Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.5-52
R. Vlček
This article analyses traditions of Czech historiographic discourse concerning the geopolitical area of Russia and the Soviet Union, focusing especially on those concerning contemporary history (“Zeitgeschichte”). In particular, it draws attention to the recognition of the genesis, transformations and position of the Russian / Soviet state in the sense of revealing the roots and manifestations of oppression, despotism and totalitarianism in the geopolitical area of Russia / the Soviet Union. It also observes the way in which Czech historiography approached phenomena such as the “Russian Empire”, “Soviet Empire”, “Authoritarian Power” and others over the course of decades (and centuries), as well as the thematic and methodological changes it underwent during the process. Concerning the most recent period, it confronts the historiographical view with political science and critically evaluates the absence of certain crucial themes. It notes the absence of Czech works focusing on this time period, as well as the absence of such works being at least partially compensated by translations of foreign production. The study pays special attention to the second half of the 20th century when such research was being deformed and thematically impoverished due to the so-called Marxist-Leninist methodology. It also draws attention to the changes that occurred in the field following the Velvet Revolution and the subsequent political development in Czechoslovakia / the Czech Republic. The possibility of a free choice of topics that occurred after the changes in November 1989 is recognized as especially positive. At the same time, however, the article notes the insufficiency of Czech historiographical focus on the complex history of Russia in the sense of searching for roots and particular manifestations of oppression, despotism and totalitarianism, with special regard to the 20th century and its impact on the present day and the absence of any such topics (not necessarily directly related to oppression, despotism and totalitarianism) on all levels of the education system. A general lack of time and spotlight is identified as one of the reasons, as topics from recent history are usually arranged at the very end the end of teaching cycles. Therefore, at the end of the article, the author proposes to use a retrospective form of teaching that would first acquaint students with current events and, subsequently, gradually pace back to discuss the key events that created that current process.
{"title":"Studium ruských dějin a retrospektivní forma jejich výuky jako nástroje poznání nesvobody, despocie a totalitarismu","authors":"R. Vlček","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.5-52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.5-52","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses traditions of Czech historiographic discourse concerning the geopolitical area of Russia and the Soviet Union, focusing especially on those concerning contemporary history (“Zeitgeschichte”). In particular, it draws attention to the recognition of the genesis, transformations and position of the Russian / Soviet state in the sense of revealing the roots and manifestations of oppression, despotism and totalitarianism in the geopolitical area of Russia / the Soviet Union. It also observes the way in which Czech historiography approached phenomena such as the “Russian Empire”, “Soviet Empire”, “Authoritarian Power” and others over the course of decades (and centuries), as well as the thematic and methodological changes it underwent during the process. Concerning the most recent period, it confronts the historiographical view with political science and critically evaluates the absence of certain crucial themes. It notes the absence of Czech works focusing on this time period, as well as the absence of such works being at least partially compensated by translations of foreign production. The study pays special attention to the second half of the 20th century when such research was being deformed and thematically impoverished due to the so-called Marxist-Leninist methodology. It also draws attention to the changes that occurred in the field following the Velvet Revolution and the subsequent political development in Czechoslovakia / the Czech Republic. The possibility of a free choice of topics that occurred after the changes in November 1989 is recognized as especially positive. At the same time, however, the article notes the insufficiency of Czech historiographical focus on the complex history of Russia in the sense of searching for roots and particular manifestations of oppression, despotism and totalitarianism, with special regard to the 20th century and its impact on the present day and the absence of any such topics (not necessarily directly related to oppression, despotism and totalitarianism) on all levels of the education system. A general lack of time and spotlight is identified as one of the reasons, as topics from recent history are usually arranged at the very end the end of teaching cycles. Therefore, at the end of the article, the author proposes to use a retrospective form of teaching that would first acquaint students with current events and, subsequently, gradually pace back to discuss the key events that created that current process.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70974165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.179-198
Pavol Maliniak
As part of the manuscript collection of sermons written by Isaac Abrahamides Hrochotius, an evangelical preacher in Zvolen, two separate sermons dedicated to the problem of the Ottoman threat have been preserved. Both sermons date from 1600 and were written in Slovakized Czech. The first sermon was preached by Abrahamides in front of the army. The calls for boldness, morality and piety of soldiers, as well as expressive commenting especially when describing enemies, correspond to this. He preached the second sermon in front of the burghers, which is probably why the language is more gentle. The sermon contains admonition for penance and riticism of Christian society. Both sermons have a common feature that is plundering of the Zvolen region by the Crimean Tatars (Ottoman allies) in 1599. Expecting a new Ottoman attack, the preacher encouraged the believers and urged them to abandon sinful lives. Obviously, Martin Luther's ideas are inspiration for both sermons.
