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Thinking Regional on Peace Missions in Latin America 拉丁美洲和平使命的区域性思考
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-28 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02103001
M. Hirst
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引用次数: 3
Managing Expectations: How Have Tensions between the International Community and National Government Impacted the Implementation of Transitional Justice in South Sudan? 管理期望:国际社会与国家政府之间的紧张关系如何影响南苏丹过渡时期司法的实施?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-28 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02103005
Nicholas Vialle
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引用次数: 0
Rebuilding the Justice Sector of Afghanistan 重建阿富汗司法部门
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-04-28 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02103004
C. Foley
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引用次数: 1
Barriers to Operationalising the “Women, Peace & Security” Doctrine in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations 在联合国维持和平行动中实施“妇女、和平与安全”原则的障碍
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001005
S. Rimmer
This article argues that there are two barriers to operationalising the Women Peace and Security resolutions at the mission level that deserve further attention. The first barrier is that the legal architecture has flaws, and does not seem to be matched with a commensurate political commitment that shapes the high-level UN response at the level of mandate. The second barrier relates to the institutional ability to deliver a peacekeeping mission with gender equality at its heart, related to the capacity of domestic militaries. The article argues that there needs to be deeper thinking about the capabilities of modern militaries to fulfil complex peace operations which contain the imperative for gender sensitive for conflict analysis, planning, security sector reform, disarmament, DDR, and disaster response. The slow progress of gender reform of militaries is hindering credible regulatory responses in UN missions. The article concludes that this creates lingering distrust of military intervention as a tool to protect women and girls, even from conflict-related sexual violence, even in a peace-keeping context.
本文认为,在特派团一级执行妇女、和平与安全决议存在两个值得进一步注意的障碍。第一个障碍是,法律架构存在缺陷,似乎没有与相应的政治承诺相匹配,而政治承诺决定了联合国在授权层面的高级别反应。第二个障碍涉及以性别平等为核心的维持和平任务的体制能力,与国内军队的能力有关。本文认为,需要对现代军队执行复杂和平行动的能力进行更深入的思考,其中包括对冲突分析、规划、安全部门改革、裁军、复员和灾难应对等方面的性别敏感问题的必要性。军队性别改革进展缓慢,阻碍了联合国特派团做出可信的监管反应。这篇文章的结论是,这造成了对军事干预作为保护妇女和女孩的工具的挥之不去的不信任,即使是在维持和平的背景下,即使是与冲突有关的性暴力。
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引用次数: 0
UN Peacekeeping as the Most Presentable Part of Japan’s 2015 Peace and Security Legislation 联合国维和是日本2015年和平与安全立法中最引人注目的部分
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001003
T. Toyoda
In September 2015, the Japanese Diet enacted a series of laws – the Peace and Security Legislation – to enable the Japan Self-Defense Force to play an enhanced role in peace deployments overseas. The enactment of the new laws was made possible by a “new” interpretation of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution. While the main objective of the introduction of the laws was aimed at strengthening the alliance with the United States, JSDF participation in peace operations was also an important consideration politically. This article suggests that the Japanese government will now need to convince the public that the new Peace and Security Legislation is compatible with Japan’s constitutionally mandated pacifism. In light of the prospect of an expanded participation of Japan in international peace operations this will be particularly important.
2015年9月,日本国会通过了《和平与安保法》等一系列法律,使日本自卫队在海外和平部署中发挥更大作用。通过对日本宪法第9条的“新”解释,新法律的颁布成为可能。虽然制定这些法律的主要目的是为了加强与美国的联盟,但日本自卫队参与和平行动也是一个重要的政治考虑。这篇文章表明,日本政府现在需要说服公众,新的和平与安全立法与日本宪法规定的和平主义是相容的。鉴于日本扩大参加国际和平行动的前景,这将是特别重要的。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Operationalizing Human Rights in Peace Missions 导言:在和平特派团中实施人权
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001001
C. Michaelsen
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引用次数: 0
The Legal Quagmire of Civilian Protection in Peacekeeping under Japan’s New Security Legislation 日本新安保法下维和平民保护的法律困境
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001004
Hitoshi Nasu
Japan’s new security legislation, enacted on 30 September 2015 and came into force on 29 March 2016, has expanded the scope in which the Japanese Self-Defence Forces (SDF) personnel can use weapons while engaging in a peacekeeping mission. Among other changes, it authorises the SDF to use weapons in order to protect civilians (civilian protection mandate) or to come to the aid of geographically distant units (“come-to-the-aid” mandate). While this policy itself deserves approbation, its implementation by the SDF in peacekeeping operations under the new security legislation requires careful consideration. This article examines the legal quagmire they will encounter due to the recent jurisprudential development and associated debate regarding the regulation of the use of force in peacekeeping under international law and the circumstances where legal obligations may arise to use force in order to protect civilians. It concludes by suggesting the need for Japan to form its own legal position in relation to each of the debatable legal issues and to develop national rules of engagement for each peacekeeping operation they participate in with a view to effectively communicating its legal position in operational terms to its forces.
