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Islamic Philanthropy in Indonesia: Modernization, Islamization, and Social Justice 印度尼西亚的伊斯兰慈善:现代化、伊斯兰化与社会正义
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-6
Amelia Fauzia
This article discusses the potentials and constraints of social justice philanthropy in Indonesia in the context of two trends – of growing Islamization and modernization. It employs interviews and recent observations together with survey data. Although the challenges facing social justice philanthropy remain immense, the pathways to development have been created; pathways through which the gap that exists between faith-based philanthropy and its secular counterparts may become smaller. Looking at growing philanthropization in the last 15 years and the pre-existing popularity of the concept of social justice among the population, could social justice and developmentalism may become the future of Islamic philanthropy in the country? The author argues that modernization and Islamization encourage the practice of philanthropy, but that they do not necessarily contribute to the development of a philanthropy that focuses on social justice. The modernization of the philanthropy sector has shown scattered pictures of development into a form of social justice philanthropy, which remains small but nevertheless encouraging.
本文讨论了在日益伊斯兰化和现代化的两大趋势背景下,印尼社会正义慈善事业的潜力和制约因素。它采用了采访和最近的观察以及调查数据。尽管社会正义慈善事业面临的挑战依然巨大,但发展之路已经开辟;通过这些途径,基于信仰的慈善事业与世俗慈善事业之间的差距可能会缩小。看看过去15年来不断增长的慈善事业,以及社会正义概念在人口中早已流行起来,社会正义和发展主义是否可能成为该国伊斯兰慈善事业的未来?作者认为,现代化和伊斯兰化鼓励了慈善事业的实践,但它们并不一定有助于以社会正义为重点的慈善事业的发展。在慈善事业的现代化进程中,零星出现了一些发展为社会正义慈善的景象,虽然规模不大,但令人鼓舞。
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引用次数: 50
Qatari Philanthropy and Out-of-School Children in Southeast Asia: an Interview With the Director of Educate A Child 卡塔尔慈善事业与东南亚失学儿童:对“教育儿童”主任的采访
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-9
M. Morrissey
In September 2015, the UN agreed on Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG4), which aims to “ensure inclusive and equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all” (Sustainable Development Knowledge Platform, 2017). Embedded in this broad goal, Educate A Child (EAC) is the only global support program that focuses solely on out-of-school children1 (OOSC) across the world, including Southeast Asia.EAC is an initiative of the Education Above All Foundation of Qatar. It works through co-funding interventions of trusted partners to bring OOSC into quality primary education programs. It pairs with organizations to support innovative programs and methods of education for the most vulnerable children, especially those affected by poverty, conflict, natural disaster, and cultural barriers. EAC’s partners range from international educational, development, and humanitarian organizations to locally-based groups. It currently has around fifty partners, also in Southeast Asia, among others, Aide et Action and its 25-NGO consortium in Cambodia, the Monastic Education Development Group (MEDG), Save the Children, UNESCO, UNHCR, and United World Schools. Dr. Mary Joy Pigozzi is Executive Director of EAC and member of the WISE Prize Committee.