{"title":"Tematizácia osmanského ohrozenia v kazateľskej tvorbe Izáka Abrahamidesa Hrochotského","authors":"Pavol Maliniak","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.179-198","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.179-198","url":null,"abstract":"As part of the manuscript collection of sermons written by Isaac Abrahamides Hrochotius, an evangelical preacher in Zvolen, two separate sermons dedicated to the problem of the Ottoman threat have been preserved. Both sermons date from 1600 and were written in Slovakized Czech. The first sermon was preached by Abrahamides in front of the army. The calls for boldness, morality and piety of soldiers, as well as expressive commenting especially when describing enemies, correspond to this. He preached the second sermon in front of the burghers, which is probably why the language is more gentle. The sermon contains admonition for penance and riticism of Christian society. Both sermons have a common feature that is plundering of the Zvolen region by the Crimean Tatars (Ottoman allies) in 1599. Expecting a new Ottoman attack, the preacher encouraged the believers and urged them to abandon sinful lives. Obviously, Martin Luther's ideas are inspiration for both sermons.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70973962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.99-127
Stanislav Tumis
The aim of this study is to analyse and interpret the propaganda materials of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which fought from the end of World War II to the early 1950s against the Soviet forces in western Ukraine. The paper focuses primarily on the analysis and interpretation of archival materials and attempts to conceptualize, in particular, the positions of Ukrainian nationalists in this violent conflict. As the situation of the insurgents deteriorated rapidly from 1945 onwards with the arrival of thousands and thousands of Soviet soldiers and security forces, the radical Ukrainian movement had no choice but to fight the strong Soviet communist power illegally and with the help of propaganda and partisan means. During this period, the Ukrainian propagandists published thousands of pages of printed leaflets, brochures, journals, cartoons, etc. The study discusses the organization of the publishing activities provided by the central and regional propaganda centres of the OUN-B and UPA, the key personalities and the journals, brochures and other materials. Last but not least, the paper is devoted to an analysis of the ideological texts of the most prominent propagandists, including Petro Fedun – Poltava, Osyp Dyakiv – Hornovy and many others, which give us an insight into the Ukrainian nationalist insurgents’ ideas. The most prominent figures among the propagandists can be characterized, on the basis of their texts, as cultivated, conscious and extraordinary personalities who, despite their youth, were highly educated, gifted and possessed political talent and skills. Most of them, however, had died by the beginning of the 1950s.
