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Peacekeepers in Combat: Protecting Civilians in the D.R. Congo 战斗中的维和人员:保护刚果民主共和国的平民
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-26010003
A. Dorn
Largely uncredited in public media and academic literature, the United Nations has used armed force frequently in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (drc), probably more than in any other UN peacekeeping operation. Though unheralded, this saved lives and protected cities and towns. However, attacks on civilians in drc are so frequent and widespread that many times the mission has been unable to respond in a timely fashion. To save more lives and gain trust in the local population, a much greater UN effort is needed to support robust measures, with more resources, determination and accountability (for inaction as well as action), even as “donor fatigue” sets in for a mission that has been operating since 1999. Still, it is important for peacekeeping as a whole to recognize and learn from cases of use of force against Congolese illegal armed groups (iag s), like the adf, cndp, fdlr, frpi, and M23. These cases show some remarkable successes, including removing some major poc threats, fracturing rebel groups, increasing UN deterrence, and enhancing the rule of law in the still untamed “Wild East” of the immense African country.
联合国在公共媒体和学术文献中大多未经编辑,经常在刚果民主共和国使用武装力量,可能比任何其他联合国维和行动都多。尽管无人知晓,但这拯救了生命,保护了城镇。然而,刚果民主共和国对平民的袭击如此频繁和广泛,以至于特派团多次无法及时作出反应。为了挽救更多的生命并获得当地人民的信任,联合国需要做出更大的努力,以更多的资源、决心和问责制(对不作为和行动)来支持强有力的措施,即使自1999年以来一直在运作的特派团出现了“捐助者疲劳症”。尽管如此,对整个维和行动来说,重要的是要认识到并从对刚果非法武装团体使用武力的案例中吸取教训 s) ,如adf、cndp、fdlr、frpi和M23。这些案例显示了一些显著的成功,包括消除了一些主要的poc威胁,瓦解了反叛组织,增强了联合国的威慑力,并在这个巨大的非洲国家仍然未被开垦的“狂野东方”加强了法治。
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引用次数: 0
UN Peacekeeping Will Be Paralyzed as Long as Putin Is in Power: What Can the US and nato Do about It? 只要普京掌权,联合国维和行动就会瘫痪:美国和北约能做些什么?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-26010002
M. Dziedzic
The Russian invasion of Ukraine was a watershed moment in global security affairs comparable to the end of World War ii and the Cold War. UN Secretary-General António Guterres has forewarned “Geostrategic divides … are paralyzing the global response to the dramatic challenges we face.” This article assesses the implications of this paralysis for peacekeeping and suggests what the US and nato can do to cope with the impact. Five of the UN’s six peacekeeping missions addressing internal conflicts are in Africa, and the most likely future for UN peacekeeping is to be endlessly mired in quagmires there, exacerbated by Russia’s mercenary Wagner Group. This paper offers measures to address the threat the Wagner Group poses by bolstering the capacity of peacekeeping operations to deal with its spoiling behavior, as well as that of other criminalized power structures, and to ameliorate the risk of destabilization in Africa.
俄罗斯入侵乌克兰是全球安全事务的分水岭,可与第二次世界大战和冷战的结束相提并论。联合国秘书长安东尼奥·古特雷斯(António Guterres)警告称,“地缘战略分歧……正在使全球对我们面临的巨大挑战的反应陷入瘫痪。”这篇文章评估了这种瘫痪对维和行动的影响,并建议美国和北约如何应对这种影响。联合国处理内部冲突的六个维和特派团中有五个在非洲,联合国维和行动最有可能的未来是无休止地陷入困境,俄罗斯雇佣军瓦格纳集团加剧了这一困境。本文提出了应对瓦格纳集团构成的威胁的措施,加强维和行动的能力,以应对其破坏行为以及其他被定罪的权力结构的破坏行为,并降低非洲不稳定的风险。
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引用次数: 0
Front matter 前页
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-29 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-26010000
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引用次数: 0
The Evolving Role of the General Assembly vis-à-vis the Security Council in the Maintenance of Peace 大会相对于安全理事会在维持和平方面不断演变的作用
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25040001
R. Barber
In recent years, the UN Security Council has proved unable to respond to pressing global security crises. The General Assembly has been stepping up, passing robust resolutions including on Syria, Myanmar and Russia/Ukraine, and most recently committing to meet every time a veto is cast in the Security Council.This article considers whether the Assembly’s recent interventions have altered its position in the UN system vis-à-vis that of the Security Council. It first reviews the Assembly’s powers as described in the UN Charter, then reviews the Assembly’s evolving practice, and then elaborates how, legally, that practice shapes the Assembly’s competence. The article concludes that the Assembly’s recent interventions have not further expanded its powers, but have shifted the status quo pertaining to the relative roles of the General Assembly and Security Council. The final part of the article proceeds on the assumption that we may now look to the Assembly to intervene more routinely in global crises, and considers what we should thus look to the Assembly to usefully do.