2015年9月,联合国通过了可持续发展目标4 (SDG4),旨在“确保包容和公平的优质教育,促进全民终身学习机会”(可持续发展知识平台,2017年)。为实现这一广泛目标,“教育儿童”(EAC)是世界上唯一一个专门针对包括东南亚在内的失学儿童的全球支持项目。EAC是卡塔尔教育高于一切基金会的一项倡议。它通过值得信赖的合作伙伴的共同资助干预措施,将OOSC纳入高质量的小学教育项目。它与其他组织合作,为最脆弱的儿童,特别是受贫困、冲突、自然灾害和文化障碍影响的儿童,支持创新的教育项目和方法。EAC的合作伙伴包括国际教育、发展和人道主义组织以及地方团体。它目前在东南亚有大约50个合作伙伴,其中包括“援助与行动”及其在柬埔寨的25个非政府组织联盟、寺院教育发展组织(MEDG)、救助儿童会、联合国教科文组织、联合国难民署和世界联合学校。Mary Joy Pigozzi博士是EAC的执行董事和WISE奖委员会成员。
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引用次数: 2
Philanthropy, Giving, and Development in Southeast Asia 东南亚的慈善、捐赠与发展
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-1
R. Sciortino
This special issue on the evolving state of philanthropy in Southeast Asia provides an overview of the trends and tensions in this sector, which is being shaped by often conflicting notions of charity, development, and business. Philanthropy is viewed as an age-old practice, yet not many are familiar with the term (Payton & Moody, 2008) and even fewer know its etymological origin from ancient Greek, literally meaning ‘love to humankind’. Classic definitions describe philanthropy as a private initiative for the public good (as cited by Gardner in McCully, 2008) or a voluntary action for the public good (Payton, 1988) aiming at improvement in the quality of human life (Bremner, 1988). These definitions, however, are quite broad and leave open to interpretation what philanthropy actually implies in specific contexts and settings. In trying to operationalize the concept, practitioners tend to take a narrower view of philanthropy centered on its financial dimension as implying a donation or investment of private capital for the public good. They further distinguish its purpose from that of ‘charity’ in that philanthropy is meant to focus on the prevention and elimination of the roots causes of social problems rather than merely alleviating the suffering caused by those same social problems. While charity is seen as directed at meeting immediate needs, philanthropy is expected to be ‘problem-solving’ and persistent in addressing society’s challenges. Its efforts do not provide immediate reprieve, but aim to enable disadvantaged people to gain the skills to improve their conditions while also creating opportunities for them to advance in society. In the words of Steve Gunderson, former President and CEO of the Council of Foundations: “Charity tends to be a short-term, emotional, immediate response, focused primarily on rescue and relief, whereas philanthropy is much more long-term, more strategic, focused on rebuilding” (The Melvin and Bren Simon Foundation, 2015). This juxtaposition is inspired by the early Anglo-American philanthropists in the 20th century, foremost Andrew Carnegie (1835-1919) and John D. Rockefeller (1839-1937), and in successive years, Henry Ford (1863-1947). The private foundations they, and successive generations of US philanthropists, established with substantial endowments and generous tax deductions for their donations, aim to address the root causes of social ills (Bremner, 1988; McCully, 2008; Zunz, 2010). As Rockefeller himself stated: “The best philanthropy is constantly in search of the finalities – a search for a cause, an attempt to cure evils at their Editorial
本期关于东南亚慈善事业发展状况的特刊概述了该领域的趋势和紧张局势,该领域正受到慈善、发展和商业等相互冲突的概念的影响。慈善事业被视为一项古老的实践,但没有多少人熟悉这个词(佩顿和穆迪,2008),更少人知道它的词源来自古希腊,字面意思是“对人类的爱”。经典定义将慈善描述为一种为公共利益的私人倡议(如Gardner在McCully, 2008中引用的)或一种为公共利益的自愿行动(佩顿,1988),旨在改善人类生活质量(布雷默,1988)。然而,这些定义是相当广泛的,在特定的背景和环境中,慈善实际上意味着什么,留给了解释的余地。在试图将这一概念付诸实践的过程中,从业者倾向于将慈善事业的狭义观点集中在其财务层面上,认为这意味着为公共利益捐赠或投资私人资本。他们进一步区分了慈善与慈善的目的,慈善的重点是预防和消除社会问题的根源,而不仅仅是减轻社会问题造成的痛苦。虽然慈善被视为直接满足眼前的需求,但慈善被期望是“解决问题”,并坚持不懈地应对社会挑战。它的努力并不是提供即时的缓解,而是旨在使弱势群体获得改善其状况的技能,同时也为他们在社会上进步创造机会。用基金会理事会前主席兼首席执行官史蒂夫·冈德森的话来说:“慈善往往是一种短期的、情绪化的、即时的反应,主要侧重于救援和救济,而慈善则更长期、更具战略性,侧重于重建”(the Melvin and Bren Simon Foundation, 2015)。这种并列的灵感来自20世纪早期的英美慈善家,最重要的是安德鲁·卡内基(Andrew Carnegie, 1835-1919)和约翰·d·洛克菲勒(John D. Rockefeller, 1839-1937),以及随后几年的亨利·福特(Henry Ford, 1863-1947)。他们和几代美国慈善家建立了私人基金会,以大量的捐赠和慷慨的税收减免为他们的捐赠,旨在解决社会弊病的根源(Bremner, 1988;麦克卡利,2008;为了,2010)。正如洛克菲勒自己所说:“最好的慈善事业是不断地寻找最终结果——寻找一个原因,试图治愈他们社论中的邪恶。
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引用次数: 5
Legacies of Cultural Philanthropy in Asia 亚洲的文化慈善遗产
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-3
M. Zurbuchen
During the second half of the 20th century the Ford Foundation – at the time the world’s largest private philanthropy – made a significant commitment to issues of cultural heritage as part of its international work in Asia. Across countries in South and Southeast Asia, in particular, foundation grants were made to governments, private institutions, and individuals engaged in a wide range of fields in the arts, humanities, and applied sciences such as archaeology. The Foundation’s culture programs embraced tangible heritage as well as a range of living traditions and cultural expression. Such rubrics served as important labels locating culture within the broad portfolio of the Foundation’s grant-making, as well as touchstones employed to justify philanthropy’s attention to culture in contrast to the dominant emphasis of international aid on economic development and modernization. This paper will look at how one of the world’s most important international philanthropies built a rationale for activism in cultural fields in Asia, how a decentralized format for local decision-making enabled sustained support for building capacity and knowledge in the arts and humanities, and, ultimately, how the ‘culture lens’ has gradually been displaced– or perhaps redefined – in the Foundation’s current international work.
