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Between Sect and State in Lebanon: Religious Leaders at the Interface 黎巴嫩教派与国家之间:处于交界的宗教领袖
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.1.1.02
Alexander Henley
Abstract:Muslim communities in Lebanon have developed radically new institutions of religious leadership since the advent of the confessional state. These leaderships were created or refined over the course of Lebanon’s first five decades (1920s–1970s), often building on pre-existing institutional norms but shaped by common patterns of integration into a state-centric system of confessional representation. Such institutions have played a key role in representing and reinforcing the sectarianisation of Islam in the country. On the other hand, their proximity to the state has made them prominent advocates of peaceful coexistence and political participation. This paper shows (1) how three Islamic religious leaderships have become institutional expressions of a distinctive Lebanese sectarianism, and (2) how they have in the process become defenders of the nation-state. Focusing on the Sunni office of mufti, this leadership is surveyed alongside its Shi‘i and Druze counterparts to highlight their convergence on a single institutional model. These developments began in response to a French colonial demand for interlocutors with religious communities, and gained urgency as these interlocutors negotiated communal autonomy in religious affairs. The project of communal self-governance – which included jurisdiction over personal status law – called for centralized religious institutions that could manage nationwide bureaucracies. Thus a Sunni mufti, Shi‘i sheikh, and Druze sheikh al-‘aql were each elevated to leadership of new religious hierarchies. While competition among these three leaderships played a part in their development, this paper uses the history of the 1975–90 civil war to show how their common enculturation into the life of the state has generated a strong centripetal tendency in their political behavior.
摘要:自忏悔国家出现以来,黎巴嫩的穆斯林社区已经发展出全新的宗教领导机构。这些领导层是在黎巴嫩建国的前五十年(20世纪20年代至70年代)中建立或完善的,通常建立在先前存在的制度规范之上,但受到以国家为中心的忏悔代表体系的共同整合模式的影响。这些机构在代表和加强该国伊斯兰教的宗派主义方面发挥了关键作用。另一方面,他们与国家的亲密关系使他们成为和平共处和政治参与的杰出倡导者。本文展示了(1)三个伊斯兰宗教领袖如何成为黎巴嫩独特宗派主义的制度性表达,以及(2)他们如何在此过程中成为民族国家的捍卫者。以穆夫提的逊尼派办公室为重点,这一领导层与什叶派和德鲁兹的同行一起被调查,以突出他们在单一制度模式上的融合。这些发展开始于对法国殖民地要求与宗教团体进行对话的回应,并随着这些对话者在宗教事务中谈判社区自治而变得紧迫。社区自治项目——包括对个人身份法的管辖权——要求建立能够管理全国性官僚机构的中央宗教机构。因此,逊尼派的穆夫提、什叶派的谢赫和德鲁兹教派的谢赫al- aql都被提升为新的宗教等级的领袖。虽然这三位领导人之间的竞争在他们的发展中发挥了作用,但本文使用1975-90年内战的历史来展示他们对国家生活的共同文化适应如何在他们的政治行为中产生了强烈的向心力倾向。
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引用次数: 3
Ibn Rushd's Political Philosophy in Contemporary Arab Scholarship: A Transient Revival? 伊本·拉什德的政治哲学在当代阿拉伯学术:短暂的复兴?
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.1.02
Malik Mufti
Abstract:What is it about Ibn Rushd that has made him such a lodestar for two different generations of Arab intellectuals–one which emerged in the early 1900s, the other in the late 1970s? Focusing on the second group, which arose in the milieu of young intellectuals who had been shaped by the secular pan-Arab nationalist and socialist ideologies of the 1950s and 1960s, but who now confronted the bankruptcy of those ideologies in the face of an insurgent populist Islamism, the following review identifies two currents in contemporary Arabic Rushdian scholarship: cultural nationalism and modernizing universalism. After analyzing how each sought inspiration in Ibn Rushd for its vision of Arab renewal, and then showing how deepening exposure to Ibn Rushd's texts revealed the incommensurability of his political philosophy with their nationalist, secularist or egalitarian agendas, I suggest that this "Second Wave" of Rushdian enthusiasm is already beginning to ebb. As pressure for democratization intensifies, the consolidation of democratic norms is narrowing the options for Arab intellectuals to a choice between a comprehensive liberalism and a religious populism neither of which seems to have any use for Ibn Rushd's political philosophy. While some individuals are opting for the latter choice, it appears that the majority of both currents are converging around a comprehensively liberal consensus. In such a context, can Ibn Rushd with his insistence on differentiating between high and low still provide, if not an alternative, at least a corrective to the prevailing spirit of the age?
