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Toward a Political Theory of Sectarianism in the Middle East: The Salience of Authoritarianism over Theology 走向中东宗派主义的政治理论:权威主义对神学的突出作用
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.1.1.05
N. Hashemi
Abstract:In his critically acclaimed book, The Shi’a Revival: How Conflicts within Islam Will Shape the Future, Vali Nasr has suggested that traditional concepts and categories used to explicate the Middle East, such as modernity, democracy, fundamentalism and nationalism, no longer adequately explain the politics of the region. It “is rather the old feud between Shi’as and Sunnis that forges attitudes, defines prejudices, draws political boundary lines, and even decides whether and to what extent those other trends have relevance.” In keeping with this argument, President Obama has on numerous occasions invoked the phrase “ancient sectarian differences” to explain the turmoil and conflict in the Arab-Islamic world today. This raises the question how old is the feud between Shi’as and Sunnis and how far back in history can we trace the origins of sectarianism that is currently destabilizing the Middle East? Rejecting the paradigm of “ancient sectarian hatreds” this paper locates the roots of sectarian conflict in the late twentieth century and not in the seventh century. More specifically, the political context that illuminates the question of sectarianism is the persistence of authoritarianism – as the dominant feature of the politics of the Middle East – and the crisis of legitimacy facing ruling regimes that has followed as a consequence. The political mobilization and manipulation of sectarian identities, it will be argued, is a key strategy for regime survival and it is within this framework that the question of sectarianism can be better understood. Drawing on the literature of “ethnic political mobilization” and the literature in international relations that explains the regional rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran, the question of sectarianism will be analyzed as the function of the “broken politics” of the Middle East and not due to irreconcilable theological differences between Sunnis and Shi’as.
摘要:瓦里•纳斯尔在其广受好评的著作《什叶派复兴:伊斯兰内部冲突将如何塑造未来》中指出,用来解释中东的传统概念和类别,如现代性、民主、原教旨主义和民族主义,已不能充分解释该地区的政治。“相反,是什叶派和逊尼派之间的宿怨形成了态度,定义了偏见,划定了政治界线,甚至决定了其他趋势是否相关,以及在多大程度上相关。”为了与这一论点保持一致,奥巴马总统在许多场合援引“古老的宗派分歧”来解释当今阿拉伯-伊斯兰世界的动荡和冲突。这就提出了这样一个问题:什叶派和逊尼派之间的宿怨有多久了?我们可以追溯到历史上多远的宗派主义的起源,这种宗派主义目前正在破坏中东地区的稳定?本文摒弃了“古老的宗派仇恨”的范式,将宗派冲突的根源定位在二十世纪晚期,而不是七世纪。更具体地说,说明宗派主义问题的政治背景是威权主义的持续存在——这是中东政治的主要特征——以及随之而来的执政政权面临的合法性危机。他们认为,政治动员和宗派认同的操纵是政权生存的关键战略,在这个框架内,宗派主义问题可以得到更好的理解。借鉴“民族政治动员”的文献和解释沙特阿拉伯和伊朗之间地区竞争的国际关系文献,将宗派主义问题分析为中东“破碎政治”的功能,而不是由于逊尼派和什叶派之间不可调和的神学分歧。
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引用次数: 18
What Jihad Questions Do Muslims Ask? 穆斯林问什么圣战问题?
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.1.04
E. Mohamed, Bakinaz Abdalla
Abstract:Using digital humanities tools and methods, we extract, classify, and analyze 1,006 jihad fatwas from a corpus of 164,000 online fatwas. We use the questions and page hits to rank clusters of fatwas in order to discover what jihad questions Muslims ask, what jihad issues interest Muslims the most, and what the targets of jihad may be. We focus more on the questions than the answers, since it is the questions that give us a window into what may be called the "Muslim collective mind." The results show that jihad questions are interwoven with several key topics, from performance of prayers to expiation for homosexuality. While the Prophet Muhammad's military expeditions were the most asked about and most viewed category, since they provide a model of what jihad is, the second most important category was concubinage. When there was a specific target, Jews were found in 73% of the questions.