{"title":"Antisovětská propaganda ukrajinských nacionalistů: OUN-B a UPA v letech 1944 – 1951","authors":"Stanislav Tumis","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.99-127","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.99-127","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this study is to analyse and interpret the propaganda materials of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), which fought from the end of World War II to the early 1950s against the Soviet forces in western Ukraine. The paper focuses primarily on the analysis and interpretation of archival materials and attempts to conceptualize, in particular, the positions of Ukrainian nationalists in this violent conflict. As the situation of the insurgents deteriorated rapidly from 1945 onwards with the arrival of thousands and thousands of Soviet soldiers and security forces, the radical Ukrainian movement had no choice but to fight the strong Soviet communist power illegally and with the help of propaganda and partisan means. During this period, the Ukrainian propagandists published thousands of pages of printed leaflets, brochures, journals, cartoons, etc. The study discusses the organization of the publishing activities provided by the central and regional propaganda centres of the OUN-B and UPA, the key personalities and the journals, brochures and other materials. Last but not least, the paper is devoted to an analysis of the ideological texts of the most prominent propagandists, including Petro Fedun – Poltava, Osyp Dyakiv – Hornovy and many others, which give us an insight into the Ukrainian nationalist insurgents’ ideas. The most prominent figures among the propagandists can be characterized, on the basis of their texts, as cultivated, conscious and extraordinary personalities who, despite their youth, were highly educated, gifted and possessed political talent and skills. Most of them, however, had died by the beginning of the 1950s.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70974084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.84-108
Anabela Katreničová
The treatise of Saint Augustine, bishop of Hippo, intituled De bono coniugali presents the unique dogmatist and at the same time moralistic view on the topic of marriage, which did not have, at the time, the analogy in the patristic literature. In this paper we focus on the Saint Augustine’s apology of the marriage. In centre of our interest will be the moral principles of the married couples issued from the main characteristic rudiments of the marriage defined by our bishop of Hippo that are used in the catholic Church almost without any changes also in nowadays. The marriage as the union of man and woman was from the beginning viewed as the base of the human society of any religion. Also the pagan Rome esteemed a lot the family and the spouses procreating and raising the children for the fatherland. The Christianity brings to the marriage the new aspect by giving to it the character of the sanctity and inviolability. The marriages were united with the goal of the procreation of the legitimate offspring but its absence, according Saint Augustine, did not make the obstacle of the sanctity and the purpose of the marriage. The Church in the confrontation with the pagan customs and traditions, or the sinful concupiscence of the man, well maintained the observation of the sacrament of the marriage, which provides with the new content. That is why the marriage became the sacred union based on the norm of the inviolability, the equality of both spouses, the procreation of the offspring and mutual fidelity. By theses rules the Church helped the women to gain the more dignify position in the society than it given by the roman legislative.
{"title":"Morálne zásady manželov v Augustínovom spise De bono coniugali","authors":"Anabela Katreničová","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.84-108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.84-108","url":null,"abstract":"The treatise of Saint Augustine, bishop of Hippo, intituled De bono coniugali presents the unique dogmatist and at the same time moralistic view on the topic of marriage, which did not have, at the time, the analogy in the patristic literature. In this paper we focus on the Saint Augustine’s apology of the marriage. In centre of our interest will be the moral principles of the married couples issued from the main characteristic rudiments of the marriage defined by our bishop of Hippo that are used in the catholic Church almost without any changes also in nowadays. The marriage as the union of man and woman was from the beginning viewed as the base of the human society of any religion. Also the pagan Rome esteemed a lot the family and the spouses procreating and raising the children for the fatherland. The Christianity brings to the marriage the new aspect by giving to it the character of the sanctity and inviolability. The marriages were united with the goal of the procreation of the legitimate offspring but its absence, according Saint Augustine, did not make the obstacle of the sanctity and the purpose of the marriage. The Church in the confrontation with the pagan customs and traditions, or the sinful concupiscence of the man, well maintained the observation of the sacrament of the marriage, which provides with the new content. That is why the marriage became the sacred union based on the norm of the inviolability, the equality of both spouses, the procreation of the offspring and mutual fidelity. By theses rules the Church helped the women to gain the more dignify position in the society than it given by the roman legislative.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70974004","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.53-81
Miroslav Kouba
The formation of modern ethnic and cultural identities in non-state communities is a process that, in addition to general assumptions, also required increased cultivation of the institutional backdrop of the given national movement. In the case of the Bulgarian national revival, one of the characteristic features is the systematic and long-term absence of domestic printing presses, which during almost the entire 19th century limited the development of book culture. A key factor in this cultural situation is not only the weak representation of cultural elites, but also the systematically enforced legislative measures by the Ottoman state, which prevented the establishment of a polygraphic center on Bulgarian territory. For this reason, the printing of nearly all production of Bulgarian books and periodicals was realized outside the Bulgarian lands until the late 1870s. The Tanzimat reforms also had a paradoxical effect, in the context of which the Turkish Press Act came into force. Based on it, the initial prerequisites were created for the gradually introduced censorship, which concerned the entire Ottoman Empire. As part of it, applications for the establishment of printing presses, which were systematically rejected for the Bulgarian lands, were also under thorough control. This paper therefore tries to present a basic typology of censorship measures, which it follows on two basic levels – in the aspects of the external and internal effects of the Ottoman power, at the same time pointing out the fact that the traditions of freedom of speech were not established either during the so-called national revival or after the introduction of the Ottoman constitution from 1876, or even after the liberation of Bulgaria in 1878.
