Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-6
Amelia Fauzia
This article discusses the potentials and constraints of social justice philanthropy in Indonesia in the context of two trends – of growing Islamization and modernization. It employs interviews and recent observations together with survey data. Although the challenges facing social justice philanthropy remain immense, the pathways to development have been created; pathways through which the gap that exists between faith-based philanthropy and its secular counterparts may become smaller. Looking at growing philanthropization in the last 15 years and the pre-existing popularity of the concept of social justice among the population, could social justice and developmentalism may become the future of Islamic philanthropy in the country? The author argues that modernization and Islamization encourage the practice of philanthropy, but that they do not necessarily contribute to the development of a philanthropy that focuses on social justice. The modernization of the philanthropy sector has shown scattered pictures of development into a form of social justice philanthropy, which remains small but nevertheless encouraging.
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Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-9
M. Morrissey
In September 2015, the UN agreed on Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG4), which aims to “ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” (Sustainable Development Knowledge Platform, 2017). Embedded in this broad goal, Educate A Child (EAC) is the only global support program that focuses solely on out-of-school children1 (OOSC) across the world, including Southeast Asia.EAC is an initiative of the Education Above All Foundation of Qatar. It works through co-funding interventions of trusted partners to bring OOSC into quality primary education programs. It pairs with organizations to support innovative programs and methods of education for the most vulnerable children, especially those affected by poverty, conflict, natural disaster, and cultural barriers. EAC’s partners range from international educational, development, and humanitarian organizations to locally-based groups. It currently has around fifty partners, also in Southeast Asia, among others, Aide et Action and its 25-NGO consortium in Cambodia, the Monastic Education Development Group (MEDG), Save the Children, UNESCO, UNHCR, and United World Schools. Dr. Mary Joy Pigozzi is Executive Director of EAC and member of the WISE Prize Committee.
2015年9月,联合国通过了可持续发展目标4 (SDG4),旨在“确保包容和公平的优质教育,促进全民终身学习机会”(可持续发展知识平台,2017年)。为实现这一广泛目标,“教育儿童”(EAC)是世界上唯一一个专门针对包括东南亚在内的失学儿童的全球支持项目。EAC是卡塔尔教育高于一切基金会的一项倡议。它通过值得信赖的合作伙伴的共同资助干预措施,将OOSC纳入高质量的小学教育项目。它与其他组织合作,为最脆弱的儿童,特别是受贫困、冲突、自然灾害和文化障碍影响的儿童,支持创新的教育项目和方法。EAC的合作伙伴包括国际教育、发展和人道主义组织以及地方团体。它目前在东南亚有大约50个合作伙伴,其中包括“援助与行动”及其在柬埔寨的25个非政府组织联盟、寺院教育发展组织(MEDG)、救助儿童会、联合国教科文组织、联合国难民署和世界联合学校。Mary Joy Pigozzi博士是EAC的执行董事和WISE奖委员会成员。
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Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-1
R. Sciortino
This special issue on the evolving state of philanthropy in Southeast Asia provides an overview of the trends and tensions in this sector, which is being shaped by often conflicting notions of charity, development, and business. Philanthropy is viewed as an age-old practice, yet not many are familiar with the term (Payton & Moody, 2008) and even fewer know its etymological origin from ancient Greek, literally meaning ‘love to humankind’. Classic definitions describe philanthropy as a private initiative for the public good (as cited by Gardner in McCully, 2008) or a voluntary action for the public good (Payton, 1988) aiming at improvement in the quality of human life (Bremner, 1988). These definitions, however, are quite broad and leave open to interpretation what philanthropy actually implies in specific contexts and settings. In trying to operationalize the concept, practitioners tend to take a narrower view of philanthropy centered on its financial dimension as implying a donation or investment of private capital for the public good. They further distinguish its purpose from that of ‘charity’ in that philanthropy is meant to focus on the prevention and elimination of the roots causes of social problems rather than merely alleviating the suffering caused by those same social problems. While charity is seen as directed at meeting immediate