摘要:利用数字人文学科的工具和方法,从164,000个在线教令语料库中提取,分类和分析了1006个圣战教令。我们利用问题和页面点击量对教令进行排序,以便发现穆斯林问的圣战问题是什么,穆斯林最感兴趣的圣战问题是什么,圣战的目标可能是什么。我们更关注问题而不是答案,因为正是这些问题为我们打开了一扇窗口,让我们了解所谓的“穆斯林集体思想”。结果表明,圣战问题与几个关键话题交织在一起,从祈祷的表现到为同性恋赎罪。先知穆罕默德的军事远征是被问及最多、观看最多的一类,因为他们为圣战提供了一个模型,而第二重要的一类是纳妾。当有一个特定的目标时,犹太人出现在73%的问题中。
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引用次数: 0
Annihilation in the Messenger Revisited: Clarifications on a Contemporary Sufi Practice and its Precedents 《信使》中的湮灭:对当代苏菲派实践及其先例的澄清
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.1.2.03
Oludamini Ogunnaike

Abstract:

Most accounts of the Sufi practice of annihilation in the Messenger (fanāʾʾl-rasūl) have presented it as a step in the process to annihilation in God (fanāʾʾllāh). However, this article will examine contemporary and classical Sufi accounts of annihilation in the Messenger (fanāʾʾl-rasūl) that describe this state or station coming after the state of annihilation in God (fanāʾʾllāh), constituting the beginning of the station of subsistence (al-baqāʾ). After analyzing these accounts, and the relationship between these two schemas of annihilation (annihilation in the Messenger leads to annihilation in God; annihilation in God is prior to annihilation in the Messenger), this article will conclude with an examination of some of the doctrinal implications of this alternate schema and its significance for debates surrounding the evolution and interpretation of Sufi practice and theory.

摘要:大多数关于苏菲在使者(fanu āh ā f ā ā l-rasūl)中湮灭的实践都将其作为在真主(fanu āh ā f ā ā llāh)中湮灭过程中的一个步骤。然而,本文将研究当代和古典的苏菲派关于《使者》中湮灭的描述(fanahu - f - ā ā l-rasūl),这些描述了在真主(fanahu - f - ā ā llāh)中湮灭状态之后的这种状态或状态,构成了生存状态(al- baqahu - ā)的开始。在分析了这些描述之后,以及这两种湮灭模式之间的关系(使者的湮灭导致真主的湮灭;真主的湮灭先于使者的湮灭),本文将以这种替代模式的一些教义含义及其对围绕苏菲实践和理论的演变和解释的辩论的意义进行检查来结束。
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引用次数: 0
Sayyid Quṭb in Iran: Translating the Islamist Ideologue in the Islamic Republic 赛义德Quṭb在伊朗:翻译伊斯兰共和国的伊斯兰理论家
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.1.2.04
Y. Ünal
Abstract:Although many studies have explored the dissemination of Sayyid Quṭb’s thought and the impact of his works on the formation of Islamist ideology in the Sunni world, little attention has been paid to the influence of Quṭb on the Islamic revolution in Iran. This article argues that Sayyid Quṭb was an influential figure among the Iranian revolutionaries and his ideas played an instrumental role in shaping the discourse of Islamism in pre-revolutionary Iran and the Islamic Republic. The article starts by exploring the personal and ideological connections between Sayyid Quṭb and pre-revolutionary Iranian Islamists. Next, it examines how these connections led to an extensive translation movement that popularized Quṭb’s ideas in Iran. With this translation movement, all of Quṭb’s major works were rendered into Persian by prominent Islamists of the time, such as Iran’s future supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. These works are still in print in the Islamic Republic of Iran today. Finally, the article discusses the legacy of Quṭb in contemporary Iran, where his writings are being reinterpreted in the light of contemporary political developments, such as the rise of Salafi jihadism. Toward this end, a conference on Sayyid Quṭb held in Tehran in 2015 attended by many prominent scholars and intellectuals. This conference is not only a good indicator of Quṭb’s continued importance in Iran but it also provides a view of the changes and continuities in the perception of Quṭb in Iranian intellectual circles.
