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Measuring Freedom 测量自由度
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.538
Thomas Ferretti
Suppose a principle of distributive justice states that social institutions should maximize the freedom of the least well-off. Understanding how to do so would be easier if freedom only depended on one good, like income. If it depends instead on a composite index of social primary goods, a question arises: Which combination of social primary goods can maximize the freedom of the least well-off? This is John Rawls’ indexing problem. Solving it requires addressing two related problems. The first consists in evaluating, in theory, under which conditions it is acceptable to substitute goods, that is, their substitution rates. The second consists in evaluating which acceptable substitutions are feasible in practice. This article proposes a framework to think clearly about this indexing problem within a Rawlsian, resourcist conception of distributive justice. I conclude by discussing a path towards solving the indexing problem. While further empirical exploration is needed, plausible assumptions about social regimes suggest that maximizing the freedom of the least well-off is likely to require giving them access to a social position with a balanced combination of social primary goods.
假设分配正义原则规定,社会制度应最大限度地提高最不富裕人群的自由。如果自由只取决于一种好处,比如收入,那么理解如何做到这一点会更容易。如果它取决于社会初级商品的综合指数,那么问题就来了:哪种社会初级商品组合可以最大限度地提高最不富裕人群的自由度?这是约翰·罗尔斯的索引问题。解决它需要解决两个相关的问题。第一个是从理论上评估在什么条件下可以接受替代品,即替代率。第二个是评估哪些可接受的替代在实践中是可行的。本文提出了一个框架,在分配正义的罗尔斯资源主义概念中清晰地思考这个索引问题。最后,我讨论了解决索引问题的途径。虽然还需要进一步的实证探索,但关于社会制度的合理假设表明,最大限度地提高最不富裕人群的自由可能需要让他们获得一个社会地位,并平衡地结合社会初级商品。
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引用次数: 0
Why ‘Indirect Discrimination’ Is a Useful Legal but Not a Useful Moral Concept 为什么“间接歧视”是有用的法律概念而不是有用的道德概念
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.655
K. Lippert‐Rasmussen
A policy (practice, act, etc.) indirectly discriminates against a group, G, if, and only if: (1) it does not reflect an objectionable mental state regarding the members of G; (2) it disadvantages members of G; (3) the disadvantages are disproportionate; and (4) G is a socially salient group. I argue that indirect discrimination is not non-instrumentally morally wrong. Clearly, if it were, that would be because it harms members of G disproportionately, i.e., in virtue of features (2) and (3). Harming members of a group disproportionately does appear non-instrumentally wrong. But it is not easy to provide a plausible explanation for the kind of harm and disproportionality involved here that vindicates this initial appearance. This does not mean the concept of indirect discrimination should be jettisoned. It was originally a legal concept, and in closing I briefly suggest that in law it plays a valuable role, even if it is not a genuine moral category. Legal prohibition is an unreliable guide to what is morally wrong, but it is not supposed to be that anyway.
一项政策(实践、行为等)间接歧视一个群体G,当且仅当:(1)它没有反映出G成员令人反感的精神状态;(2)对G成员不利;(3) 不利因素不成比例;(4)G是一个社会显著群体。我认为,间接歧视在道德上并不是非工具性的错误。显然,如果是这样的话,那将是因为它对G的成员造成了不成比例的伤害,即由于特征(2)和(3)。过分伤害一个群体的成员在非工具上确实是错误的。但要为这里所涉及的伤害和不相称性提供一个合理的解释并不容易,因为这种伤害和不均衡性证明了最初的出现是正确的。这并不意味着应该抛弃间接歧视的概念。它最初是一个法律概念,最后我简要地指出,它在法律中发挥着宝贵的作用,即使它不是一个真正的道德范畴。法律禁令是道德错误的不可靠指南,但无论如何都不应该是这样。
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引用次数: 2
The Philosophy and Economics of Measuring Discrimination and Inequality 衡量歧视与不平等的哲学与经济学
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-19 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.687
K. Lippert‐Rasmussen, Xavier Ramos, Dirk Van de gaer
This is an interview by the Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics with Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen, Xavier Ramos, and Dirk Van de gaer, conducted as part of a roundtable on the philosophy and economics of discrimination and inequality. The interview covers the concepts of discrimination and inequality; the current state of the literature on measuring discrimination and inequality; the relevance of measuring discrimination and inequality for policymaking; and the future of measuring discrimination and inequality.