needs, philanthropy is expected to be ‘problem-solving’ and persistent in addressing society’s challenges. Its efforts do not provide immediate reprieve, but aim to enable disadvantaged people to gain the skills to improve their conditions while also creating opportunities for them to advance in society. In the words of Steve Gunderson, former President and CEO of the Council of Foundations: “Charity tends to be a short-term, emotional, immediate response, focused primarily on rescue and relief, whereas philanthropy is much more long-term, more strategic, focused on rebuilding” (The Melvin and Bren Simon Foundation, 2015). This juxtaposition is inspired by the early Anglo-American philanthropists in the 20th century, foremost Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919) and John D. Rockefeller (1839-1937), and in successive years, Henry Ford (1863-1947). The private foundations they, and successive generations of US philanthropists, established with substantial endowments and generous tax deductions for their donations, aim to address the root causes of social ills (Bremner, 1988; McCully, 2008; Zunz, 2010). As Rockefeller himself stated: “The best philanthropy is constantly in search of the finalities – a search for a cause, an attempt to cure evils at their Editorial
本期关于东南亚慈善事业发展状况的特刊概述了该领域的趋势和紧张局势,该领域正受到慈善、发展和商业等相互冲突的概念的影响。慈善事业被视为一项古老的实践,但没有多少人熟悉这个词(佩顿和穆迪,2008),更少人知道它的词源来自古希腊,字面意思是“对人类的爱”。经典定义将慈善描述为一种为公共利益的私人倡议(如Gardner在McCully, 2008中引用的)或一种为公共利益的自愿行动(佩顿,1988),旨在改善人类生活质量(布雷默,1988)。然而,这些定义是相当广泛的,在特定的背景和环境中,慈善实际上意味着什么,留给了解释的余地。在试图将这一概念付诸实践的过程中,从业者倾向于将慈善事业的狭义观点集中在其财务层面上,认为这意味着为公共利益捐赠或投资私人资本。他们进一步区分了慈善与慈善的目的,慈善的重点是预防和消除社会问题的根源,而不仅仅是减轻社会问题造成的痛苦。虽然慈善被视为直接满足眼前的需求,但慈善被期望是“解决问题”,并坚持不懈地应对社会挑战。它的努力并不是提供即时的缓解,而是旨在使弱势群体获得改善其状况的技能,同时也为他们在社会上进步创造机会。用基金会理事会前主席兼首席执行官史蒂夫·冈德森的话来说:“慈善往往是一种短期的、情绪化的、即时的反应,主要侧重于救援和救济,而慈善则更长期、更具战略性,侧重于重建”(the Melvin and Bren Simon Foundation, 2015)。这种并列的灵感来自20世纪早期的英美慈善家,最重要的是安德鲁·卡内基(Andrew Carnegie, 1835-1919)和约翰·d·洛克菲勒(John D. Rockefeller, 1839-1937),以及随后几年的亨利·福特(Henry Ford, 1863-1947)。他们和几代美国慈善家建立了私人基金会,以大量的捐赠和慷慨的税收减免为他们的捐赠,旨在解决社会弊病的根源(Bremner, 1988;麦克卡利,2008;为了,2010)。正如洛克菲勒自己所说:“最好的慈善事业是不断地寻找最终结果——寻找一个原因,试图治愈他们社论中的邪恶。
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Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-3
M. Zurbuchen
During the second half of the 20th century the Ford Foundation – at the time the world’s largest private philanthropy – made a significant commitment to issues of cultural heritage as part of its international work in Asia. Across countries in South and Southeast Asia, in particular, foundation grants were made to governments, private institutions, and individuals engaged in a wide range of fields in the arts, humanities, and applied sciences such as archaeology. The Foundation’s culture programs embraced tangible heritage as well as a range of living traditions and cultural expression. Such rubrics served as important labels locating culture within the broad portfolio of the Foundation’s grant-making, as well as touchstones employed to justify philanthropy’s attention to culture in contrast to the dominant emphasis of international aid on economic development and modernization. This paper will look at how one of the world’s most important international philanthropies built a rationale for activism in cultural fields in Asia, how a decentralized format for local decision-making enabled sustained support for building capacity and knowledge in the arts and humanities, and, ultimately, how the ‘culture lens’ has gradually been displaced– or perhaps redefined – in the Foundation’s current international work.
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Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-8
Teeranong Sakulsri, Reena Tadee, A. Trupp
The 2011 floods in Thailand were one of the most devastating disasters in the history of the country and affected migrants in several regions. The purpose of this paper is to analyze migrant responses in crisis situations and to assess the impact of the 2011 floods on migrants from Myanmar, Lao PDR, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The authors argue that such migrant groups have a weaker social, economic, and political position when compared with local (non-migrant) groups and are thus facing particular vulnerabilities in crisis situations. This paper is based on desk research and empirical data collection consisting of 55 semi-structured interviews.
