing not only the produce of these two countries but also serving as a vehicle for the transhipment and distribution of goods from neighbouring and even distant regions that are assembled at these centres of trade. Thus the import trade from India to Malaya had cotton piece-goods as its staple and other produce of India in lesser quantities such as rice, wheat, butter, sugar, oil, hemp, leather and sometimes slaves. Among the items of import, goods that have an obviously non-Indian origin are Arabian incense, amber, red corals, rhinoceros horns and most of the elephant tusks. The articles exported show an even wider area of distribution. From the Malay peninsula itself and neighbouring regions there was tin, pepper, cloves, tortoise shells, sandal wood, sappan wood, benzoin, gumlac, coconut fibre, white and brown sugar, diamonds, besoar stones, quick silver and elephants. Chinese porcelain and copper were obviously brought from the far east. Even allowing for some exaggeration in Tome Pires's figures of Gujerati merchants in Malacca and of his account of the trade from Coromandel, Malabar and Bengal, there seems no doubt of the economic importance of the trade to societies on the two ends of the Bay of Bengal. Indeed the Bay seems to have formed a wellknit commercial unit exchanging surplus produce from its various regions for which the Indian traders were an invaluable medium. The main participants of this trade were the Muslims of the Gujerat ports, Muslims of Bengal and Golconda and Hindu and Muslim traders settled in Coromandel and Malabar coasts.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129100537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 14
A NOTE ON PORTUGUESE REACTIONS TO THE REVIVAL OF THE RED SEA SPICE TRADE AND THE RISE OF ATJEH, 1540-1600 1540-1600年,葡萄牙人对红海香料贸易复兴和阿提赫崛起的反应
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005007
C. Boxer
No reputable historian nowadays maintains that the Portuguese 16th- century thalassocracy in the Indian Ocean was always and everywhere completely effective. In particular, it is widely accepted that there was a marked if erratic revival in the Red Sea spice-trade shortly after the first Turkish occupation of Aden in 1538, though much work remains to be done on the causes and effects of this development. The Portuguese reactions to the rise of Atjeh have been studied chiefly in connection with the frequent fighting in the Straits of Malacca; and the economic side of the struggle has been less considered. The connection of Atjeh with the revival of the Red Sea spice-trade has been insufficiently stressed; though Mrs. Meilink-Roelofsz and Dr. V. Magalh?es Godinho have some relevant observations on this point in their recent and well docu mented works (Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago, 1500-1630, The Hague, 1962, pp. 142-46; Os Descobrimentos e a Econom?a Mundial, Vol. II, Lisboa, 1967, pp. Ill - 171). The purpose of this paper is to amplify the facts and figures which they give there, in the hope that someone with the necessary linguistic qualifications will be incited to make comple mentary researches in the relevant Indonesian, Arabian, or Turkish sources. I am not concerned here with the origins of Atjehnese-Portuguese enmity, nor with the founding of the Atjehnese empire by Sultan Ali Mughayat Shah, who conquered Daya to the west and Pedir (Pidie) and Pase to the east.1 By the time of his death in or about the year 1530, the Atjehnese had captured so many cannon from the P'ortuguese that the contemporary chronicler, Fern?o Lopes de Castanheda, averred that the Sultan "was much better supplied with