摘要:虽然许多研究探讨了赛义德Quṭb思想的传播及其作品对逊尼派世界伊斯兰意识形态形成的影响,但很少关注Quṭb对伊朗伊斯兰革命的影响。本文认为,Sayyid Quṭb是伊朗革命者中有影响力的人物,他的思想在塑造革命前伊朗和伊斯兰共和国的伊斯兰主义话语方面发挥了重要作用。文章首先探讨了赛义德Quṭb与革命前的伊朗伊斯兰主义者之间的个人和意识形态联系。接下来,本文探讨了这些联系如何导致了一场广泛的翻译运动,从而在伊朗普及了Quṭb的思想。在这场翻译运动中,Quṭb的所有主要作品都被当时著名的伊斯兰主义者翻译成波斯语,比如伊朗未来的最高领袖阿亚图拉·阿里·哈梅内伊。这些作品至今仍在伊朗伊斯兰共和国印刷。最后,本文讨论Quṭb在当代伊朗的遗产,他的作品在当代政治发展的背景下被重新诠释,例如萨拉菲圣战主义的兴起。为此,2015年在德黑兰举行了一场关于Sayyid Quṭb的会议,许多著名学者和知识分子参加了会议。这次会议不仅是Quṭb在伊朗持续重要性的良好指标,也提供了伊朗知识界对Quṭb看法的变化和连续性。
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引用次数: 5
War and Peace in Islam 伊斯兰教的战争与和平
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.1.2.13
Layla Sein
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引用次数: 0
Neo-Orientalism and the Study of Islamic Philosophy: An Interview with Professor Mohammed Rustom 新东方主义与伊斯兰哲学研究:穆罕默德·拉斯顿教授访谈
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.3.1.11
M. Rustom
Abstract:After attending Professor Rustom's advanced seminar on Ibn Sina at Carleton University in winter 2017, doctoral candidate Soroosh Shahriari of McGill University, Canada, "brought up the possibility of . . . [posing] some 'hard' questions concerning the contemporary study of Islamic philosophy." Rustom's in-depth knowledge of the method and spirit of traditional Islamic education and Islamic metaphysics helps us navigate the complexities inherent in the study of Islamic philosophy in the modern academy. What follows is an edited version of this interview, which took place in Ottawa, Canada, February 2017.
摘要:2017年冬季,加拿大麦吉尔大学博士生Soroosh Shahriari在卡尔顿大学参加了Rustom教授的Ibn Sina高级研讨会后,“提出了……的可能性”。(提出)一些关于当代伊斯兰哲学研究的‘难题’。”Rustom对传统伊斯兰教育和伊斯兰形而上学的方法和精神的深入了解,有助于我们驾驭现代学术中伊斯兰哲学研究所固有的复杂性。以下是2017年2月在加拿大渥太华进行的采访的编辑版。
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引用次数: 1
The Maṣlaḥa of Film Production in Pre-Revolutionary Egypt, 1896–1952: A Sanctioning Apparatus or Covert Censorship? 革命前埃及电影制作的Maṣlaḥa, 1896-1952:一个制裁机构还是隐蔽的审查?
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.2.01
Heba Arafa Abdelfattah
Abstract:At the turn of the twentieth century, the lawfulness of film, like other modern innovations, posed a challenge for many Muslim ‘ulamā’. The fact that the film camera was a foreign invention coming from colonialist Europe complicated the challenge. Focusing on the formative years of Egyptian cinema, I analyze Islamic public discourses and legal opinions on the lawfulness of photography and acting, the two principal components of cinema production. I argue that the use of the Islamic legal concept of “public interest” (maṣlaḥa) enabled reformist ‘ulamā’ to positively sanction photography and acting, thereby permitting the production of motion pictures. However, maṣlaḥa was also used as a covert form of censorship. This seeming contradiction resulted from the fact that maṣlaḥa was sometimes reduced to a utilitarian tool that accepted this new medium of communication as a means of promoting Islamic cultural hegemony but disregarded the innovative aspects of film as a domain for creativity and freedom of expression.