摘要:伊本·拉什德(Ibn Rushd)是什么使他成为两代不同的阿拉伯知识分子——一个出现在20世纪初,另一个出现在20世纪70年代末——的标杆?第二组是在20世纪50年代和60年代受世俗泛阿拉伯民族主义和社会主义意识形态影响的年轻知识分子的环境中兴起的,但现在面对叛乱的民粹伊斯兰主义,这些意识形态面临破产,下面的评论确定了当代阿拉伯拉什派学术的两股潮流:文化民族主义和现代化普遍主义。在分析了每个人如何从伊本·拉什德的阿拉伯复兴愿景中寻求灵感,然后展示了对伊本·拉什德文本的深入接触如何揭示了他的政治哲学与他们的民族主义、世俗主义或平等主义议程的不可通约性之后,我认为拉什德的“第二波”热情已经开始消退。随着民主化压力的加剧,民主规范的巩固正在将阿拉伯知识分子的选择范围缩小到在全面的自由主义和宗教民粹主义之间进行选择,这两种选择似乎对伊本·拉什德的政治哲学都没有任何用处。虽然有些人选择后一种选择,但似乎这两种倾向的大多数人都在围绕一个全面的自由共识而趋同。在这样的背景下,伊本·鲁士德坚持区分高低,即使不能提供一种选择,至少也能纠正这个时代的主流精神吗?
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引用次数: 1
Muslims and the City 穆斯林与城市
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.2.10
Layla Sein
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引用次数: 0
From Egypt to Mount Qāf: The Symbolism of the Hoopoe in Muslim Literature and Folklore 从埃及到山Qāf:穆斯林文学和民间传说中呼拉圈的象征意义
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.3.1.04
T. Schum
Abstract:The bird known as the hoopoe (Lat. upupa epops, Ar. hudhud) has been a common motif in the literature and folklore of eastern Mediterranean and Middle Eastern cultures, from ancient to modern times. As a solar symbol, it was often associated with kingship, filial piety, and wisdom, and its body was believed to possess potent magical and medicinal properties. In the medieval Islamic world, the hoopoe also played a prominent cultural role, most notably via its inclusion in the Qur'ānic narrative surrounding the prophet Solomon, and its prominence as the central character in Farīd al-Dīn 'Aṭṭār's (d. ca. 1220 ce) book-length poem The Conference of the Birds (Manṭiq al-Ṭayr). Through a review of Biblical, Egyptian, and Greco-Roman sources alongside medieval Islamic literature and modern folklore, this article argues that the medieval Islamic world did not develop an independent tradition of literature and folklore related to hoopoes, but rather drew upon and continued pre-existing ancient and late antique traditions.
摘要:一种被称为“天头鸟”的鸟。从古代到现代,乌帕·波普斯(乌帕·波普斯)一直是地中海东部和中东文化的文学和民间传说的共同主题。作为太阳的象征,它经常与王权、孝顺和智慧联系在一起,它的身体被认为具有强大的魔力和药用特性。在中世纪的伊斯兰世界,戴套鸟也扮演了一个重要的文化角色,最引人注目的是它在古兰经ānic中围绕先知所罗门的叙述,以及它作为farfard al- d n 'Aṭṭār(公元1220年左右)的书长诗《鸟的会议》(Manṭiq al-Ṭayr)的中心人物的突出地位。通过对圣经、埃及和希腊罗马文献以及中世纪伊斯兰文学和现代民间传说的回顾,本文认为中世纪伊斯兰世界并没有发展出与箍球有关的独立的文学和民间传说传统,而是借鉴并延续了先前存在的古代和晚期古代传统。
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引用次数: 0
I Speak, Therefore I am Adam: The Question of Language and Becoming Human in the Qur'ān 我说话,所以我是亚当:古兰经中关于语言和成为人类的问题ān
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.3.1.03
K. Soleimani
Abstract:This article investigates the centrality of language in the Qur'ānic story of Adam as a human being or insān. Based on the Qur'ān's view of human creation, Adam emerges as a creature who is uniquely capable of naming things. Analyzing the semantic difference between the two key concepts of insān and bashar, I argue that the human being as khalīfa is the "successor" to non-speaking creatures rather than a successor to God, as is commonly understood. The appearance of the concept of insān in the Qur'ānic model of creation refers primarily to the creation of a speaking animal. Hence, the Qur'ānic use of the term khalīfa should also be seen as signifying an evolutionary stage in humanity's social life on earth rather than providing the basis for a political institution. Understanding the concept of khalīfa in the light of the human acquisition of language instead of mastery over God's earthly creation leads to a fundamentally different picture of political sovereignty in Islam from that held by proponents of political Islam.