{"title":"Analyzing International Migrant Responses to Crisis Situations in the Context of Floods in Thailand","authors":"Teeranong Sakulsri, Reena Tadee, A. Trupp","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-8","url":null,"abstract":"The 2011 floods in Thailand were one of the most devastating disasters in the history of the country and affected migrants in several regions. The purpose of this paper is to analyze migrant responses in crisis situations and to assess the impact of the 2011 floods on migrants from Myanmar, Lao PDR, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The authors argue that such migrant groups have a weaker social, economic, and political position when compared with local (non-migrant) groups and are thus facing particular vulnerabilities in crisis situations. This paper is based on desk research and empirical data collection consisting of 55 semi-structured interviews.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80079952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-10
Patrick McCormick
The Southeast Asia Junction (SEA Junction) is a ‘knowledge venue’, an event space, a hub, a gallery, and a library with the goal of fostering understanding and appreciation of Southeast Asia, from arts and crafts to the economy, politics, and development. As a space, SEA Junction provides knowledge resources and promotes exchanges among students, specialists, and the general public. SEA Junction opened its doors on 15 May 2016 in the Bangkok Arts and Culture Center (BACC) in the Siam area of downtown Bangkok. The BACC holds a strategic location close to major universities and is easily accessible to the general public and visitors. The physical space is an open library or ‘reading room’ for books in English and regional languages; work stations also let visitors use online resources. The space is not all books: arts and crafts from around the region decorate the space and show visitors some of its cultural richness, from papier-mâché figures from the Philippines and Burma to the paintings of emerging regional artists. Making resources available is the first priority of SEA Junction, an ‘intellectual salon’ open to all and free of charge. Anyone can come and have a cup of coffee or tea, take a look at the books, browse art objects, and participate in activities such as lectures and workshops. Staff and volunteers operate the reading room six days a week (from Tuesdays to Sunday). So far, the library features more than 1,300 books, most of which have been catalogued, in addition to a sizeable e-library. SEA Junction maintains an online presence through its website www.seajunction.org, which also provides a space for photographic essays and opinion pieces. Through the website, Facebook, and twitter, SEA Junction gathers and shares information on conferences, courses, and fellowships of interest to academics and practitioners. Underlying SEA Junction is the idea of networking: both for users and for people who share their knowledge and experience through lectures, books or other modes of communication. This is a space for all kinds of people to make personal contacts, whether they are artists, intellectuals or representatives of groups and organizations, from the region itself or from elsewhere. A great priority of SEA Junction is on events; from photographic exhibitions to panel discussions, to show the richness of the region and also the challenges it faces. SEA Junction is thus neither wholly about arts and culture, nor about development, politics, or economics. Being in Bangkok provides a central location within Southeast Asia for exchanges amongst people from the region and beyond. Music performances and film screenings have profiled emerging artists, intellectuals, and practitioners from the region, while Southeast Asia-related events have featured both ASEAN-wide phenomena, such as migration, medical tourism, human rights, and country-specific events which would normally be Im Dialog In Dialogue
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Pub Date : 2017-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-11
S. Niner
The special gender stream of the 6th Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA) Conference was co-convened by Dr Sara Niner of Monash University and Theresa Tam of the National University of Timor Lorosa'e (UNTL) where the conference was held over two days from 29 to 30 June 2017. This report summarizes some of the 25 presentations which represent the key issues of political participation, gender-based violence, development, and health that are crucial for the pursuit of gender justice in Timor-Leste and how the local women’s movement and aligned NGOs are attempting to achieve this. Gender equality and gender relations are growing fields of research in Timor-Leste, undertaken by a mix of academics, activists, government officers, and development practitioners (Niner, 2017) that were represented at the conference. A well-documented gender inequity is evident in post-conflict Timor-Leste as is the case in most post-war societies. Women have higher levels of malnutrition and illiteracy than men and overall women earn lower salaries, receive fewer benefits and opportunities to advance in their professional careers. The 2010 National Demographic