{"title":"„Článek 12: tisk je svobodný v mezích zákona.“ Podoby cenzury v knižní kultuře vrcholných fází bulharského obrození","authors":"Miroslav Kouba","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.53-81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.53-81","url":null,"abstract":"The formation of modern ethnic and cultural identities in non-state communities is a process that, in addition to general assumptions, also required increased cultivation of the institutional backdrop of the given national movement. In the case of the Bulgarian national revival, one of the characteristic features is the systematic and long-term absence of domestic printing presses, which during almost the entire 19th century limited the development of book culture. A key factor in this cultural situation is not only the weak representation of cultural elites, but also the systematically enforced legislative measures by the Ottoman state, which prevented the establishment of a polygraphic center on Bulgarian territory. For this reason, the printing of nearly all production of Bulgarian books and periodicals was realized outside the Bulgarian lands until the late 1870s. The Tanzimat reforms also had a paradoxical effect, in the context of which the Turkish Press Act came into force. Based on it, the initial prerequisites were created for the gradually introduced censorship, which concerned the entire Ottoman Empire. As part of it, applications for the establishment of printing presses, which were systematically rejected for the Bulgarian lands, were also under thorough control. This paper therefore tries to present a basic typology of censorship measures, which it follows on two basic levels – in the aspects of the external and internal effects of the Ottoman power, at the same time pointing out the fact that the traditions of freedom of speech were not established either during the so-called national revival or after the introduction of the Ottoman constitution from 1876, or even after the liberation of Bulgaria in 1878.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70974124","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.128-152
Tomáš W. Pavlíček
Although totalitarianism has already been widely discussed in academia, the war victims still generate a lot of attention today. This article examines the transformation of academia in Central Europe after 1945 and the reflections of war victims among scholars. To what extent did these losses to science and the loss of personal friendships create an awareness of commitment to continuity in academic work, the need to push through reforms, and the establishment of new institutions? The author focuses on the experience and career prospects of Czech natural scientists (mathematicians, astronomers, physicists) who re-established themselves in the 1940s and 50s and who firmly opposed the essential elements of totalitarianism in their professions (binding ideology, mass party, monopoly on information, central management, planned economy). Although this definition corresponds to the Stalinist period, many categorical decisions and reforms started immediately after the war (planned economy, mass university studies, centralization of research, binding ideology of revolutionary justice). The article shows how the general secretary of the Czech Academy of Sciences and Arts, physicist Viktor Trkal, used the argument of victims when he accused his colleagues of collaboration. The students’ experience has diversified, as shown with two interviewees. The historiographical explanation of a too short post-war democracy replaced by “captive universities” and “chained academies”, and the belief that Stalinists put much worse ideological pressure on historiography than other sciences, are being disputed.