摘要:本文考察了古兰经中ānic亚当作为人类的故事或insān中语言的中心地位。根据《古兰经》ān对人类创造的观点,亚当是一种能够命名事物的独特生物。通过分析insān和bashar这两个关键概念之间的语义差异,我认为作为khal法的人类是不会说话的生物的“继承者”,而不是一般理解的上帝的继承者。在《古兰经》的ānic创造模型中,insān概念的出现主要是指创造一种会说话的动物。因此,《古兰经》ānic对khal法一词的使用也应该被视为人类在地球上社会生活的一个进化阶段,而不是为政治制度提供基础。从人类对语言的习得而不是对真主在地上的创造的掌握的角度来理解khal法的概念,会导致一幅与政治伊斯兰支持者所持有的根本不同的伊斯兰政治主权的图景。
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引用次数: 0
Faith in the Courthouse: Muslims, Law, and Political Belonging in Europe and Canada 法院信仰:欧洲和加拿大的穆斯林、法律和政治归属
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.1.01
M. Adrian
Abstract:Increasing diversity is pressing states to re-negotiate the narratives of political membership and the meaning of nationhood. Who belongs, and how one belongs, has been a topic of heated contestation, including in Europe and North America. The following article looks at two cases–R v NS (Supreme Court of Canada) and SAS v France (European Court of Human Rights)–that come to different conclusions as to how far a Muslim woman with a face veil, or niqab, can be included in the public sphere. It is argued that any investigation into how people belong must be complex, multi-perspectival, and must expand traditional notions of civic participation in order to ensure freedom, facilitate religious manifestation, and foster diversity.
摘要:日益增长的多样性正迫使各国重新谈判政治成员身份和国家地位的意义。谁属于,一个人如何属于,一直是一个激烈争论的话题,包括在欧洲和北美。以下文章将检视两宗案件,即r诉NS(加拿大最高法院)和SAS诉法国(欧洲人权法院),就戴面纱的穆斯林妇女能在多大程度上被纳入公共领域得出不同的结论。有人认为,任何关于人们如何归属的调查都必须是复杂的、多视角的,并且必须扩展公民参与的传统观念,以确保自由、促进宗教表现和促进多样性。
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引用次数: 0
What is Islam? Conventional Views and Contemporary Perspectives 伊斯兰教是什么?传统观点与当代观点
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/jims.3.1.12
A. S. Tekelioglu
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引用次数: 0
Repetition in Qurʾānic Qaṣaṣ: With Reference to Thematic and Literary Coherence in the Story of Moses 古兰经中的重复ānic Qaṣaṣ:参考摩西故事的主题和文学连贯性
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.2.03
Faraan Alamgir Sayed
Abstract:This article analyses specific examples of repeated passages within the Qurʼānic story of Moses to discuss the use of repetition as a purposeful tool that evidences both literary and thematic coherence. This is conducted through an intertextual analysis of repeated texts and any variations observed. An initial discussion surrounding the Qur’an’s coherence is presented as well as a review of the classical scholarship written on the topic of repetition in the Qurʼān, focusing on the work of Maḥmūd ibn Ḥamza al-Kirmānī (d. 504/1111), one of the few classical scholars to have written a sole text dedicated to repetition, and Muḥammad b. Bahādur al-Zarkashī (d. 794/1392), who dedicates a chapter on repetition in his famous work al-Burhān fī ʿulūm al-Qur’ān. The analysis of selected examples of repetitions across the narrative of Moses will show that repeated passages, rather than being “editorial mistakes,” evidence variations (both subtle and apparent) for numerous purposes including: (1) macro-textual coherence, (2) phonetic and rhythmic compatibility, (3) rhetorical (irony), and (4) thematic emphasis. In addition, lexical and thematic repetitions exist to typologically link both the story of Moses and Muḥammad’s mission, providing wider cross-narrative character depth for the audience and reassurance to Muḥammad.
