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Impact of the economic crisis and contractions within the European long-term care systems 经济危机的影响和欧洲长期护理系统的收缩
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-11 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.35
Esther Albesa Jové
Abstract In 2008, the world underwent one of its worst economic and financial crises, whose consequences are still visible in some countries. This paper aims to analyse the impact of the crisis within the long-term care systems of Germany, England, Sweden and Spain from a comparative perspective. The time period analysed spans from the outset of the crisis in 2008, up to 2017. This article starts off from the thesis of the divergent impact of the economic crisis in these countries and the convergence between the impact of the crisis and long-term care contractions in the most afflicted countries. The outcome highlights the power of economic and financial pressures in order to explain the contractions within the care policies. Equally, it emphasizes the contradictions between the formal development level of the care systems and their practical institutional implementation in the field.
2008年,世界经历了有史以来最严重的经济和金融危机之一,其后果在一些国家仍然可见。本文旨在从比较的角度分析危机对德国、英国、瑞典和西班牙长期护理系统的影响。分析的时间段从2008年危机开始到2017年。本文从经济危机对这些国家的不同影响和最受影响国家的危机和长期护理收缩的影响之间的趋同这一论点出发。结果突出了经济和财政压力的力量,以解释护理政策的收缩。同样,它强调了护理系统的正式发展水平与其在实地的实际机构执行之间的矛盾。
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引用次数: 4
Two decades after Korpi and Palme’s “paradox of redistribution”: What have we learned so far and where do we take it from here? 科尔皮和帕尔梅的“再分配悖论”二十年后:到目前为止,我们学到了什么?我们从哪里得到了它?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-12 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.24
Dimitri Gugushvili, Tijs Laenen
Abstract Over two decades ago, Korpi and Palme (1998) published one of the most influential papers in the history of social policy discipline, in which they put forward a “paradox of redistribution”: the more countries target welfare resources exclusively at the poor, the less redistribution is actually achieved and the less income inequality and poverty are reduced. The current paper provides a state-of-the-art review of empirical research into that paradox. More specifically, we break down the paradox into seven core assumptions, which together form a causal chain running from institutional design to redistributive outcomes. For each causal assumption, we offer a comprehensive and critical review of the relevant empirical literature, also including a broader range of studies that do not aim to address Korpi and Palme’s paradox per se, but are nevertheless informative about it.
二十多年前,Korpi和Palme(1998)发表了社会政策学科史上最具影响力的论文之一,他们提出了一个“再分配悖论”:越多的国家将福利资源专门针对穷人,实际实现的再分配就越少,收入不平等和贫困的减少就越少。本文对这一悖论的实证研究进行了最新的回顾。更具体地说,我们将这一悖论分解为七个核心假设,它们共同构成了一条从制度设计到再分配结果的因果链。对于每一个因果假设,我们都对相关的实证文献进行了全面和批判性的回顾,还包括更广泛的研究,这些研究并不旨在解决Korpi和Palme悖论本身,但仍然提供了有关它的信息。
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引用次数: 7
Determinants of public employment services: exploring the relationship between benefit conditionality and partisan politics 公共就业服务的决定因素:探讨福利条件与党派政治之间的关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.34
Daniel Fredriksson
Abstract The purpose of this study is to analyse determinants of resources devoted to public employment services (PES). It has proven difficult to disentangle ‘carrots’ (placement and services) from ‘sticks’ (sanctions and monitoring) when tracking the development of PES spending. This has contributed to ambivalence concerning the role of partisan politics, especially since welfare states have been argued to increasingly emphasize the ‘sticks’ aspect of the PES, irrespective of ideological orientation. This suggests that the role of partisan politics should be analysed together with ‘demanding’ activation, which is made possible with novel data on unemployment benefit conditionality. The analysis includes 16 welfare states and results indicate that left and secular centre-right parties are associated with increased resources devoted to PES, but that effects of partisan politics are contingent on the form and extent of benefit conditionality. Increased conditionality is associated with higher PES spending, thus nuancing the cost-containment argument for activation.
摘要本研究的目的是分析公共就业服务(PES)资源的决定因素。事实证明,在跟踪PES支出的发展时,很难将“胡萝卜”(安置和服务)与“大棒”(制裁和监测)区分开来。这导致了关于党派政治作用的矛盾心理,特别是因为福利国家被认为越来越强调PES的“棍棒”方面,而不考虑意识形态取向。这表明,党派政治的作用应该与“要求”激活一起分析,这可以通过有关失业福利条件的新数据实现。该分析包括16个福利国家,结果表明,左翼和世俗中右翼政党与投入PES的资源增加有关,但党派政治的影响取决于福利条件的形式和程度。条件限制的增加与PES支出的增加有关,从而使启动的成本控制论点变得微妙。
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引用次数: 0
The government’s responses to incompatibility challenges to women: the case studies of Hong Kong and Taiwan 政府如何应对女性面临的不相容挑战:以香港和台湾为例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-10 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.33
S. Yu, C. Chau, Sze-Man Li, Mei-Yin Lee
Abstract International organizations such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank raise concerns about the financial sustainability issues of pension systems. These issues have attracted increasing attention because of the challenges presented by lower growth and financial market volatility, making it harder for governments to fulfil their promises on pension policies (Ebbinghaus, 2011). In order to tackle these challenges, it is not uncommon that governments reform pension schemes with an emphasis on individual responsibility (Yeh et al., 2018). They particularly stress the earnings-related pension measures as an important means to assist people to accumulate pension income (Foster, 2014). Employees are the target group for measures relating to earnings-related pension measures. The amount of pension income accumulated through these measures is highly related to employees’ earnings.