在20世纪下半叶,福特基金会——当时世界上最大的私人慈善机构——对文化遗产问题做出了重大承诺,作为其在亚洲的国际工作的一部分。特别是在南亚和东南亚国家,基金会向政府、私人机构以及从事艺术、人文和应用科学(如考古学)等广泛领域的个人提供了赠款。基金会的文化项目包括有形遗产,以及一系列的生活传统和文化表达。这些标准是在基金会广泛的资助组合中定位文化的重要标签,也是证明慈善事业关注文化而不是主要强调经济发展和现代化的国际援助的试金石。本文将探讨世界上最重要的国际慈善机构之一如何为亚洲文化领域的行动主义建立理论基础,地方决策的分散形式如何为艺术和人文学科的能力建设和知识建设提供持续支持,以及最终,“文化视角”如何在基金会当前的国际工作中逐渐被取代——或者可能被重新定义。
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引用次数: 2
Analyzing International Migrant Responses to Crisis Situations in the Context of Floods in Thailand 以泰国洪灾为背景分析国际移民对危机局势的反应
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-8
Teeranong Sakulsri, Reena Tadee, A. Trupp
The 2011 floods in Thailand were one of the most devastating disasters in the history of the country and affected migrants in several regions. The purpose of this paper is to analyze migrant responses in crisis situations and to assess the impact of the 2011 floods on migrants from Myanmar, Lao PDR, Cambodia, and Vietnam. The authors argue that such migrant groups have a weaker social, economic, and political position when compared with local (non-migrant) groups and are thus facing particular vulnerabilities in crisis situations. This paper is based on desk research and empirical data collection consisting of 55 semi-structured interviews.
2011年泰国的洪水是该国历史上最具破坏性的灾难之一,影响了几个地区的移民。本文的目的是分析危机情况下移民的反应,并评估2011年洪水对缅甸、老挝、柬埔寨和越南移民的影响。作者认为,与当地(非移民)群体相比,这些移民群体的社会、经济和政治地位较弱,因此在危机情况下面临特别的脆弱性。本文基于桌面研究和实证数据收集,包括55个半结构化访谈。
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引用次数: 1
SEA Junction: Our Venue to Connect on Southeast Asia SEA枢纽:我们连接东南亚的场所
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-10
Patrick McCormick
The Southeast Asia Junction (SEA Junction) is a ‘knowledge venue’, an event space, a hub, a gallery, and a library with the goal of fostering understanding and appreciation of Southeast Asia, from arts and crafts to the economy, politics, and development. As a space, SEA Junction provides knowledge resources and promotes exchanges among students, specialists, and the general public. SEA Junction opened its doors on 15 May 2016 in the Bangkok Arts and Culture Center (BACC) in the Siam area of downtown Bangkok. The BACC holds a strategic location close to major universities and is easily accessible to the general public and visitors. The physical space is an open library or ‘reading room’ for books in English and regional languages; work stations also let visitors use online resources. The space is not all books: arts and crafts from around the region decorate the space and show visitors some of its cultural richness, from papier-mâché figures from the Philippines and Burma to the paintings of emerging regional artists. Making resources available is the first priority of SEA Junction, an ‘intellectual salon’ open to all and free of charge. Anyone can come and have a cup of coffee or tea, take a look at the books, browse art objects, and participate in activities such as lectures and workshops. Staff and volunteers operate the reading room six days a week (from Tuesdays to Sunday). So far, the library features more than 1,300 books, most of which have been catalogued, in addition to a sizeable e-library. SEA Junction maintains an online presence through its website www.seajunction.org, which also provides a space for photographic essays and opinion pieces. Through the website, Facebook, and twitter, SEA Junction gathers and