{"title":"Memento obětí totalitních režimů jako motor kariéry, nebo závazek kontinuity vědecké práce","authors":"Tomáš W. Pavlíček","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.128-152","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.128-152","url":null,"abstract":"Although totalitarianism has already been widely discussed in academia, the war victims still generate a lot of attention today. This article examines the transformation of academia in Central Europe after 1945 and the reflections of war victims among scholars. To what extent did these losses to science and the loss of personal friendships create an awareness of commitment to continuity in academic work, the need to push through reforms, and the establishment of new institutions? The author focuses on the experience and career prospects of Czech natural scientists (mathematicians, astronomers, physicists) who re-established themselves in the 1940s and 50s and who firmly opposed the essential elements of totalitarianism in their professions (binding ideology, mass party, monopoly on information, central management, planned economy). Although this definition corresponds to the Stalinist period, many categorical decisions and reforms started immediately after the war (planned economy, mass university studies, centralization of research, binding ideology of revolutionary justice). The article shows how the general secretary of the Czech Academy of Sciences and Arts, physicist Viktor Trkal, used the argument of victims when he accused his colleagues of collaboration. The students’ experience has diversified, as shown with two interviewees. The historiographical explanation of a too short post-war democracy replaced by “captive universities” and “chained academies”, and the belief that Stalinists put much worse ideological pressure on historiography than other sciences, are being disputed.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70974027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.45-61
Pavol Matula
This paper analyzes the preparation, course and significance of one of the largest exhibitions in Central Europe at the time - the Exhibition of the East of Czechoslovakia, which was held in the summer of 1938 in Košice on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Czechoslovak Republic. Its goal was to approach and promote the progress that Slovakia, and especially its eastern part, has achieved in the two decades of the state's existence. The 174,000 square metre exhibition site was located in the northern part of the city on the site of what is now the Technical University. Part of the buildings constructed for the exhibition were to be handed over to the nascent Dr. Milan Rastislav Štefánik State Technical Universty after the exhibition. The exhibition was divided into five sections: 1. Czechoslovak State, 2. Slovak Country, 3. Land and People, 4. Technology and Industry, 5. Culture. The exhibition also included expositions of nearly two hundred private companies and tradesmen. In the critical situation in which the republic found itself, the exhibition was also to strengthen the patriotic spirit among the population and the determination to defend the country's independence. In terms of exhibitions, it was at a high level and pioneering in all respects.
{"title":"Jubilejná Výstava východu ČSR v roku 1938","authors":"Pavol Matula","doi":"10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.45-61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54937/kd.2022.13.1.45-61","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the preparation, course and significance of one of the largest exhibitions in Central Europe at the time - the Exhibition of the East of Czechoslovakia, which was held in the summer of 1938 in Košice on the occasion of the 20th anniversary of the Czechoslovak Republic. Its goal was to approach and promote the progress that Slovakia, and especially its eastern part, has achieved in the two decades of the state's existence. The 174,000 square metre exhibition site was located in the northern part of the city on the site of what is now the Technical University. Part of the buildings constructed for the exhibition were to be handed over to the nascent Dr. Milan Rastislav Štefánik State Technical Universty after the exhibition. The exhibition was divided into five sections: 1. Czechoslovak State, 2. Slovak Country, 3. Land and People, 4. Technology and Industry, 5. Culture. The exhibition also included expositions of nearly two hundred private companies and tradesmen. In the critical situation in which the republic found itself, the exhibition was also to strengthen the patriotic spirit among the population and the determination to defend the country's independence. In terms of exhibitions, it was at a high level and pioneering in all respects.","PeriodicalId":37774,"journal":{"name":"Kulturne Dejiny","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"70973793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.supp.82-98
