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Social policy in Africa: Risks, protection, and dynamics 非洲的社会政策:风险、保护和动态
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-25 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2024.7
R. Surender
The ideas, practicalities, and challenges of establishing effective social protection in Africa are steadily, if somewhat slowly, gaining notice in both policy-making forums and mainstream social policy analysis. The world’s second largest and populous continent, Africa is also its poorest region, with chronic poverty, vulnerabilities, and preventable hardship. Despite some significant developments in social welfare interventions and outcomes since the turn of the century, the policy agenda and dynamics in most countries remain complex and tenuous, arguably more so than other lower and middle income (LMIC) regions. This special edition contributes to a critical analysis of the challenges and opportunities facing social protection systems in Africa. It also seeks to examine the extent to which the staple explanatory concepts of welfare dynamics in the northern and western hemispheres – the role of actors, ideas, and institutions – need to be modified or adapted when analysing welfare dynamics in Africa. The focus is on Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) rather than the more diverse and heterogeneous Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. While, it is important to acknowledge that SSA nations are also distinct and varied; nevertheless, they share important characteristics in terms of historical contexts, average incomes, development outcomes, and most relevant for the purpose of this analysis, social policy strategies, and challenges.
在非洲建立有效的社会保护的想法、实际情况和挑战,正在稳步地(尽管有些缓慢)引起决策论坛和主流社会政策分析的注意。非洲是世界第二大人口大陆,也是世界上最贫穷的地区,长期存在贫困、脆弱性和可预防的困难。尽管自本世纪初以来,社会福利干预措施和成果取得了一些重大进展,但大多数国家的政策议程和动态仍然复杂而脆弱,可以说比其他中低收入(LMIC)地区更为如此。本特刊有助于对非洲社会保障体系面临的挑战和机遇进行批判性分析。它还试图研究在分析非洲的福利动态时,在多大程度上需要修改或调整北半球和西半球福利动态的主要解释性概念--行动者、观念和机构的作用。本文的重点是撒哈拉以南非洲地区(SSA),而不是更加多样化和异质化的中东和北非地区(MENA)。必须承认,撒哈拉以南非洲国家也是各不相同的,但它们在历史背景、平均收入、发展成果,以及与本分析最相关的社会政策战略和挑战方面,都具有重要的共同特征。
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引用次数: 0
The challenge of youth unemployment in Nigeria 尼日利亚青年失业的挑战
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-22 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2024.4
A. Virk, Ediomo-Ubong Nelson, Ini Dele-Adedeji
Nigeria is home to a significant and growing “youth” population, over a third of it below 24 years of age. The demographic potential for productivity and growth this group represents occurs alongside large-scale unemployment among young people of working age. The “unemployment crisis” has deep historical roots and exists within a wider context of poor governance, insecurity, conflict, and poverty. Policy norms and practices to address youth unemployment in Nigeria largely centre on skill development and job creation, with complementary schemes selectively targeted to specific groups of vulnerable and poor individuals. Measures are typically ad hoc, detached from a coherent programme of sustainable reform. Pre-existing structural factors and capacity constraints also shape the effectiveness of these programmes. While a productivist focus within current policy is potentially empowering in giving young Nigerians “worker” status, it also detracts from attending to deep-rooted structural problems seen to affect young people in disproportionate ways. Securing meaningful choices and lives for Nigerian youth requires reframing youth unemployment beyond labour markets alone, and embedded in ideas of equality and collective action.
尼日利亚的 "青年 "人口众多,而且还在不断增长,其中超过三分之一的人年龄在 24 岁以下。这一群体所代表的生产力和增长的人口潜力与劳动适龄青年的大规模失业同时存在。失业危机 "有着深刻的历史根源,存在于治理不善、不安全、冲突和贫困的大背景下。尼日利亚解决青年失业问题的政策规范和做法主要集中在技能培养和创造就业机 会上,并有选择地针对特定的弱势和贫困群体实施补充计划。这些措施通常是临时性的,脱离了连贯的可持续改革计划。先前存在的结构性因素和能力限制也影响了这些计划的成效。虽然现行政策以生产为重点,有可能赋予尼日利亚青年 "工人 "的地位,但也有碍于解决被认为对青年产生过大影响的根深蒂固的结构性问题。要确保尼日利亚青年过上有意义的选择和生活,就必须重新审视青年失业问题,使其不仅仅局限于劳动力市场,还应将其纳入平等和集体行动的理念之中。
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引用次数: 0
International charitable connections: Variation in the countries of operation of overseas charities 国际慈善联系:海外慈善机构业务所在国的差异
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.13
D. McDonnell, David Clifford
Charities are long-established and increasingly prominent non-state actors in social policy. However, these organisations remain understudied within social policy research, particularly their presence in the delivery of global social policy. This paper provides new cross-national evidence about charities operating internationally. It makes use of a comprehensive administrative dataset covering the country of operation of every overseas charity registered in England and Wales, Australia, and Canada. The international connections of charities are extensive, and these organisations are much more likely to work in countries with shared colonial and linguistic ties, and less likely to work in those with poor governance or high levels of corruption. This paper goes beyond a binary focus on either “developing” or “developed” country contexts, and provides insight into the international connections of “non-elite” as well as “elite” social policy actors.