近年来,事实证明,联合国安理会无法应对紧迫的全球安全危机。联合国大会一直在加紧行动,通过了包括叙利亚、缅甸和俄罗斯/乌克兰在内的强有力的决议,最近还承诺在安理会每次投否决权时都会举行会议。本文考虑了联合国大会最近的干预是否改变了其在联合国系统中相对于安理会的立场。它首先审查了《联合国宪章》中规定的大会权力,然后审查了大会不断演变的做法,然后阐述了这种做法在法律上如何塑造大会的权限。文章的结论是,大会最近的干预并没有进一步扩大其权力,而是改变了与大会和安全理事会的相对作用有关的现状。文章最后一部分的出发点是,我们现在可以期待大会更经常地干预全球危机,并考虑我们应该期待大会做些有益的事情。
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引用次数: 0
Sorpong Peou, Global Public Governance: World Government or Regional Communities? Sorpong Peou,全球公共治理:世界政府还是区域社区?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25040007
B. Howe
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引用次数: 0
Nomads and Warlords, Chadian Forces in African Peace Operations 游牧民族和军阀,非洲和平行动中的乍得军队
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25040002
A. Tchie
Despite criticism of the United Nations (UN) as peacekeepers “hiding behind sandbags,” by the former president of Chad, the Chadian military has become a critical enabler of African-led and UN peace operations. This paper posits that the effectiveness of the Chadian forces stems from refined and modified nomad and warlord structures and attributes used during Chad’s various conflicts to build and improve its national army. This has allowed the Chadian regime to exercise and project power, thus, producing one of Africa’s most effective forces for current conflicts and challenges. Thus, Chad’s military leadership reflects a trend of states that use military prowess to project force, while maintaining international partnerships with permanent members of the unsc (the US and France), UN peacekeeping missions and African ad hoc security initiatives. Finally, the paper examines the implications of this trend for the evolving nature of African Peace and Security Architecture.
尽管乍得前总统批评联合国维和人员“躲在沙袋后面”,但乍得军方已成为非洲领导的联合国和平行动的关键推动者。本文认为,乍得军队的有效性源于乍得在各种冲突中为建立和改进国家军队而使用的游牧和军阀结构和属性的改进和改进。这使乍得政权得以行使和投射权力,从而产生了应对当前冲突和挑战的非洲最有效的力量之一。因此,乍得的军事领导层反映了一种趋势,即国家利用军事实力投射力量,同时与联合国安理会常任理事国(美国和法国)、联合国维和特派团和非洲特别安全倡议保持国际伙伴关系。最后,本文探讨了这一趋势对非洲和平与安全架构演变性质的影响。
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引用次数: 2
Blurred Lines or Spatial Clustering? Assessing the Association between Peacekeeping Presence and Attacks against Humanitarians in Darfur 模糊的线条还是空间集群?评估维持和平存在与达尔富尔人道主义袭击之间的关系
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25040003
Allard Duursma, Larissa A. Fast, R. Read
A prominent explanation of the rising attacks on aid workers is that aid workers in proximity to peacekeepers or soldiers of an intervention force are seen to be associated with them. This article leverages high-quality, disaggregated data collected by the UN about attacks on humanitarians in Darfur between January 2008 and March 2009 to examine this “blurring of the lines” explantion. We argue that rather than a blurred lines logic, spatial clustering of peacekeepers and humanitarians in a given area explains why aid workers are often attacked in proximity to peacekeepers. Consistent with this argument, we find that when controlling for humanitarian activity, the number of peacekeepers in an area is no longer significantly associated with attacks on aid workers. This study has important implications for current discussions on the relationship between humanitarians and peacekeepers and the concept of humanitarian space.