这是《伊拉斯谟哲学与经济学杂志》对卡斯珀·利珀特·拉斯穆森、泽维尔·拉莫斯和德克·范德加的采访,是关于歧视和不平等的哲学与经济学圆桌会议的一部分。访谈涉及歧视和不平等的概念;关于衡量歧视和不平等的文献现状;衡量歧视和不平等对政策制定的相关性;以及衡量歧视和不平等的未来。
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引用次数: 0
Review of Randall G. Holcombe’s Coordination, Cooperation, and Control: The Evolution of Economic and Political Power. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020, xii + 328 pp. 兰德尔·霍尔科姆《协调、合作与控制:经济与政治权力的演变》述评。Cham:Palgrave Macmillan,2020,xii+328页。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-18 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.686
Vaios Koliofotis
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引用次数: 0
Review of Avia Pasternak’s Responsible Citizens, Irresponsible States: Should Citizens Pay for Their States’ Wrongdoings? New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2021, 248 pp. 帕斯捷尔纳克的《负责任的公民,不负责任的国家:公民应该为国家的错误付出代价吗?》纽约:牛津大学出版社,2021年,248页。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-17 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.685
Solmu Anttila
The injustices of international and global conflict, violations of international codes of human rights and protections, and oppressive government policies are examples of moral wrongs committed by states. When moral wrongs occur, victims and bystanders are correct to seek accountability and assign remedial duties, which, ideally, are based on sound moral jus-tifications. Moral transgressions committed by states present a problem for this standard: states are massive collective agents that have extremely complex organisational structures, bureaucracies, and decision-making procedures that often involve the parliamentary representation of its body of citizens—including its internal conflicts. In the face of such complexity, how can we justly assign and distribute accountability and remedial duties between state officials, government institutions, and citizens? In Responsible Citizens, Irresponsible States , Avia Pasternak dives into this moral complexity, and explores whether, how, and under which conditions responsibility to amend states’ wrongdoings should be distributed to its body of citizens specifically. Responsible Citizens, Irresponsible States creates a context-sensitive, practical model for responsibility distribution for states' wrongdoings. First, it constructs an ambitious argument for the view that, under suffi-cient conditions of democracy, active citizenship, and practical feasibility, a state's citizens indeed ought to adopt remedial responsibilities for their states’ wrongdoings equally, regardless of (some) citizens' disapproval, resistance,
国际和全球冲突的不公正、对国际人权和保护准则的违反以及压迫性的政府政策都是国家犯下的道德错误的例子。当道德错误发生时,受害者和旁观者寻求问责和分配补救义务是正确的,理想情况下,这是基于健全的道德理由。国家在道德上的越界行为给这个标准带来了一个问题:国家是一个庞大的集体机构,拥有极其复杂的组织结构、官僚机构和决策程序,这些决策程序通常涉及公民的议会代表——包括其内部冲突。面对如此复杂的情况,我们如何在州政府官员、政府机构和公民之间公正地分配责任和补救责任?在《负责任的公民,不负责任的国家》一书中,阿维亚·帕斯捷尔纳克深入探讨了这种道德复杂性,并探讨了是否、如何以及在何种条件下应该将修正国家错误的责任具体分配给公民群体。负责任的公民,不负责任的国家为国家的不法行为的责任分配创造了一个上下文敏感的,实用的模型。首先,它为以下观点构建了一个雄心勃勃的论据:在充分的民主、积极的公民身份和实际可行性条件下,一个国家的公民确实应该平等地为其国家的错误承担补救责任,而不顾(一些)公民的反对、抵制、
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引用次数: 0
Review of Keith Tribe’s Constructing Economic Science: The Invention of a Discipline 1850–1950. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2022, xiv + 425 pp. Keith Tribe《建构经济科学:1850–1950年一门学科的发明》述评。纽约,纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022,xiv+425页。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.683
Erwin Dekker
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引用次数: 0
“The Hardest of All the Problems” “所有问题中最困难的”
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-15 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.658
D. Kuehn
This paper provides a history of the development of Harold Hochman and James Rodgers’ (1969) theory of Pareto optimal redistribution, which modeled income transfers as a public good. Pareto optimal redistribution provided an economic efficiency case for redistribution policy. After reviewing the emergence of Pareto optimal redistribution at the University of Virginia and its elaboration at the Urban Institute in the early 1970s, the paper describes James M. Buchanan’s efforts to grapple with his colleague’s ideas in the context of public choice theory. Initially, Buchanan provided an even more expansive argument for redistribution than Hochman and Rodgers (1969). By the mid-1970s, though, Buchanan largely rejected his earlier approach to redistribution and theorized new criteria for redistribution that were narrower in scope.