shares information on conferences, courses, and fellowships of interest to academics and practitioners. Underlying SEA Junction is the idea of networking: both for users and for people who share their knowledge and experience through lectures, books or other modes of communication. This is a space for all kinds of people to make personal contacts, whether they are artists, intellectuals or representatives of groups and organizations, from the region itself or from elsewhere. A great priority of SEA Junction is on events; from photographic exhibitions to panel discussions, to show the richness of the region and also the challenges it faces. SEA Junction is thus neither wholly about arts and culture, nor about development, politics, or economics. Being in Bangkok provides a central location within Southeast Asia for exchanges amongst people from the region and beyond. Music performances and film screenings have profiled emerging artists, intellectuals, and practitioners from the region, while Southeast Asia-related events have featured both ASEAN-wide phenomena, such as migration, medical tourism, human rights, and country-specific events which would normally be Im Dialog  In Dialogue
东南亚枢纽(SEA Junction)是一个“知识场所”、一个活动空间、一个中心、一个画廊和一个图书馆,旨在促进对东南亚的理解和欣赏,从艺术和手工艺到经济、政治和发展。作为一个空间,SEA Junction提供知识资源,促进学生、专家和公众之间的交流。SEA Junction于2016年5月15日在曼谷市中心暹罗地区的曼谷艺术文化中心(BACC)开业。BACC拥有靠近主要大学的战略位置,方便公众和游客进入。物理空间是一个开放的图书馆或“阅览室”,提供英语和地区语言的书籍;工作站还允许访客使用在线资源。这个空间并不全是书籍:来自该地区各地的艺术品和手工艺品装饰着这个空间,并向游客展示了该地区丰富的文化,从菲律宾和缅甸的纸制人物到新兴地区艺术家的画作。提供资源是SEA Junction的首要任务,这是一个向所有人免费开放的“知识沙龙”。任何人都可以来这里喝杯咖啡或茶,看看书,浏览艺术品,参加讲座和研讨会等活动。工作人员和志愿者每周6天(周二至周日)运营阅览室。到目前为止,除了一个相当大的电子图书馆外,该图书馆还拥有1300多本书,其中大部分已经编目。SEA Junction通过其网站www.seajunction.org保持在线存在,该网站还提供摄影文章和观点文章的空间。通过网站、Facebook和twitter, SEA Junction收集和分享学者和从业者感兴趣的会议、课程和奖学金信息。SEA Junction的基础是网络的理念:既为用户,也为通过讲座、书籍或其他交流方式分享知识和经验的人。这是一个让各种各样的人进行个人接触的空间,无论他们是艺术家、知识分子还是团体和组织的代表,来自本地区或其他地方。SEA Junction的一个重要优先事项是事件;从摄影展览到小组讨论,展示该地区的丰富性以及面临的挑战。因此,SEA Junction既不完全是关于艺术和文化的,也不是关于发展、政治或经济的。位于曼谷为东南亚地区和其他地区的人们提供了一个交流的中心位置。音乐表演和电影放映介绍了该地区的新兴艺术家、知识分子和实践者,而与东南亚有关的活动则以东盟范围内的现象为特色,如移民、医疗旅游、人权,以及通常在“对话中”举行的国别活动
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引用次数: 0
Reflection on the Special Gender Stream: 2017 Timor-Leste Studies Association Conference 对特殊性别流的反思:2017东帝汶研究协会会议
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-12-30 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.2-11
S. Niner
The special gender stream of the 6th Timor-Leste Studies Association (TLSA) Conference was co-convened by Dr Sara Niner of Monash University and Theresa Tam of the National University of Timor Lorosa'e (UNTL) where the conference was held over two days from 29 to 30 June 2017. This report summarizes some of the 25 presentations which represent the key issues of political participation, gender-based violence, development, and health that are crucial for the pursuit of gender justice in Timor-Leste and how the local women’s movement and aligned NGOs are attempting to achieve this. Gender equality and gender relations are growing fields of research in Timor-Leste, undertaken by a mix of academics, activists, government officers, and development practitioners (Niner, 2017) that were represented at the conference. A well-documented gender inequity is evident in post-conflict Timor-Leste as is the case in most post-war societies. Women have higher levels of