慈善机构是社会政策中历史悠久且日益突出的非国家行为者。然而,这些组织在社会政策研究中仍未得到充分研究,特别是它们在全球社会政策实施中的存在。本文提供了有关国际慈善组织的新的跨国证据。它使用了一个全面的行政数据集,涵盖了在英格兰和威尔士、澳大利亚以及加拿大注册的所有海外慈善机构的运营国家。慈善组织的国际联系非常广泛,这些组织更有可能在具有共同殖民地和语言纽带的国家开展工作,而较少在治理不善或腐败严重的国家开展工作。本文超越了对 "发展中国家 "或 "发达国家 "二元对立的关注,深入探讨了 "非精英 "和 "精英 "社会政策参与者的国际联系。
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引用次数: 0
Scales of ideational policy influence: A multi-level, actor-centric, and institutionalist perspective on the role of ideas in African social policy 意识形态政策影响的尺度:从多层次、以行动者为中心和制度主义的角度看思想在非洲社会政策中的作用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.11
Daniel Béland, Rosina Foli, P. Haang’andu
Although there is a growing literature on transnational ideational processes in sub-Saharan Africa, the linkages between local, national, and transnational actors and ideas in African social policy would gain from more systematic mapping. In this paper, we explore what we call the “scales of ideational policy influence” by sketching a multi-level, actor-centric, and institutionalist perspective on ideational policy influence at the local, national, and transnational scales. This discussion leads to analysis of how these scales interact in terms of specific ideas and how both governmental and non-governmental actors seek to impact social policy decisions in sub-Saharan Africa. To illustrate the three scales of ideational influence and their interaction, the paper turns to the making of poverty reduction policies in Ghana. We show how policy ideas move from the global level to a national and subnational level using ideational mechanisms aided by the institutional position of actors and material factors.
尽管有关撒哈拉以南非洲地区跨国意识形态进程的文献越来越多,但对非洲社会政策中地方、国家和跨国行动者与思想之间的联系进行更系统的规划仍将有所助益。在本文中,我们将从多层次、以行动者为中心和制度主义的角度来探讨意识形态政策在地方、国家和跨国范围内的影响,从而探索我们所说的 "意识形态政策影响的尺度"。通过讨论,我们将分析这些尺度如何在具体理念方面相互作用,以及政府和非政府行为者如何努力影响撒哈拉以南非洲的社会政策决策。为了说明意识形态影响的三个尺度及其相互作用,本文以加纳制定减贫政策为例。我们展示了政策理念是如何利用意识形态机制,在参与者的机构地位和物质因素的帮助下,从全球层面向国家和次国家层面发展的。
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引用次数: 0
The state role in civilising childcare – comparing policy intentions with childcare in Brazil and Denmark 国家在文明育儿中的作用--比较巴西和丹麦的育儿政策意图
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.12
Marie Østergaard Møller, Gabriela Lotta, Gabriela Thomazinho, Yonatan Schvartzman, Michael Hill
It has become universal to claim a relationship between social cohesion and quality public childcare. The more we invest in our children, the better the return later in life. We explore how childcare is used to strengthen social life by comparing the state role in civilising childcare as described in policy and educational guidelines. At one level, we find that policy intentions are framed by the idea of using childcare to reduce inequalities between people and social groups, and at another by the idea of civilising children to adapt to existing social structures. The analysis unfolds these two sets of intentions by showing how pedagogical ideas of child development become linked to the ways two very different states – Brazil and Denmark – formulate and organise ECEC policies as well as using childcare to bridge between people and social groups, and to civilising children to adapt to existing social structures.