Survey reported that a third of women have experienced physical violence from a current or former husband or partner (National Statistics Directorate [NDS], 2010). However, the acceptance of gender equality as a general principle in Timor-Leste is documented, although the deeper social change required to have equal opportunities in everyday lives is a ‘work in progress’, as the following report shows. Gender relations apparent in contemporary Timorese society are the result of complex political and historical circumstances. The dominance of men in Timorese history and politics, and the legacy of militarization and conflict with neighboring Indonesia during the national struggle for independence (1974-1999), are significant issues in contemporary Timorese society that pose enormous challenges for the women’s movement (Niner, 2017). In the contested world of modern Timorese history, the crucial and unique role of women during the conflict has not yet been fully acknowledged and this affects women’s full and active participation in society today. Timorese women accepted that the struggle for women’s rights established in the early 1970s was not possible during their long war, but the struggle depended upon women’s substantial contributions and sacrifices therefore creating a pool of highly skilled and motivated women who no longer accepted the status quo. The post-conflict period has been significant for women and the struggle for gender justice in Timor-Leste. While women face cultural and political pressure to conform to patriarchal demands, after the war ended, key women leaders and women’s groups have resisted this and the conference papers discussed here are evidence of that. Network Southeast Asia Netzwerk Südostasien
第六届东帝汶研究协会(TLSA)会议的特别性别流由莫纳什大学的Sara Niner博士和东帝汶洛罗沙埃国立大学(UNTL)的Theresa Tam共同召集,会议于2017年6月29日至30日举行了两天。本报告总结了25个专题介绍中的一些,这些介绍代表了政治参与、基于性别的暴力、发展和健康等关键问题,这些问题对于在东帝汶实现性别正义至关重要,以及当地妇女运动和相关非政府组织如何努力实现这一目标。性别平等和性别关系是东帝汶不断发展的研究领域,由出席会议的学者、活动家、政府官员和发展实践者(2017年9月)共同开展。在冲突后的东帝汶,与大多数战后社会一样,有充分证据证明性别不平等是显而易见的。女性的营养不良和文盲率高于男性,总体而言,女性的工资较低,获得的福利较少,在职业生涯中晋升的机会也较少。2010年全国人口调查报告称,三分之一的妇女遭受过现任或前任丈夫或伴侣的身体暴力(国家统计局,2010年)。然而,东帝汶已将性别平等作为一项普遍原则,尽管如以下报告所示,在日常生活中获得平等机会所需的更深层次的社会变革仍在“进行中”。当代东帝汶社会中明显的性别关系是复杂的政治和历史环境的结果。男性在东帝汶历史和政治中的主导地位,以及在民族独立斗争(1974-1999)期间与邻国印度尼西亚的军事化和冲突的遗产,是当代东帝汶社会的重大问题,对妇女运动构成了巨大挑战(Niner, 2017)。在东帝汶现代史上充满争议的世界中,妇女在冲突期间的关键和独特作用尚未得到充分承认,这影响到妇女今天对社会的充分和积极参与。东帝汶妇女承认,在她们长期的战争期间不可能进行1970年代初确立的争取妇女权利的斗争,但是这场斗争依赖于妇女的重大贡献和牺牲,因此产生了一批不再接受现状的高度熟练和积极进取的妇女。冲突后时期对东帝汶的妇女和争取性别正义的斗争具有重要意义。尽管女性面临着文化和政治压力,要求她们服从父权的要求,但在战争结束后,重要的女性领袖和女性团体一直在抵制这一点,这里讨论的会议文件就是证据。网络东南亚Netzwerk s dostasien
{"title":"Reflection on the Special Gender Stream: 2017 Timor-Leste Studies Association Conference","authors":"S. Niner","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-11","url":null,"abstract":"The special gender stream of the 6th Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA) Conference was co-convened by Dr Sara Niner of Monash University and Theresa Tam of the National University of Timor Lorosa'e (UNTL) where the conference was held over two days from 29 to 30 June 2017. This report summarizes some of the 25 presentations which represent the key issues of political participation, gender-based violence, development, and health that are crucial for the pursuit of gender justice in Timor-Leste and how the local women’s movement and aligned NGOs are attempting to achieve this. Gender equality and gender relations are growing fields of research in Timor-Leste, undertaken by a mix of academics, activists, government officers, and development practitioners (Niner, 2017) that were represented at the conference. A well-documented gender inequity is evident in post-conflict Timor-Leste as is the case in most post-war societies. Women have higher levels of malnutrition and illiteracy than men and overall women earn lower salaries, receive fewer benefits and opportunities to advance in their professional careers. The 2010 National Demographic Survey reported that a third of women have experienced physical violence from a current or former husband or partner (National Statistics Directorate [NDS], 2010). However, the acceptance of gender equality as a general principle in Timor-Leste is documented, although the deeper social change required to have equal opportunities in everyday lives is a ‘work in progress’, as the following report shows. Gender relations apparent in contemporary Timorese society are the result of complex political and historical circumstances. The dominance of men in Timorese history and politics, and the legacy of militarization and conflict with neighboring Indonesia during the national struggle for independence (1974-1999), are significant issues in contemporary Timorese society that pose enormous challenges for the women’s movement (Niner, 2017). In the contested world of modern Timorese history, the crucial and unique role of women during the conflict has not yet been fully acknowledged and this affects women’s full and active participation in society today. Timorese women accepted that the struggle for women’s rights established in the early 1970s was not possible during their long war, but the struggle depended upon women’s substantial contributions and sacrifices therefore creating a pool of highly skilled and motivated women who no longer accepted the status quo. The post-conflict period has been significant for women and the struggle for gender justice in Timor-Leste. While women face cultural and political pressure to conform to patriarchal demands, after the war ended, key women leaders and women’s groups have resisted this and the conference papers discussed here are evidence of that. Network Southeast Asia Netzwerk Südostasien","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74667634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-29DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-11