摘要:本文分析了古兰经ānic摩西故事中重复段落的具体例子,讨论了重复作为一种有目的的工具的使用,以证明文学和主题的连贯性。这是通过对重复文本和观察到的任何变化进行互文分析来进行的。围绕古兰经的一致性进行了初步的讨论,并对古兰经ān中重复主题的古典学术进行了回顾,重点是Maḥmūd ibn Ḥamza al-Kirmānī (d. 504/1111)的工作,他是为数不多的专门撰写重复文本的古典学者之一,以及Muḥammad b. Bahādur al- zarkashi (d. 794/1392),他在他的着作al-Burhān f ā ā ulūm al-Qur ' ān中专门讨论了重复。对摩西故事中重复的例子的分析将表明,重复的段落,而不是“编辑错误”,证明了多种目的的变化(无论是微妙的还是明显的),包括:(1)宏观文本的一致性,(2)语音和节奏的兼容性,(3)修辞(讽刺),(4)主题强调。此外,词汇和主题重复的存在是为了在类型上将摩西的故事和Muḥammad的使命联系起来,为观众提供更广泛的跨叙事角色深度,并让Muḥammad放心。
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引用次数: 0
Revolting Women? Early Kharijite Women in Islamic Sources 令人作呕的女人?伊斯兰文献中的早期Kharijite妇女
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.1.03
Carolyn G. Baugh
Abstract:The Kharijites were an early movement of anti-government activists, self-proclaimed pious rebels who began their protests in the seventh century of the common era. Their initial complaint was against ʿUthmān ibn ʿAffān (d. 656 ce), the third Caliph, for what they perceived as abuses of power and improper execution of Divine Law. Throughout Islamic history, many groups have appeared to protest deeply corrupt systems and injustices. Many women participated vigorously in antigovernment protests, many going so far as to take up arms. Even today, any group engaged in governmental protest or anti-government activities might easily be dubbed Kharijites and thus dismissed as "extremist." This paper focuses on women in Kharijite movements of late antiquity. The sources for this inquiry are early writers including Jāḥiẓ (d. 869 ce), Mubarrad (d. 900 ce), and Ṭabarī (d. 923 ce), with reference to the modern-era biographical compendium of ʿUmar Riḍā al-Kaḥḥāla. The three women discussed span three generations of Kharijite activity. Each of the three has a story with the ruler of the time. For Qaṭām, it is a story of revenge against the Caliph ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib (d. 660 ce). For Baljāʾ, it is one of political protest against the Caliph Muʿāwiya (d. 680 ce), directed against his governors Ziyād ibn Abīhi (d. 673 ce) and his son ʿUbayd Allāh ibn Ziyād (d. 686 ce). And for Ghazāla, it is a story of a year of battle and bloodshed during the rule of the Umayyad Caliph ʿAbd al-Mālik ibn Marwān's (d. 705 ce) tyrannical governor, al-Ḥajjāj ibn Yūsuf (d. 714 ce). The ways these deeply opinionated and activist women are depicted provide telling insight into how Muslim historiography has grappled with women revolutionaries.