malnutrition and illiteracy than men and overall women earn lower salaries, receive fewer benefits and opportunities to advance in their professional careers. The 2010 National Demographic Survey reported that a third of women have experienced physical violence from a current or former husband or partner (National Statistics Directorate [NDS], 2010). However, the acceptance of gender equality as a general principle in Timor-Leste is documented, although the deeper social change required to have equal opportunities in everyday lives is a ‘work in progress’, as the following report shows. Gender relations apparent in contemporary Timorese society are the result of complex political and historical circumstances. The dominance of men in Timorese history and politics, and the legacy of militarization and conflict with neighboring Indonesia during the national struggle for independence (1974-1999), are significant issues in contemporary Timorese society that pose enormous challenges for the women’s movement (Niner, 2017). In the contested world of modern Timorese history, the crucial and unique role of women during the conflict has not yet been fully acknowledged and this affects women’s full and active participation in society today. Timorese women accepted that the struggle for women’s rights established in the early 1970s was not possible during their long war, but the struggle depended upon women’s substantial contributions and sacrifices therefore creating a pool of highly skilled and motivated women who no longer accepted the status quo. The post-conflict period has been significant for women and the struggle for gender justice in Timor-Leste. While women face cultural and political pressure to conform to patriarchal demands, after the war ended, key women leaders and women’s groups have resisted this and the conference papers discussed here are evidence of that. Network Southeast Asia  Netzwerk Südostasien
第六届东帝汶研究协会(TLSA)会议的特别性别流由莫纳什大学的Sara Niner博士和东帝汶洛罗沙埃国立大学(UNTL)的Theresa Tam共同召集,会议于2017年6月29日至30日举行了两天。本报告总结了25个专题介绍中的一些,这些介绍代表了政治参与、基于性别的暴力、发展和健康等关键问题,这些问题对于在东帝汶实现性别正义至关重要,以及当地妇女运动和相关非政府组织如何努力实现这一目标。性别平等和性别关系是东帝汶不断发展的研究领域,由出席会议的学者、活动家、政府官员和发展实践者(2017年9月)共同开展。在冲突后的东帝汶,与大多数战后社会一样,有充分证据证明性别不平等是显而易见的。女性的营养不良和文盲率高于男性,总体而言,女性的工资较低,获得的福利较少,在职业生涯中晋升的机会也较少。2010年全国人口调查报告称,三分之一的妇女遭受过现任或前任丈夫或伴侣的身体暴力(国家统计局,2010年)。然而,东帝汶已将性别平等作为一项普遍原则,尽管如以下报告所示,在日常生活中获得平等机会所需的更深层次的社会变革仍在“进行中”。当代东帝汶社会中明显的性别关系是复杂的政治和历史环境的结果。男性在东帝汶历史和政治中的主导地位,以及在民族独立斗争(1974-1999)期间与邻国印度尼西亚的军事化和冲突的遗产,是当代东帝汶社会的重大问题,对妇女运动构成了巨大挑战(Niner, 2017)。在东帝汶现代史上充满争议的世界中,妇女在冲突期间的关键和独特作用尚未得到充分承认,这影响到妇女今天对社会的充分和积极参与。东帝汶妇女承认,在她们长期的战争期间不可能进行1970年代初确立的争取妇女权利的斗争,但是这场斗争依赖于妇女的重大贡献和牺牲,因此产生了一批不再接受现状的高度熟练和积极进取的妇女。冲突后时期对东帝汶的妇女和争取性别正义的斗争具有重要意义。尽管女性面临着文化和政治压力,要求她们服从父权的要求,但在战争结束后,重要的女性领袖和女性团体一直在抵制这一点,这里讨论的会议文件就是证据。网络东南亚Netzwerk s dostasien
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引用次数: 3
Book Review: Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M. (Eds.). (2016). Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia. Money Politics, Patronage and Clientelism at the Grassroots. 书评:Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M.(主编)。(2016)。印度尼西亚的选举动态。草根阶层的金钱政治、庇护和裙带关系。
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-06-29 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-11
G. Stange