G. Stange
Book Review: Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M. (Eds.). (2016). Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia. Money Politics, Patronage and Clientelism at the Grassroots. Singapore: NUS Press. ISBN 978-981-4722-04-9. 449 pages.In 2018, Indonesia will celebrate the 20th anniversary of its democratization process that was augmented after the fall of long-term authoritarian president Suharto in May 1998. Since then, Indonesia has witnessed four legislative elections (1999, 2004, 2009, and 2014), which were generally welcomed as largely free and fair. However, the extent to which Indonesian politics in general - and elections specifically - are being dominated by money politics, patronage, and clientelism remains one of the main concerns of many scholars and observers (e.g., Aspinall, 2013; Hadiz & Robison, 2013; Mietzner, 2013; Robertson-Snape, 1999; Simandjuntak, 2012; van Klinken, 2009). In this respect, it appears that the 2014 legislative elections marked a disturbing peak. In the introduction to their edited volume Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia1, Edward Aspinall and Mada Sukmajati describe the role money politics played in the 2014 elections as "the most 'massive' it had ever been" (p. 2).The research presented in Aspinall's and Sukmajati's volume aims at "identifying the chief mechanisms that Indonesian legislative candidates used to appeal to voters [in the 2014 legislative elections]" (p. ix). The volume originates from an impressive collaborative research project comprising 50, mostly Indonesian, researchers who observed the lead up to the 2014 national legislative elections in 20 of Indonesia's 34 provinces.2 All in all, 1,500 interviews with candidates and campaigners were conducted and hundreds of campaign events observed.The book comprises 23 chapters - a comprehensive introduction and 22 case studies that present empirical data from across Indonesia. In their introduction "Patronage and Clientelism in Indonesian Electoral Politics", Aspinall and Sukmajati give a brief overview of relevant works on patronage and clientelism in lndonesian politics, explain the research design and goals, summarize the main findings of the case studies, and last but not least, hint to limitations of the volume while pointing out desiderates for further research.In reviewing the literature on the role of patronage and clientelism in lndonesian politics, the authors cite a wide range of publications that stress the key role of patronage and clientelist practices in Indonesian electoral as well as party politics. At the same time, the authors criticize the limited knowledge that exists regarding the actual workings and functioning of such mechanisms as compared to other Southeast Asia countries (e.g., Thailand). Accordingly, the case studies presented in Chapters 13 to 16, describe in detail how vote buying actually works for the first time.Although the research underpinning the volume did not exclusively focus on patronage politics by legislative candidates, the authors conc
{"title":"Book Review: Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M. (Eds.). (2016). Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia. Money Politics, Patronage and Clientelism at the Grassroots.","authors":"G. Stange","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-11","url":null,"abstract":"Book Review: Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M. (Eds.). (2016). Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia. Money Politics, Patronage and Clientelism at the Grassroots. Singapore: NUS Press. ISBN 978-981-4722-04-9. 449 pages.In 2018, Indonesia will celebrate the 20th anniversary of its democratization process that was augmented after the fall of long-term authoritarian president Suharto in May 1998. Since then, Indonesia has witnessed four legislative elections (1999, 2004, 2009, and 2014), which were generally welcomed as largely free and fair. However, the extent to which Indonesian politics in general - and elections specifically - are being dominated by money politics, patronage, and clientelism remains one of the main concerns of many scholars and observers (e.g., Aspinall, 2013; Hadiz & Robison, 2013; Mietzner, 2013; Robertson-Snape, 1999; Simandjuntak, 2012; van Klinken, 2009). In this respect, it appears that the 2014 legislative elections marked a disturbing peak. In the introduction to their edited volume Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia1, Edward Aspinall and Mada Sukmajati describe the role money politics played in the 2014 elections as \"the most 'massive' it had ever been\" (p. 2).The research presented in Aspinall's and