国际货币基金组织和世界银行等国际组织对养老金制度的财务可持续性问题表示关切。由于增长放缓和金融市场波动带来的挑战,这些问题引起了越来越多的关注,使政府更难履行其养老金政策承诺(Ebbinghaus,2011)。为了应对这些挑战,政府改革养老金计划,强调个人责任,这并不罕见(Yeh et al.,2018)。他们特别强调与收入相关的养老金措施是帮助人们积累养老金收入的重要手段(Foster,2014)。员工是与收入相关的养老金措施的目标群体。通过这些措施积累的养老金收入与员工收入高度相关。
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引用次数: 0
Those were the days: welfare nostalgia and the populist radical right in the Netherlands, Austria and Sweden 那些日子:福利怀旧和荷兰、奥地利和瑞典的民粹主义激进右翼
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-05 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.30
Sven Schreurs
Abstract In academia and beyond, it has become commonplace to regard populist parties – in particular, those on the radical right – as the archetypical embodiment of politics of nostalgia. Demand-side studies suggest that nostalgic sentiments motivate populist radical-right (PRR) voting and welfare chauvinist attitudes, yet systematic analyses of the nostalgic discourse that these parties promote have not been forthcoming. This paper seeks to fill that lacuna by analysing how the Freedom Party of Austria, the Dutch Party for Freedom and the Sweden Democrats framed the historical fate of the welfare state in their electoral discourse between 2008 and 2018. It demonstrates that their commitment to welfare chauvinism finds expression in a common repertoire of “welfare nostalgia,” manifested in the different modes of “reaction,” “conservation” and “modernisation.” Giving substance to a widespread intuition about PRR nostalgia, the paper breaks ground for further research into nostalgic ideas about social policy.
摘要在学术界和其他领域,将民粹主义政党——尤其是激进右翼政党——视为怀旧政治的典型体现已经变得司空见惯。需求侧研究表明,怀旧情绪激发了民粹主义激进右翼(PRR)的投票和福利沙文主义态度,但尚未对这些政党所倡导的怀旧话语进行系统分析。本文试图通过分析奥地利自由党、荷兰自由党和瑞典民主党在2008年至2018年的选举话语中如何界定福利国家的历史命运来填补这一空白。这表明,他们对福利沙文主义的承诺表现在“福利怀旧”的共同剧目中,表现在“反应”、“保护”和“现代化”的不同模式中。该论文为人们对PRR怀旧的普遍直觉提供了实质内容,为进一步研究社会政策的怀旧思想开辟了基础。
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引用次数: 6
The social legitimacy of the universal basic income from a social justice perspective: a comparative analysis of Germany and Slovenia 社会正义视角下全民基本收入的社会合法性:德国与斯洛文尼亚的比较分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.29
Katharina Zimmermann, Urban Boljka, Tatjana Rakar, Maša Filipovič Hrast
Abstract The universal basic income (UBI) has found its way into public debates and has prominent advocates across almost all political camps. In many debates, it is presented as a solution for the consequences of a large variety of current societal challenges, such as unemployment, over-education, ecological crises, gender inequality and issues related to digitalization and automatization. While UBI has been discussed broadly from an expert position, we know very little about the population’s perceptions of UBI. Thus, to shed light on the public legitimacy of UBI as a radically different concept of social justice and citizenship, our contribution uses data from large group discussions where participants explicitly refer to the UBI as an option for a future welfare state. By comparing debates in Slovenia and Germany, we unearth that the perspective adopted by the participants towards a UBI is strongly shaped by the welfare institutions of the countries in which they live and the social justice principles embodied in those institutions.