社会凝聚力与优质公共儿童保育之间的关系已成为一种普遍共识。我们对孩子的投资越多,日后的回报就越好。我们通过比较政策和教育方针中描述的国家在文明育儿方面的作用,来探讨如何利用育儿来加强社会生活。在一个层面上,我们发现政策意图的框架是利用儿童保育来减少人与人之间、社会群体与社会群体之间的不平等,而在另一个层面上,我们发现政策意图的框架是使儿童文明化,以适应现有的社会结构。分析通过展示儿童发展的教学思想如何与巴西和丹麦这两个截然不同的国家制定和组织幼儿保育和教育政策的方式联系在一起,以及如何利用幼儿保育在人与人之间、社会群体与社会群体之间架起桥梁,并使儿童文明化以适应现有的社会结构,从而展开这两套意图。
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引用次数: 0
The clandestine welfare: The role of illicit actors in the provision of social protection in Latin America 秘密福利:拉丁美洲非法行动者在提供社会保护方面的作用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-23 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.10
Kevin Zapata Celestino
There has been an increasing interest in exploring the different types of welfare regimes in middle- and low-income countries. However, most of the studies so far seem to neglect the importance of illicit groups as welfare providers. Illicit groups can be so powerful in many of these societies, that they can create extensive social safety nets embedded in parallel governance orders. Considering their importance as fundamental actors in the Global South, it is required to acknowledge their role as welfare deliverers as a missing piece in the literature. Hence I discuss the nature of what I call “clandestine welfare” and three specific forms of social protection provided by illicit groups: direct, involuntary, and forced. In the first form, the illicit groups provide directly to society by delivering goods or services that the formal state fails to provide. In the second, the illicit group’s activities have involuntary but positive spill-overs over society in terms of welfare. In the last one, the illicit groups use violence to force other social actors to provide social protection. By bringing illustrative examples from Latin America, I aim to show that the action of illicit groups represents a tangible source of welfare for a large segment of the population that goes beyond charity.
人们对探索中低收入国家不同类型的福利制度越来越感兴趣。然而,迄今为止的大多数研究似乎都忽视了非法团体作为福利提供者的重要性。在许多这样的社会中,非法团体的力量如此强大,以至于它们可以在平行治理秩序中建立广泛的社会安全网。考虑到他们作为全球南部基本行动者的重要性,有必要承认他们作为福利提供者的角色是文献中缺失的一部分。因此,我将讨论我所称的 "秘密福利 "的性质以及非法团体提供社会保护的三种具体形式:直接、非自愿和强迫。在第一种形式中,非法团体通过提供正规国家未能提供的商品或服务,直接向社会提供社会保护。第二种形式是,非法团体的活动对社会产生非自愿但积极的福利溢出效应。最后一种情况是,非法团体利用暴力迫使其他社会行为者提供社会保护。通过列举拉丁美洲的实例,我旨在说明非法团体的行动是为大部分人口提供福利的一个有形来源,它超越了慈善的范畴。
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引用次数: 0
Poverty attributions in Guyana: Between self-interest, resentment, and ideology 圭亚那的贫困归因:在自我利益、怨恨和意识形态之间
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.9
Koen Abts, Troy Thomas, Arno Van Hootegem
Abstract This study examines which poverty attributions are present in Guyana, a developing country in South America, and tests which variables explain these attributions in a non-Western context by linking them to structural characteristics, feelings of resentment, and values. First, using survey data from the Values and Poverty Study in Guyana ( N = 1,557), we find that the traditional three-tier model does not adequately capture Guyanese attributions of poverty. Instead, confirmatory factor analysis identifies some subdimensions of structural attributions that refer to both social and economic structure, a hybrid dimension linking poverty to family breakup, and explanations related to social and individual fate. Second, we examine the impact of feelings of resentment on poverty attributions. In particular, experiences of powerlessness foster structural, fatalistic, and family attributions of poverty, illustrating the role of a lack of external locus of control. Finally, our study shows that ideological values and egalitarianism have the strongest predictive power.
本研究考察了南美洲发展中国家圭亚那存在哪些贫困归因,并通过将这些归因与结构特征、怨恨情绪和价值观联系起来,测试了在非西方背景下哪些变量可以解释这些归因。首先,利用圭亚那价值观与贫困研究(N = 1557)的调查数据,我们发现传统的三层模型不能充分反映圭亚那人对贫困的归因。相反,验证性因素分析确定了结构归因的一些子维度,这些子维度涉及社会和经济结构,将贫困与家庭破裂联系起来的混合维度,以及与社会和个人命运相关的解释。其次,我们考察了怨恨情绪对贫困归因的影响。特别是,无能为力的经历会助长对贫困的结构性、宿命论和家庭归因,说明缺乏外部控制点的作用。最后,我们的研究表明,意识形态价值观和平等主义具有最强的预测力。
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引用次数: 0
Individual-level determinants of current trade union membership and previous trade union membership in European countries 欧洲国家当前工会成员资格和以前工会成员资格的个人层面决定因素
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.3
Mehmet Iner
Abstract This article aimed to explore the individual-level determinants of current and previous trade union memberships and to question if certain patterns are prevalent among European countries. Accordingly, repeated logit models across 15 European countries are applied drawing on the ninth round of the European Social Survey data. Variables are selected primarily considering the supply–demand theory, which explains the union membership based on the idea that employees are seeking to maximise the utility through cost and benefit analysis. In this context, this article offers a comprehensive analysis of the determinants of trade union membership with findings suggesting that personal, occupational and workplace characteristics affect current membership while occupational and workplace characteristics have effects with inverse directions on current membership and previous membership.