Karolina Válová
František Listopad was a Czech poet, novelist, essayist, theatre and television director. In 2021, the Czech Republic together with the entire Portuguese-speaking world commemorated the centenary of his birth. In addition to his extensive work in several languages, he also played a crucial role in a historic revival of Czech-Portuguese cultural relations, for which we are indebted to him. Listopad was a man of three names and several homes. He was born in 1921 in Prague as Jiří Synek. He published his first short stories under this name. During World War II, he was persecuted for his Jewish origins. However, he avoided deportation to a Nazi camp, hid with friends and was active in the resistance as a member of the illegal organization “For Freedom” (Za svobodu). For reasons of secrecy, he changed his name to František Listopad. At the same time he also began to write poetry and literary reviews. After the war, he became a co-founder of the daily Mladá fronta. After initial enthusiasm, he began to criticize the communist regime, mainly for restricting human freedoms. In 1947, he was sent to Paris as an editor of the weekly Parallele 50. After February 1948, he was ordered to come back to Czechoslovakia, but he did not return. In France, he focused mainly on writing essays and working for the emerging local television. In 1958, he moved to Portugal, where he lived until his death in 2017. Here he chose a different name – Jorge Listopad. Listopad considered Salazar’s authoritarian right-wing regime to be very restrictive, but much freer in many ways than Czechoslovakia of the time; for example, it did not prohibit citizens from travelling abroad. In Portugal, in addition to significant literary work, Listopad devoted himself mainly to theatrical productions. He also became a university teacher. He never moved back to his original homeland to stay there permanently, but after the 1989 Velvet Revolution he often travelled there. He presented his plays there and published collections of poems and short stories. In his literary and theatrical works, František Listopad often existentially reflected the life in three unfree systems: the period of Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia, communism and Salazar’s dictatorship in Portugal.
František Listopad是捷克诗人、小说家、散文家、戏剧和电视导演。2021年，捷克共和国与整个葡语世界一起纪念了他的百年诞辰。他除了用几种语言进行大量工作外，还在捷克-葡萄牙文化关系的历史性复兴中发挥了关键作用，为此我们要感谢他。李斯特帕德有三个名字，住过好几家。他于1921年出生于布拉格，原名Jiří Synek。他用这个名字发表了他的第一批短篇小说。在第二次世界大战期间，他因为自己的犹太血统而受到迫害。然而，他躲过了被驱逐到纳粹集中营的命运，与朋友们一起躲藏起来，并作为非法组织“为了自由”(Za svobodu)的成员积极参与抵抗运动。为了保密，他把自己的名字改成了František Listopad。与此同时，他也开始写诗和文学评论。战争结束后，他成为日报mlad fronta的联合创始人。在最初的热情之后，他开始批评共产主义政权，主要是限制人类自由。1947年，他被派往巴黎，担任《平行50》周刊的编辑。1948年2月后，他被命令返回捷克斯洛伐克，但他没有回来。在法国，他主要专注于写文章，并为新兴的地方电视台工作。1958年，他移居葡萄牙，并在那里一直生活到2017年去世。在这里，他选择了一个不同的名字——豪尔赫·里斯托帕德。利斯托帕德认为萨拉查的威权右翼政权非常严格，但在很多方面比当时的捷克斯洛伐克要自由得多;例如，它没有禁止公民出国旅行。在葡萄牙，除了重要的文学作品外，利斯托帕德主要致力于戏剧创作。他还成为了一名大学教师。他从未搬回自己的祖国，但在1989年天鹅绒革命后，他经常去那里旅行。他在那里上演了自己的戏剧，并出版了诗集和短篇小说集。在他的文学和戏剧作品František中，Listopad经常存在地反映了三个不自由体系中的生活:纳粹占领捷克斯洛伐克时期、共产主义时期和萨拉查在葡萄牙的独裁统治时期。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.199-225
T. Shmiher
The paper is dedicated to the issues of how Ukrainian and Polish liturgical translation progressed in the early modern time, what functions it performed in the social life of the two nations and which mutual influences might have occurred in the historical perspective. The choice of comparing and contrasting these two nations is defined by the very fact that during this period, they co-existed in the same state: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The main factors which determined the advancement of this translation field were the reactions to historical challenges (the expansion of neighbouring countries; the necessity to preserve one’s own identity; the response to the Protestant movement) as well as the development of book-printing (the rise of new book types containing and popularising various texts for liturgical use). Despite the restrained use of the vernacular (Polish was not allowed according to the rulings of the Council of Trent and Ukrainian was overshadowed by Church Slavonic), liturgical translation took its place in the cultural life of the Commonwealth, though the Renaissance is the period of great expectations, experiments and attempts, while the Enlightenment look like the time of spiritual inertia with modest results. The material of the study covers all print types covering liturgical texts, even when they were not aimed at public use (e.g. primers and manuals).