本文介绍了Harold Hochman和James Rodgers(1969)的帕累托最优再分配理论的发展历史,该理论将收入转移建模为一种公共产品。帕累托最优再分配为再分配政策提供了一个经济效率案例。在回顾了20世纪70年代初弗吉尼亚大学帕累托最优再分配的出现及其在城市研究所的阐述后,本文描述了詹姆斯·M·布坎南在公共选择理论背景下努力解决其同事的想法。最初,布坎南为再分配提供了比Hochman和Rodgers(1969)更为广泛的论据。然而,到了20世纪70年代中期,布坎南基本上拒绝了他早期的再分配方法,并提出了范围更窄的新的再分配标准。
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引用次数: 3
Three Economic Extensions of John Rawls’s Social Contract Theory 罗尔斯社会契约理论的三个经济延伸
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-10 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.682
Klaudijo Klaser
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引用次数: 0
Review of Joshua L. Cherniss’s Liberalism in Dark Times: The Liberal Ethos in the Twentieth Century. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021, 305 pp. 约书亚·L·切尔尼斯《黑暗时代的自由主义:二十世纪的自由主义民族》述评。新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2021,305页。
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-08 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.656
Joni Murphy
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引用次数: 0
The Case of Stated Preferences and Social Well-Being Indices 国家偏好和社会福利指数的案例
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-07-07 DOI: 10.23941/ejpe.v15i1.617
Shiri Cohen Kaminitz, Iddan Sonsono
This paper provides a real-world test case for how to approach contemporary preference aggregation procedures. We examine the method of using stated preferences (SP) to structure social well-being indices. The method has seen increasing popularity and interest, both in economists’ laboratory research and by governments and international institutions. SP offers a sophisticated aggregation of peoples’ preferences regarding social well-being aspects and, in this way, provides elegant and non-paternalistic techniques for deciding how to weigh and prioritize various potential aspects of social well-being (health, happiness, economic growth, etc.). However, this method also poses difficulties and limitations from broader political and philosophical perspectives. This paper comprehensively charts these difficulties and suggests that SP methods should be complemented with appropriate deliberation procedures. The paper bridges the distinct perspectives of economists and political theorists in order to make SP an attractive instrument in determining policy.
本文为如何处理当代偏好聚合过程提供了一个真实世界的测试案例。我们研究了使用陈述偏好(SP)构建社会幸福指数的方法。无论是在经济学家的实验室研究中,还是在政府和国际机构中,这种方法都越来越受欢迎和关注。SP提供了人们对社会福利方面偏好的复杂汇总,并通过这种方式提供了优雅而非家长式的技术来决定如何权衡和优先考虑社会福利的各个潜在方面(健康、幸福、经济增长等)。然而,从更广泛的政治和哲学角度来看,这种方法也带来了困难和局限。本文全面阐述了这些困难,并建议SP方法应辅以适当的审议程序。本文将经济学家和政治理论家的不同观点联系起来,使SP成为一种有吸引力的决策工具。
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Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics
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