如今,没有一个著名的历史学家认为,葡萄牙在16世纪对印度洋的海上联合统治无论何时何地都是完全有效的。特别是,人们普遍认为,在土耳其于1538年首次占领亚丁后不久,红海香料贸易出现了明显的、不稳定的复苏,尽管对这一发展的原因和影响仍有许多工作要做。葡萄牙人对阿特杰崛起的反应主要与马六甲海峡的频繁战斗有关;而这场斗争的经济方面却很少被考虑。阿特杰与红海香料贸易复兴的联系一直没有得到充分的强调;尽管梅林克-鲁洛夫斯夫人和V.玛加尔医生?es Godinho在他们最近的著作中对这一点有一些相关的观察(亚洲贸易和欧洲对印度尼西亚群岛的影响,1500-1630年,海牙,1962年,第142-46页;对经济的描述?a《年鉴》,第二卷,里斯本,1967年,第1 - 171页)。本文的目的是扩大他们在那里给出的事实和数字,希望有必要的语言学资格的人将被煽动对相关的印度尼西亚,阿拉伯或土耳其来源进行补充研究。我在这里不关心阿特津人和葡萄牙人之间敌意的起源,也不关心苏丹阿里·穆哈亚特·沙阿建立阿特津帝国的过程,他征服了西边的达亚,东边的皮迪和帕塞到1530年前后他去世时,阿津人已经从葡萄牙人手中缴获了如此多的大炮,以至于当时的编年史家弗恩?o Lopes de Castanheda断言,苏丹“得到了更好的供应
{"title":"A NOTE ON PORTUGUESE REACTIONS TO THE REVIVAL OF THE RED SEA SPICE TRADE AND THE RISE OF ATJEH, 1540-1600","authors":"C. Boxer","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005007","url":null,"abstract":"No reputable historian nowadays maintains that the Portuguese 16th- century thalassocracy in the Indian Ocean was always and everywhere completely effective. In particular, it is widely accepted that there was a marked if erratic revival in the Red Sea spice-trade shortly after the first Turkish occupation of Aden in 1538, though much work remains to be done on the causes and effects of this development. The Portuguese reactions to the rise of Atjeh have been studied chiefly in connection with the frequent fighting in the Straits of Malacca; and the economic side of the struggle has been less considered. The connection of Atjeh with the revival of the Red Sea spice-trade has been insufficiently stressed; though Mrs. Meilink-Roelofsz and Dr. V. Magalh?es Godinho have some relevant observations on this point in their recent and well docu mented works (Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago, 1500-1630, The Hague, 1962, pp. 142-46; Os Descobrimentos e a Econom?a Mundial, Vol. II, Lisboa, 1967, pp. Ill - 171). The purpose of this paper is to amplify the facts and figures which they give there, in the hope that someone with the necessary linguistic qualifications will be incited to make comple mentary researches in the relevant Indonesian, Arabian, or Turkish sources. I am not concerned here with the origins of Atjehnese-Portuguese enmity, nor with the founding of the Atjehnese empire by Sultan Ali Mughayat Shah, who conquered Daya to the west and Pedir (Pidie) and Pase to the east.1 By the time of his death in or about the year 1530, the Atjehnese had captured so many cannon from the P'ortuguese that the contemporary chronicler, Fern?o Lopes de Castanheda, averred that the Sultan \"was much better supplied with","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"77 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116357991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 69
Sixteenth Century Turkish Influence in Western Indonesia 16世纪土耳其对印尼西部的影响
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100004993
A. Reid
The existence of diplomatic and military relations between Ottoman Turkey and some Muslim states of Southeast Asia has been known for centuries. The Portuguese chroniclers, notably Couto and Pinto, kept the idea alive in the West; oral traditions and a few chronicles kept it more vividly before the imagination of the Atjehnese; and in Turkey there has been a revived interest in the connection since at least 1873. An attempt therefore seems overdue to seek greater precision on these remarkable events, by considering at least the most notable of the sources from the three sides.