日本于2015年9月30日颁布并于2016年3月29日生效的新安保法扩大了日本自卫队(SDF)人员在执行维和任务时使用武器的范围。在其他变化中,它授权自卫队使用武器来保护平民(平民保护任务)或帮助地理上遥远的部队(“来援助”任务)。虽然这一政策本身值得批准,但自卫队在新的安全立法下执行维和行动需要仔细考虑。本文探讨了他们将遇到的法律困境,这是由于最近的法理学发展和有关国际法下维持和平行动中使用武力的规则的相关辩论,以及可能出现使用武力以保护平民的法律义务的情况。报告最后建议,日本有必要就每一个有争议的法律问题形成自己的法律立场,并为其参与的每一次维持和平行动制定国家接触规则,以便在行动方面有效地向其部队传达其法律立场。
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引用次数: 1
The Power of Article 103 of the un Charter on Treaty Obligations: Can the Security Council Authorise Non-Compliance of Human Rights Treaty Obligations in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations? 《联合国宪章》第103条关于条约义务的权力:安全理事会能否授权联合国维持和平行动不遵守人权条约义务?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001008
Sophocles Kitharidis
Understanding Article 103 of the Charter of the United Nations (UN Charter) has proven to be complex and controversial. This provision stipulates that in the event of a conflict, the obligations imposed on UN Member States under the UN Charter prevail over international treaty obligations. Difficulties arise when state parties must determine whether to construe the provision as applying narrowly only to express Charter obligations, or more widely to obligations generated by Charter bodies such as the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Within the context of UN peacekeeping operations, such operations are mandated by the UNSC. Emphasizing on the respect of the relationship between the UNSC and the UN Charter, Article 25 serves as a specific legal basis for the UNSC’s obligations to respect the provisions of the UN Charter by developing intra vires decisions which are consistent with Charter obligations. State practice therefore presupposes that priority for UNSC resolutions over treaty obligations is provided by Article 103. This article will first analyse Article 103 and in doing so, it will examine the obligations that the UNSC can impose on states. This will include a consideration of when UNSC mandated peacekeeping operations can, by their nature, contravene international human rights treaty obligations. It will then discuss the impact on peacekeeping operations on the presumption of complying with human rights obligations, including the right to life, freedom from torture and the right to liberty and security. Finally, this article will offer a critique of the capacity of Article 103 to override human rights obligations through the UNSC interpretation of ‘all means necessary’ in peacekeeping operations.
事实证明,《联合国宪章》第103条是复杂而有争议的。这一条款规定,在发生冲突时,联合国会员国根据《联合国宪章》承担的义务优先于国际条约义务。当缔约国必须决定是否将该条款解释为仅狭义地适用于表达《宪章》义务,还是更广泛地适用于《宪章》机构(如联合国安理会)产生的义务时,就会出现困难。在联合国维持和平行动范围内,此类行动由联合国安理会授权。第二十五条强调尊重安理会与《联合国宪章》之间的关系,为安理会履行尊重《联合国宪章》规定的义务、制定符合《宪章》义务的内部决定提供了具体的法律依据。因此,国家实践以安理会决议优先于条约义务为前提,这是第103条规定的。本文将首先分析第103条,在此过程中,它将审查联合国安理会可以对各国施加的义务。这将包括审议联合国安理会授权的维持和平行动在何种情况下就其性质而言可能违反国际人权条约义务。然后,它将讨论维持和平行动对遵守人权义务的推定的影响,包括生命权、免受酷刑的权利以及自由和安全的权利。最后,本文将通过联合国安理会对维和行动中“一切必要手段”的解释,对第103条超越人权义务的能力进行批评。
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引用次数: 2
Reforming UN peace operations: Will the high-level panel’s report make a difference for human rights? 改革联合国和平行动:高级别小组的报告会对人权产生影响吗?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001002
Jeni Whalan
In June 2015, the UN Secretary-General’s High-Level Panel on Peace Operations (HIPPO) handed down more than 100 recommendations for making peace missions more effective. Following in the tradition of the Brahimi Report (2000) and An Agenda for Peace (1992), the HIPPO report is the latest attempt to grapple with the escalating, and often competing, demands made of UN peace operations. This article assesses the prospects of HIPPO’s recommendations, identifying their likely impact, and where they will likely fall short.
2015年6月,联合国秘书长和平行动问题高级别小组(HIPPO)提出了100多项提高和平特派团效率的建议。继卜拉希米报告(2000年)和和平议程(1992年)的传统之后,HIPPO报告是应对联合国和平行动不断升级且经常相互竞争的要求的最新尝试。本文评估了HIPPO建议的前景,确定了它们可能的影响,以及它们可能不足的地方。
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引用次数: 0
Policing the Peacekeepers: Disrupting UN Responses to 'Crises' Over Sexual Offence Allegations 维持和平人员的治安:扰乱联合国对性犯罪指控“危机”的反应
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-12-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-02001006
O. Simić
Over the last two decades, United Nations (UN) peacekeepers have faced a series of sexual offence allegations, largely against women and young girls and boys. The earliest reports emerged from Cambodia in 1992 and the latest in 2016, with a large majority of cases situated in the Central African Republic. This article briefly outlines the history of sexual offence allegations that have followed almost every peacekeeping operation conducted since the early 1990s. It then outlines some measures that the UN has devised to prevent sex crimes. It is argued that the strategies deployed do not reflect the gravity of the crimes which continue to be largely portrayed as disciplinary misconduct.
在过去二十年中,联合国维持和平人员面临一系列性侵犯指控,主要针对妇女和年轻女孩和男孩。最早的报告出现在1992年的柬埔寨,最新的报告出现在2016年,其中绝大多数病例发生在中非共和国。本文简要概述了自20世纪90年代初以来,几乎每次维和行动都伴随着性侵犯指控的历史。然后概述了联合国为防止性犯罪而制定的一些措施。有人认为,所采用的战略并没有反映出这些罪行的严重性,这些罪行在很大程度上仍然被描述为违纪行为。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of International Peacekeeping
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