Sukmajati's volume aims at \"identifying the chief mechanisms that Indonesian legislative candidates used to appeal to voters [in the 2014 legislative elections]\" (p. ix). The volume originates from an impressive collaborative research project comprising 50, mostly Indonesian, researchers who observed the lead up to the 2014 national legislative elections in 20 of Indonesia's 34 provinces.2 All in all, 1,500 interviews with candidates and campaigners were conducted and hundreds of campaign events observed.The book comprises 23 chapters - a comprehensive introduction and 22 case studies that present empirical data from across Indonesia. In their introduction \"Patronage and Clientelism in Indonesian Electoral Politics\", Aspinall and Sukmajati give a brief overview of relevant works on patronage and clientelism in lndonesian politics, explain the research design and goals, summarize the main findings of the case studies, and last but not least, hint to limitations of the volume while pointing out desiderates for further research.In reviewing the literature on the role of patronage and clientelism in lndonesian politics, the authors cite a wide range of publications that stress the key role of patronage and clientelist practices in Indonesian electoral as well as party politics. At the same time, the authors criticize the limited knowledge that exists regarding the actual workings and functioning of such mechanisms as compared to other Southeast Asia countries (e.g., Thailand). Accordingly, the case studies presented in Chapters 13 to 16, describe in detail how vote buying actually works for the first time.Although the research underpinning the volume did not exclusively focus on patronage politics by legislative candidates, the authors conc","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89968402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-29DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-9
F. Blum
{"title":"Rezension: Keller, A. (Hg.). (2015). Indonesien 1965ff. Die Gegenwart eines Massenmordes. Ein politisches Lesebuch.","authors":"F. Blum","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90348953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-06-29DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-4
S. Steinebach, Y. Kunz
Environmental and social transformations in Jambi province, Indonesia, are inextricably interlinked. Large-scale agro-industrial development and nature conservation policies equally alienate local communities from their agricultural lands and turn land into a scarce resource. Consequently, access to agricultural land becomes increasingly contested, not only between communities and state institutions or companies but also among communities themselves. To secure or restore local ‘indigenous’ land rights against land grabbing and green grabbing by states and companies, indigenous land titling has become a powerful tool all over the world. Ongoing activities of indigenous land titling in Indonesia have been largely perceived as an act of justice by indigenous and land rights activists and affected communities. Yet, a challenging step towards titling is the identification of who is and who is not ‘indigenous’. This highly political process creates ethnicity-based identities tied to rights and possibilities around land as a contested resource. Based on a case study of a national park in central Jambi, this paper shows that what is perceived as an act of justice against the state can also produce injustice among local communities by heavily impacting and transforming local social structures and relations.
{"title":"Separating Sisters From Brothers: Ethnic Relations and Identity Politics in the Context of Indigenous Land Titling in Indonesia","authors":"S. Steinebach, Y. Kunz","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-4","url":null,"abstract":"Environmental and social transformations in Jambi province, Indonesia, are inextricably interlinked. Large-scale agro-industrial development and nature conservation policies equally alienate local communities from their agricultural lands and turn land into a scarce resource. Consequently, access to agricultural land becomes increasingly contested, not only between communities and state institutions or companies but also among communities themselves. To secure or restore local ‘indigenous’ land rights against land grabbing and green grabbing by states and companies, indigenous land titling has become a powerful tool all over the world. Ongoing activities of indigenous land titling in Indonesia have been largely perceived as an act of justice by indigenous and land rights activists and affected communities. Yet, a challenging step towards titling is the identification of who is and who is not ‘indigenous’. This highly political process creates ethnicity-based identities tied to rights and possibilities around land as a contested resource. Based on a case study of a national park in central Jambi, this paper shows that what is perceived as an act of justice against the state can also produce injustice among local communities by heavily impacting and transforming local social structures and relations.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77439437","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}