摘要:在二十世纪之交,电影的合法性和其他现代创新一样,对许多穆斯林“乌拉姆”提出了挑战。胶卷相机是一项来自殖民主义欧洲的外国发明,这一事实使这一挑战变得更加复杂。着眼于埃及电影的形成时期,我分析了伊斯兰的公共话语和关于摄影和表演的合法性的法律意见,这是电影制作的两个主要组成部分。我认为,使用伊斯兰法律的“公共利益”概念(maṣlaḥa)使改革派的“ulamā”能够积极地批准摄影和表演,从而允许制作电影。然而,maṣlaḥa也被用作一种隐蔽的审查形式。这种表面上的矛盾源于这样一个事实,即maṣlaḥa有时被贬低为一个实用工具,它接受这种新的交流媒介作为促进伊斯兰文化霸权的手段,但忽视了电影的创新方面作为创造力和言论自由的领域。
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引用次数: 2
The Transnational Mosque: Architecture and Historical Memory in the Contemporary Middle East by Kishwar Rizvi (review) 跨国清真寺:当代中东地区的建筑与历史记忆/ Kishwar Rizvi(书评)
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.5860/choice.195904
Mohamed Elshahed
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引用次数: 0
Peace in Islam, Islam in Peace 伊斯兰的和平,伊斯兰的和平
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/jims.2.1.10
Juan Cole, Richard P. Mitchell
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引用次数: 1
Woolwich Terror, Surveillance, and the (Im)Possibility of Islamic Reform 伍尔维奇恐怖、监视和伊斯兰改革的可能性
Pub Date : 2019-01-01 DOI: 10.2979/JIMS.2.1.09
Hasan Azad
Abstract:In this essay I argue that Muslims across the board have internalized the Western discourse of the need to reform as a type of self-surveillance and as a means of living and being in the world. I examine the transnational Islamic political group Hizb ut-Tahrir's criticisms of British governmental and media-political pressures on Muslims to reform, and the Marrakech Declaration where "hundreds of Muslim scholars and intellectuals from over 120 countries … gathered in Marrakesh … to reaffirm the principles of the Charter of Medina." According to the declaration, non-Muslims in Muslim-majority countries are to be accorded freedom to live and practice their religions, in keeping with the Prophetic example. I also examine a discussion between the director of the "anti-extremism think tank" The Quilliam Foundation, Maajid Nawaz, and Sam Harris—one of the "Four Horsemen of New Atheism"—published as Islam and the Future of Tolerance: A Dialogue, in which the question of the need for Islamic reform is central.
摘要:在这篇文章中,我认为所有的穆斯林都内化了西方关于改革需要的话语,将其作为一种自我监督和生活在世界上的一种手段。我研究了跨国伊斯兰政治团体Hizb - tahrir对英国政府和媒体对穆斯林改革的政治压力的批评,以及马拉喀什宣言,其中“来自120多个国家的数百名穆斯林学者和知识分子……聚集在马拉喀什……重申麦地那宪章的原则。”根据该宣言,在穆斯林占多数的国家里,非穆斯林将按照先知的榜样,享有生活和实践其宗教的自由。我还研究了“反极端主义智库”奎利姆基金会主任马吉德·纳瓦兹和“新无神论四骑士”之一的萨姆·哈里斯之间的一场讨论,该讨论发表在《伊斯兰教与宽容的未来:对话》一书中,其中伊斯兰教改革的必要性问题是中心问题。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Journal of Islamic and Muslim Studies
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