摘要:Kharijites是一个早期的反政府激进分子运动,他们自称虔诚的反叛者,在公元七世纪开始抗议。他们最初的投诉是针对第三任哈里发Uthmān伊本Affān(公元656年),因为他们认为他滥用权力,不恰当地执行神圣的法律。纵观伊斯兰历史,许多团体似乎都在抗议严重腐败的制度和不公正。许多妇女积极参加反政府抗议活动,许多人甚至拿起了武器。即使在今天,任何参与政府抗议或反政府活动的团体都很容易被称为Kharijites,从而被视为“极端分子”。本文主要研究的是古代晚期哈利吉特运动中的女性。这一调查的资料来源是早期的作者,包括Jāḥiẓ(公元869年)、Mubarrad(公元900年)和Ṭabarī(公元923年),参考了现代时代的乌麦尔传记纲要Riḍā al-Kaḥḥāla。讨论的三位女性跨越了Kharijite活动的三代人。这三个人都有一个关于当时统治者的故事。对于Qaṭām来说,这是一个报复哈里发伊本·阿布·Ṭālib(公元660年)的故事。对于巴尔贾拉来说,这是对哈里发穆·伊·āwiya(公元680年)的政治抗议之一,直接针对他的总督Ziyād伊本·阿布·希(公元673年)和他的儿子伊·乌巴伊德Allāh伊本·Ziyād(公元686年)。对于Ghazāla来说,这是一个关于倭马亚哈里发阿卜杜勒al-Mālik伊本Marwān(公元705年)暴虐统治者al-Ḥajjāj伊本Yūsuf(公元714年)统治期间一年的战斗和流血的故事。这些固执己见、积极活动的女性被描绘出来的方式,让我们了解到穆斯林史学是如何与女性革命者作斗争的。
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引用次数: 2
Between Conflict and Coexistence: Saudi Shi’a as Subjects, Objects, and Agents in Wasatiyya and Wataniyya 冲突与共存之间:沙特什叶派在Wasatiyya和Wataniyya中作为主体、客体和代理人
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.1.1.04
Natana J. DeLong‐Bas
Abstract:Since 9/11 and the 2003–2005 terrorist attacks within Saudi Arabia, Saudi Shi’a have been variously considered as Iranian agents, terrorists within, apostates, political dissidents, partners in national dialogue, targets of development projects, and aspiring students and citizens. This multiplicity of portrayals suggests that the status and role of Saudi Shi’a fluctuates according to national priorities, domestic, regional, and international political concerns, and fluctuations in the economy. This paper analyzes the interplay between events and trends, on the one hand, and the status and perceptions of Shi’a, on the other, giving attention to both moments of hope, such as the Saudi National Dialogue on dealing with the religious “Other,” the inclusion of Shi’a in the King Abdullah Scholarship Program, and the growing youth activist population creating points of connection and cooperation between Sunnis and Shi’a in social media, and crackdowns, such as during the Arab Spring and the uprising in Bahrain, and concerns about the growing regional influence of Iran in the midst of conflicts in Yemen and Syria. Ultimately, the question is whether Saudi society overall will continue to follow the twin paths of wasatiyya (moderation) and wataniyya (love of nation) declared by former King Abdullah, asserting a supra-national identity uniting otherwise disparate identities, or if regional political instability will result in a resurgence and perpetuation of perceived sectarian strife.
摘要:自9/11事件和2003-2005年沙特阿拉伯境内的恐怖袭击以来,沙特什叶派被各种各样地视为伊朗特工、内部恐怖分子、叛教者、持不同政见者、全国对话伙伴、发展项目的目标,以及有抱负的学生和公民。这种多样性的描述表明,沙特什叶派的地位和作用随着国家优先事项、国内、区域和国际政治关切以及经济波动而波动。本文一方面分析了事件和趋势之间的相互作用,另一方面分析了什叶派的地位和观念,并关注了这两个充满希望的时刻,例如沙特阿拉伯国家对话处理宗教“他者”,什叶派被纳入阿卜杜拉国王奖学金计划(King Abdullah Scholarship Program),越来越多的青年活动人士在社交媒体上为逊尼派和什叶派之间创造了联系与合作的点,以及阿拉伯之春和巴林起义等镇压行动,以及对伊朗在也门和叙利亚冲突中日益增长的地区影响力的担忧。最终的问题是,沙特社会整体是否会继续遵循前国王阿卜杜拉(Abdullah)宣布的wasatiyya(温和)和wataniyya(热爱国家)的双重道路,坚持超国家身份,团结其他不同的身份,或者地区政治不稳定是否会导致宗教冲突的复苏和延续。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies
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