Book Review: Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M. (Eds.). (2016). Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia. Money Politics, Patronage and Clientelism at the Grassroots. Singapore: NUS Press. ISBN 978-981-4722-04-9. 449 pages.In 2018, Indonesia will celebrate the 20th anniversary of its democratization process that was augmented after the fall of long-term authoritarian president Suharto in May 1998. Since then, Indonesia has witnessed four legislative elections (1999, 2004, 2009, and 2014), which were generally welcomed as largely free and fair. However, the extent to which Indonesian politics in general - and elections specifically - are being dominated by money politics, patronage, and clientelism remains one of the main concerns of many scholars and observers (e.g., Aspinall, 2013; Hadiz & Robison, 2013; Mietzner, 2013; Robertson-Snape, 1999; Simandjuntak, 2012; van Klinken, 2009). In this respect, it appears that the 2014 legislative elections marked a disturbing peak. In the introduction to their edited volume Electoral Dynamics in Indonesia1, Edward Aspinall and Mada Sukmajati describe the role money politics played in the 2014 elections as "the most 'massive' it had ever been" (p. 2).The research presented in Aspinall's and Sukmajati's volume aims at "identifying the chief mechanisms that Indonesian legislative candidates used to appeal to voters [in the 2014 legislative elections]" (p. ix). The volume originates from an impressive collaborative research project comprising 50, mostly Indonesian, researchers who observed the lead up to the 2014 national legislative elections in 20 of Indonesia's 34 provinces.2 All in all, 1,500 interviews with candidates and campaigners were conducted and hundreds of campaign events observed.The book comprises 23 chapters - a comprehensive introduction and 22 case studies that present empirical data from across Indonesia. In their introduction "Patronage and Clientelism in Indonesian Electoral Politics", Aspinall and Sukmajati give a brief overview of relevant works on patronage and clientelism in lndonesian politics, explain the research design and goals, summarize the main findings of the case studies, and last but not least, hint to limitations of the volume while pointing out desiderates for further research.In reviewing the literature on the role of patronage and clientelism in lndonesian politics, the authors cite a wide range of publications that stress the key role of patronage and clientelist practices in Indonesian electoral as well as party politics. At the same time, the authors criticize the limited knowledge that exists regarding the actual workings and functioning of such mechanisms as compared to other Southeast Asia countries (e.g., Thailand). Accordingly, the case studies presented in Chapters 13 to 16, describe in detail how vote buying actually works for the first time.Although the research underpinning the volume did not exclusively focus on patronage politics by legislative candidates, the authors conc