几个世纪以来,奥斯曼土耳其和东南亚一些穆斯林国家之间的外交和军事关系一直为人所知。葡萄牙的编年史家,尤其是库托和平托,将这一观点在西方流传了下来;口述传统和一些编年史使它更生动地呈现在阿特汗人的想象中;在土耳其,至少从1873年起,人们就对这种联系重新产生了兴趣。因此,通过考虑至少来自三方的最显著的来源,似乎早就应该尝试对这些重大事件寻求更精确的描述了。
{"title":"Sixteenth Century Turkish Influence in Western Indonesia","authors":"A. Reid","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100004993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100004993","url":null,"abstract":"The existence of diplomatic and military relations between Ottoman Turkey and some Muslim states of Southeast Asia has been known for centuries. The Portuguese chroniclers, notably Couto and Pinto, kept the idea alive in the West; oral traditions and a few chronicles kept it more vividly before the imagination of the Atjehnese; and in Turkey there has been a revived interest in the connection since at least 1873. An attempt therefore seems overdue to seek greater precision on these remarkable events, by considering at least the most notable of the sources from the three sides.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"105 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127411600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 29
Malacca and Goa and the Question of Race Relations in the Portuguese Overseas Provinces 马六甲、果阿及葡萄牙海外省份的种族关系问题
Pub Date : 1969-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0217781100005068
Colin Jack-Hinton
The expression of this viewpoint has taken a variety of forms, often expressed quite categorically and without any qualification whatso ever, and has been supported by official policy and, academically in particular, by the distinguished Brazilian socio-historian Gilberto Freyre. More recently it has been attacked by Professor Charles Boxer in his Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, 1415-1825 (Clarendon, 1963), where the author has presented a substantial body of entirely reliable historical evidence of actual discrimination against indigenes and mesti?os within the Portuguese Empire and Provinces, and has argued that whilst this viewpoint is sincerely held it is substantially incorrect in its extreme and bald form.
这一观点的表达形式多种多样,通常非常明确,没有任何限制,并得到官方政策的支持,特别是在学术上,得到了杰出的巴西社会历史学家吉尔伯托·弗雷尔的支持。最近,Charles Boxer教授在他的《1415-1825年葡萄牙殖民帝国的种族关系》(Clarendon, 1963)中抨击了这一观点,作者在书中提出了大量完全可靠的历史证据,证明了对土著人和梅斯提人的实际歧视。他认为,虽然这种观点是真诚的,但其极端和赤裸裸的形式在本质上是不正确的。
{"title":"Malacca and Goa and the Question of Race Relations in the Portuguese Overseas Provinces","authors":"Colin Jack-Hinton","doi":"10.1017/S0217781100005068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0217781100005068","url":null,"abstract":"The expression of this viewpoint has taken a variety of forms, often expressed quite categorically and without any qualification whatso ever, and has been supported by official policy and, academically in particular, by the distinguished Brazilian socio-historian Gilberto Freyre. More recently it has been attacked by Professor Charles Boxer in his Race Relations in the Portuguese Colonial Empire, 1415-1825 (Clarendon, 1963), where the author has presented a substantial body of entirely reliable historical evidence of actual discrimination against indigenes and mesti?os within the Portuguese Empire and Provinces, and has argued that whilst this viewpoint is sincerely held it is substantially incorrect in its extreme and bald form.","PeriodicalId":376418,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southeast Asian History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1969-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121974465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Southeast Asian History
全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.
×
引用
GB/T 7714-2015
复制
MLA
复制
APA
复制
导出至
BibTeX EndNote RefMan NoteFirst NoteExpress
×
0
微信
客服QQ
Book学术公众号 扫码关注我们
反馈
×
意见反馈
请填写您的意见或建议
请填写您的手机或邮箱
×
提示
您的信息不完整,为了账户安全,请先补充。
现在去补充
×
提示
您因"违规操作"
具体请查看互助需知
我知道了
×
提示
现在去查看 取消
×
提示
确定
Book学术官方微信
Book学术文献互助
Book学术文献互助群
群 号:481959085
Book学术
文献互助 智能选刊 最新文献 互助须知 联系我们:info@booksci.cn
Book学术提供免费学术资源搜索服务,方便国内外学者检索中英文文献。致力于提供最便捷和优质的服务体验。
Copyright © 2023 Book学术 All rights reserved.
ghs 京公网安备 11010802042870号 京ICP备2023020795号-1