本文旨在探讨当前和以前的工会会员的个人层面的决定因素,并质疑某些模式是否普遍存在于欧洲国家。因此,利用第9次欧洲社会调查的数据,应用了15个欧洲国家的重复logit模型。变量的选择主要考虑了供需理论,这解释了工会成员的基础上的想法,即员工正在寻求通过成本和效益分析的效用最大化。在此背景下,本文对工会会员资格的决定因素进行了全面分析,结果表明,个人、职业和工作场所特征影响当前会员资格,而职业和工作场所特征对当前会员资格和以前会员资格具有相反的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Child support policy in middle- and low-income countries: current approaches and policy dilemmas 中低收入国家的儿童抚养政策:当前的做法和政策困境
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.4
Laura Cuesta, M. Hakovirta, Mari Haapanen, D. Meyer
Abstract Little is known about government policies that regulate economic transfers between separated parents (child support) outside of high-income countries. This paper provides the first broad overview of child support policy and its outcomes in 37 middle- and low-income countries. Using a systematic literature review, we provide information on child support policies in these countries, considering institutional arrangements, procedures for determining how much child support is due and how obligations are enforced. Using descriptive statistics on individual-level data from the Luxembourg Income Study Database, we show that poverty rates are high among lone-mother families and that fewer than one-third of lone mothers receive child support. Among those who receive, however, amounts average over $3,600 US$/year, making child support an important income source for some. We discuss how current policies and their estimated outcomes are similar to (or differ from) the previous work that focused on high-income countries.
人们对高收入国家以外的离异父母(子女抚养费)之间的经济转移监管政策知之甚少。本文首次对37个中低收入国家的子女抚养政策及其成果进行了全面概述。通过系统的文献回顾,我们提供了这些国家儿童抚养政策的信息,考虑到制度安排,确定多少儿童抚养费的程序以及如何执行义务。使用来自卢森堡收入研究数据库的个人层面数据的描述性统计数据,我们表明,单身母亲家庭的贫困率很高,只有不到三分之一的单身母亲获得子女抚养费。然而,在那些领取赡养费的人中,平均每年的数额超过3600美元,这使得子女抚养费成为一些人的重要收入来源。我们讨论了当前的政策及其估计结果如何与以前关注高收入国家的工作相似(或不同)。
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引用次数: 0
Interpreting the state–citizen nexus in contemporary Nordic legal and social citizenship: the case of divergence in restriction on freedom of movement as a mitigation policy in the COVID-19 pandemic 解读当代北欧法律和社会公民身份中的国家-公民关系:新冠肺炎疫情中限制行动自由作为缓解政策的分歧案例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2023.5
J. Nordensvärd, Therese Sefton, S. Godenhjelm
Abstract The aim of this article was to use an interpretivist approach to analyse the state–citizen nexus in general and the conflict between civil and social rights imposing restrictions on people’s freedom of movement during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Nordic countries: Sweden (restrictions were voluntary and relied on nudging and individual implementation), Norway (restrictions of movement were for everyone and was enforced by authorities), and Finland (restrictions of movement were for the capital region and was enforced by authorities). Sweden focused more on upholding the civil rights vis-à-vis social rights whereas in Norway and Finland social rights have trumped civil rights in the face of the pandemic. Thus, the analysis suggests that the Nordic countries cannot be understood as monoliths in all respects. The article thereby contributes to a greater understanding of how the Nordic governments prioritise civil and social rights differently when they are forced to choose.
本文的目的是用解释主义的方法分析北欧国家在COVID-19大流行期间国家-公民关系以及限制人们行动自由的公民权利和社会权利之间的冲突。瑞典(限制是自愿的,依靠轻推和个人执行),挪威(行动限制是针对每个人的,由当局执行)和芬兰(行动限制是针对首都地区的,由当局执行)。瑞典更注重维护公民权利-à-vis社会权利,而在挪威和芬兰,面对大流行病,社会权利比公民权利更重要。因此,分析表明,北欧国家不能在所有方面都被理解为巨石。因此,这篇文章有助于更好地理解北欧政府在被迫选择时如何以不同的方式优先考虑公民和社会权利。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy
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