书评:Aspinall, E. & Sukmajati, M.(主编)。(2016)。印度尼西亚的选举动态。草根阶层的金钱政治、庇护和裙带关系。新加坡:新加坡国立大学出版社。ISBN 978-981-4722-04-9。449页。2018年,印尼将迎来自1998年5月长期独裁的苏哈托总统下台后加强的民主化进程20周年。从那时起,印度尼西亚经历了四次立法选举(1999年、2004年、2009年和2014年),这些选举基本上是自由和公平的,受到普遍欢迎。然而,印尼政治在多大程度上——特别是选举——被金钱政治、赞助和裙带主义所主导,仍然是许多学者和观察家(例如,Aspinall, 2013;Hadiz & Robison, 2013;Mietzner, 2013;Robertson-Snape, 1999;Simandjuntak, 2012;van Klinken, 2009)。在这方面,2014年的立法选举似乎标志着一个令人不安的高峰。在他们编辑的《印尼选举动态》一书的引言中,Edward Aspinall和Mada Sukmajati将金钱政治在2014年选举中发挥的作用描述为“有史以来最‘大规模’的”(第2页)。Aspinall和Sukmajati的研究报告旨在“确定印尼立法候选人(在2014年立法选举中)用来吸引选民的主要机制”(第ix页)。该报告源于一个令人印象深刻的合作研究项目,其中包括50名印度尼西亚人,研究人员观察了2014年印尼34个省中的20个省的全国立法选举总而言之,对候选人和竞选者进行了1500次采访,并观察了数百次竞选活动。这本书包括23章——一个全面的介绍和22个案例研究,提供了来自印度尼西亚各地的经验数据。在他们的引言“印尼选举政治中的庇护和庇护主义”中,Aspinall和Sukmajati简要概述了印尼政治中的庇护和庇护主义的相关作品,解释了研究设计和目标,总结了案例研究的主要发现,最后但并非最不重要的是,暗示了该卷的局限性,同时指出了进一步研究的需要。在回顾关于庇护和庇护主义在印度尼西亚政治中的作用的文献时,作者引用了广泛的出版物,强调了庇护和庇护主义在印度尼西亚选举和政党政治中的关键作用。与此同时,作者批评了与其他东南亚国家(如泰国)相比,关于这些机制的实际工作和功能的知识有限。因此,第13至16章中的案例研究首次详细描述了贿选实际上是如何运作的。尽管支撑本书的研究并没有专门关注立法候选人的赞助政治,但作者得出的结论是,“赞助分配是印度尼西亚立法选举中政治竞选的核心模式”(第5页)。这不仅得到了本书中所有22个案例研究结果的支持,而且还得到了引言中引用的候选人陈述的说明,他们在选举后,公开对他们不发放金钱奖励的决定表示遗憾。但是,到底是什么让赞助在2014年的选举中如此突出呢?Aspinall和Sukmajati通过研究过去15年来印尼选举立法的法律变化,深入探讨了这个问题的答案,这也是本书的主要论点。在1999年的第二次民主选举中,印尼采用了完全封闭的比例代表制。在这种制度下,候选人在政党名单上的位置,以及相应的选票上的位置,决定了他或她是否能赢得一个选区的席位。…
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引用次数: 0
Rezension: Keller, A. (Hg.). (2015). Indonesien 1965ff. Die Gegenwart eines Massenmordes. Ein politisches Lesebuch. 凯勒,A. (Hg)(2015) .印尼1965ff .大屠杀的现场政治读物
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-06-29 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-9
F. Blum
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引用次数: 0
Separating Sisters From Brothers: Ethnic Relations and Identity Politics in the Context of Indigenous Land Titling in Indonesia 兄弟姐妹分离:印尼原住民土地所有权背景下的族群关系与认同政治
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-06-29 DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2017.1-4
S. Steinebach, Y. Kunz
Environmental and social transformations in Jambi province, Indonesia, are inextricably interlinked. Large-scale agro-industrial development and nature conservation policies equally alienate local communities from their agricultural lands and turn land into a scarce resource. Consequently, access to agricultural land becomes increasingly contested, not only between communities and state institutions or companies but also among communities themselves. To secure or restore local ‘indigenous’ land rights against land grabbing and green grabbing by states and companies, indigenous land titling has become a powerful tool all over the world. Ongoing activities of indigenous land titling in Indonesia have been largely perceived as an act of justice by indigenous and land rights activists and affected communities. Yet, a challenging step towards titling is the identification of who is and who is not ‘indigenous’. This highly political process creates ethnicity-based identities tied to rights and possibilities around land as a contested resource. Based on a case study of a national park in central Jambi, this paper shows that what is perceived as an act of justice against the state can also produce injustice among local communities by heavily impacting and transforming local social structures and relations.
印度尼西亚占碑省的环境和社会变革是密不可分的。大规模的农业工业发展和自然保护政策同样使当地社区疏远了他们的农业用地,使土地成为一种稀缺资源。因此,不仅在社区与国家机构或公司之间,而且在社区本身之间,获得农业用地的竞争变得越来越激烈。为了确保或恢复当地的“土著”土地权利,反对国家和公司的土地掠夺和绿色掠夺,土著土地所有权已成为世界各地的有力工具。印度尼西亚正在进行的土著土地所有权活动在很大程度上被土著和土地权利活动家以及受影响社区视为一种正义行为。然而,一个具有挑战性的步骤是确定谁是“土著”,谁不是“土著”。这种高度政治化的过程创造了基于种族的身份认同,与土地作为一种有争议的资源的权利和可能性联系在一起。本文以占碑(Jambi)中部一个国家公园的案例研究为基础,表明被视为反对国家的正义行为也可能通过严重影响和改变当地社会结构和关系,在当地社区中产生不公正。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies
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