对救援人员遇袭事件不断增加的一个突出解释是,维和人员或干预部队士兵附近的救援人员被视为与他们有关联。本文利用联合国收集的关于2008年1月至2009年3月期间达尔富尔人道主义工作者遭受袭击的高质量分类数据,来研究这种“界限模糊”的解释。我们认为,维和人员和人道主义人员在特定地区的空间聚集并不是模糊的逻辑,而是解释了为什么救援人员经常在维和人员附近遭到袭击。与这一论点一致的是,我们发现,在控制人道主义活动时,一个地区的维和人员人数不再与袭击援助人员有很大联系。这项研究对当前关于人道主义工作者和维和人员之间关系以及人道主义空间概念的讨论具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Post-Cold War Promises of Third Party Military Interventions: Implications for Core Human and Political Rights 冷战后第三方军事干预的承诺:对核心人权和政治权利的影响
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-08 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25040004
Tessa Postmus, A. Rrustemi
Since the end of the Cold War, and especially since the adoption of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, third party military interventions are only justified in cases of large-scale human rights violations. However, the number of military interventions did not decrease since 1989. A large-N study is done to measure the effect of third party military interventions since 1989 on core human right practices. It is argued that five years after an intervention takes place, there will be less physical harm to citizens. However, the effect on political rights appears to be diminishing. In addition, to contribute to the discussion as to who should intervene, an analysis about the intervener’s political system is included in this article. The results impose important questions and debates, both about the intentions and effects of foreign troops intervening in a conflict, as the conceptualization and cultural debate with regard to human rights violations.
自冷战结束以来,特别是自保护责任学说通过以来,只有在大规模侵犯人权的情况下,第三方军事干预才是合理的。然而,自1989年以来,军事干预的次数没有减少。进行了一项大N研究,以衡量自1989年以来第三方军事干预对核心人权做法的影响。有人认为,干预措施实施五年后,对公民的身体伤害会减少。然而,对政治权利的影响似乎正在减弱。此外,为了有助于讨论谁应该干预,本文还对干预者的政治制度进行了分析。这些结果提出了重要的问题和辩论,既有关于外国军队干预冲突的意图和影响的问题,也有关于侵犯人权的概念化和文化辩论的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Detaining the Short-Term: Assessing the Nature of “Interim” United Nations Peacekeeping Missions and Mandates 扣留短期:评估“临时”联合国维持和平特派团和任务的性质
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25030002
Kiran Mohandas Menon
When looking at the classification of United Nations peace operations, the role of the ‘interim’ mission is one that evokes particular interest. What is evident is that there has been a repeated usage of this term to describe missions with vastly different mandates, operational parameters and ultimately, lives. Considering the importance of how the nature or character of a mission is presented to themes concerning their legitimacy and related narratives, there is value in exploring how the United Nations has historically employed this term in peacekeeping contexts and the rationales and realities that may have underpinned such usage. This paper purports to make such an exploration with the understanding that the language used to outline the contours of peace operations and characterize the terms of their existence is an essential element when assessing the dialectics that surround the justifications of employing peacekeeping missions.
在审视联合国和平行动的分类时,“临时”特派团的作用引起了特别的兴趣。显而易见的是,人们一再使用这个词来描述任务、行动参数以及最终生命截然不同的特派团。考虑到如何将特派团的性质或性质介绍给涉及其合法性和相关叙述的主题的重要性,有必要探讨联合国历史上如何在维和背景下使用这一术语,以及可能支持这种使用的理由和现实。本文件旨在进行这种探索,但有一项理解,即在评估使用维持和平特派团的理由的辩证法时,用来勾勒和平行动的轮廓和描述其存在条件的语言是一个基本要素。
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引用次数: 0
Civilian Dimensions of Peace Support Operations in Africa 非洲和平支助行动的民事层面
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-10-25 DOI: 10.1163/18754112-25030001
A. M. Yanet
Civilian dimensions complement the Military and Police components of Peace Support Operations (pso s) in contemporary peace missions. This article will focus on enhancing civilian capacities to enable them play their roles in mandate implementation. To properly interrogate this phenomenon, the concept of civilian dimensions in pso will be clearly defined in the light of rationale for participation. Furthermore, existing mechanisms in the UN, AU and ecowas will be utilised to underscore the significance of civilians owing to the changing dynamics of the conflict and security environment. The structures of two missions, African-led International Support to Mali (afisma) and African Mission in Somalia (amisom) will be used to highlight the achievements and existing gaps, in civilian dimensions in Africa. The final section addresses the challenges militating against the development of civilian dimensions and its future in Africa.
在当代和平特派团中,文职人员是和平支助行动军事和警察部分的补充。本条将侧重于加强文职人员的能力,使他们能够在执行任务中发挥作用。为了正确地质疑这一现象,将根据参与的理由明确定义pso中平民层面的概念。此外,由于冲突和安全环境的动态变化,联合国、非盟和ecowas的现有机制将被用来强调平民的重要性。两个特派团的结构,即非洲领导的国际马里支助团(afisma)和非洲驻索马里特派团(amisom),将用于突出非洲文职方面的成就和现有差距。最后一节论述了阻碍非洲平民层面发展及其未来的挑战。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of International Peacekeeping
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