全民基本收入(UBI)已经进入公共辩论,并在几乎所有政治阵营中都有杰出的倡导者。在许多辩论中,它被视为解决当前各种社会挑战后果的解决方案,如失业、过度教育、生态危机、性别不平等以及与数字化和自动化相关的问题。虽然从专家的角度对全民基本收入进行了广泛的讨论,但我们对民众对全民基本收入的看法知之甚少。因此,为了阐明UBI作为一种完全不同的社会正义和公民概念的公共合法性,我们的贡献使用了来自大型小组讨论的数据,参与者明确将UBI作为未来福利国家的一种选择。通过比较斯洛文尼亚和德国的辩论,我们发现,参与者对UBI所采取的观点在很大程度上受到他们所居住国家的福利机构和这些机构所体现的社会正义原则的影响。
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引用次数: 6
Snowballing or wilting? What affects public support for varying models of basic income? 滚雪球还是枯萎?是什么影响了公众对各种基本收入模式的支持?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.28
Joe Chrisp, Ville-Veikko Pulkka, Leire Rincón García
Abstract Recently, the idea of a universal basic income has received unprecedented attention from policymakers, the media and the wider public. This has inspired a plethora of surveys that seek to measure the extent of public support for the policy, many of which suggest basic income is surprisingly popular. However, in a review of past surveys, with a focus on the UK and Finland, we find that overall levels of support for basic income can vary considerably. We highlight the importance of survey design and, by employing new survey data in each country, compare the levels and determinants of support for varied models of basic income. Our results point to the importance of the multi-dimensionality of basic income and the fragility of public support for the idea. The findings suggest that the ability of political actors to mobilise the public in favour of basic income will eventually depend on the precise model they wish to implement.
最近,全民基本收入的概念受到了政策制定者、媒体和广大公众前所未有的关注。这激发了大量的调查,试图衡量公众对该政策的支持程度,其中许多调查显示,基本收入的受欢迎程度令人惊讶。然而,回顾过去的调查,重点是英国和芬兰,我们发现对基本收入的总体支持水平可能相差很大。我们强调了调查设计的重要性,并通过在每个国家采用新的调查数据,比较了支持不同基本收入模式的水平和决定因素。我们的研究结果指出了基本收入的多维性的重要性,以及公众对这一想法支持的脆弱性。研究结果表明,政治行为者动员公众支持基本收入的能力最终将取决于他们希望实施的确切模式。
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引用次数: 8
ICS volume 36 issue 3 Cover and Back matter ICS第36卷第3期封面和封底
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.32
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引用次数: 0
The social legitimacy of basic income: a multidimensional and cross-national perspective. An introduction to the special issue 基本收入的社会合法性:多维度和跨国视角。特刊简介
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.27
Joe Chrisp, Tijs Laenen, Wim van Oorschot
Abstract In this special issue, authors present and discuss the findings of a series of recent national and EU cross-national empirical studies on public support for basic income. As such, the special issue offers new and innovative insights on such support and its individual and contextual drivers. The articles employ heterogeneous data and methods and therefore, as a whole, navigate the multi-dimensional nature of (opinions on) basic income. Three of the contributions use unique survey data to study the levels of support for basic income among various European populations and the complex ideological and social divides that explain such support. The other two contributions use qualitative data, from democratic fora, focus groups and in-depth interviews, to explore how citizens interpret basic income and what types of arguments they use in favour or against the implementation of the policy.
在本期特刊中,作者介绍并讨论了最近一系列关于公众支持基本收入的国家和欧盟跨国实证研究的结果。因此,本期特刊就此类支持及其个人和背景驱动因素提供了新的创新见解。这些文章采用了不同的数据和方法,因此,作为一个整体,引导了基本收入(对基本收入的看法)的多维性。其中三篇论文使用独特的调查数据来研究欧洲不同人口对基本收入的支持程度,以及解释这种支持的复杂的意识形态和社会分歧。另外两篇文章使用来自民主论坛、焦点小组和深度访谈的定性数据,探讨公民如何解释基本收入,以及他们支持或反对实施该政策的论据类型。
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引用次数: 2
Speaking to those who know it best: Does participation in an experiment explain citizens’ attitudes to basic income? 问那些最了解基本收入的人:参与一项实验能否解释公民对基本收入的态度?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/ics.2020.14
Miska Simanainen, O. Kangas
Abstract In this study, we analyse the relationship of participation in the Finnish basic income (BI) experiment and people’s attitudes towards a BI. The experiment, implemented in 2017–2018, aimed to improve citizens’ employment and well-being by reducing the eligibility conditions of basic social benefits and by increasing monetary incentives to find employment. The data on attitudes come from responses to a survey carried out during the experiment. Identical questions were posed to the treatment (receiving the BI) and the control group of the experiment. The contributions of this paper are (1) an estimation of the relationship between participation and opinions on BI, (2) an analysis of the heterogeneity of the relationship and (3) an estimation of the relationship between participation and people’s ability to express their opinions on BI. Our findings indicate that participation in the experiment significantly explains people’s support for a BI and their ability to express opinions.
摘要本研究分析了芬兰基本收入(BI)实验的参与程度与人们对BI的态度之间的关系。该实验于2017-2018年实施,旨在通过降低基本社会福利的资格条件和增加就业的货币激励来改善公民的就业和福祉。有关态度的数据来自对实验期间进行的一项调查的回应。对实验组(接受BI)和对照组提出了相同的问题。本文的贡献是:(1)估计了参与与商业智能意见之间的关系,(2)分析了这种关系的异质性,(3)估计了参与与人们表达商业智能意见的能力之间的关系。我们的研究结果表明,参与实验显著地解释了人们对BI的支持和他们表达意见的能力。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy
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