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.54937/kd.2022.13.2.273-290
Peter Olexák
This paper focuses on the years 1945 – 1948. The Slovak historiography calls this era the “people’s democracy”. A people´s government and democracy itself were supposed to be the cornerstones of post-war Czechoslovakia. The word “democracy” had not only been used very often in public by the organiser of the Slovak people’s uprising (Slovenské národné povstanie), but it was a keyword in all important political documents. Those intellectuals who were part of the revolution were fighting for a functioning democratic system, plurality, free elections, a pluralistic party system and a government that was approved by parliament. These ideals first materialized in the foundation of the Slovenská národna rada (National Councilof the Slovak Republic) and the founding of the Demokratická strana (Democratic Party in Czechoslovakia) in Banská Bystrica. Andrej Cvinček, a canon from Nitra (Slovakia), was an active player in this process. Cvinček was not only a politician with a Christian background, he was a politician who stood up against secular tendencies within the state and was a proponent of conservative political opinions. Cvinček was a forceful advocate of the Christian weltanschauung and the axioms, principles, and interests of his church and religious bodies and organizations. This paper wants to analyze his view on and perception of democracy in post-war Czechoslovakia. Cvinček was hinting at the extreme divergence of what communists described to be a people’s democracy and the very communist reality: this was a warning of what to expect from the immanent rise of totality. Simultaneously, we need to raise the question of whether changes in the political system and society had an impact on the convictions and the career of a politician that was fighting for church interests and Christian principles. This paper is based on materials kept in archives, press articles of his time, and memoirs of his contemporaries. The aim of this paper is, to a lesser extent, to portray his political career, but the focus is being laid on the creation of a typology of how he perceived and understood democracy and how democratic ideas were implemented in the given years 1944 – 1948.
本文以1945 - 1948年为研究对象。斯洛伐克史学称这个时代为“人民民主”。人民政府和民主本身被认为是战后捷克斯洛伐克的基石。“民主”一词不仅被斯洛伐克人民起义的组织者(slovensk národné povstanie)经常在公开场合使用，而且在所有重要的政治文件中都是一个关键词。那些参与革命的知识分子为一个有效的民主制度、多元化、自由选举、多元化政党制度和一个由议会批准的政府而战。这些理想首先体现在斯洛伐克共和国国民议会(slovensk národna rada)的成立和捷克斯洛伐克民主党(demokratickstrana)在bansk Bystrica的成立。Andrej cvin ek，一个来自Nitra(斯洛伐克)的大炮，在这个过程中是一个积极的参与者。cvin埃克不仅是一个有基督教背景的政治家，他还是一个反对国家内部世俗倾向的政治家，是保守政治观点的支持者。vinek是基督教世界观和公理、原则以及他的教会和宗教团体和组织的利益的有力倡导者。本文试图分析他对战后捷克斯洛伐克民主的看法和认知。vinek暗示了共产主义者所描述的人民民主与共产主义现实之间的极端分歧:这是对整体内在崛起的一个警告。同时，我们需要提出这样一个问题:政治制度和社会的变化是否对一位为教会利益和基督教原则而战的政治家的信念和职业生涯产生了影响。这篇论文是根据档案馆保存的资料、他那个时代的报刊文章和他同时代人的回忆录编写的。本文的目的是，在较小程度上，描绘他的政治生涯，但重点是建立一个类型学，他是如何感知和理解民主的，以及民主思想是如何在1944年至1948年的给定年份实施的。
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