Depopulation caused by emigration and negative natural growth is a feature of all societies and states in the post-Yugoslav space. Migration, as one of the causes of depopulation, results in problems in the fundamental issues of building a democratic society and state. The implications of depopulation are multiple on political processes, and important effects are visible in the elections in these societies. The subjects of analysis in this paper are different approaches to regulating the voting rights of emigrants in electoral processes in the political systems of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro. These countries are the best examples of three different models of regulation of electoral processes, and they are good examples of mechanisms and shortcomings for exercising the right of emigrants to vote. In this regard, the first open question is the number of eligible voters and the effective number of voters in these countries. In these three countries, we encounter out-of-date and insufficiently accurate voter lists, which are the product of poor administration and the constant change in the number of inhabitants, which is insufficiently monitored. Another important issue that we analyze is the voting right of emigrants, where we come across different models and (in) possibilities to use the right to vote. Through the analysis, we show different solutions and their implications on the election process. The analysis of different approaches in the regulation of the right to vote of emigrants shows a number of dilemmas in the basic exercise of the right to vote, and often discriminatory treatment of voters outside the country. The third level of analysis is the analysis of the overall participation of emigrants and their participation in political and electoral processes through electoral cycles that show trends in this area.
{"title":"Depopulation and Electoral Process","authors":"Slaviša Orlović, D. Kovačević","doi":"10.20901/an.19.02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.19.02","url":null,"abstract":"Depopulation caused by emigration and negative natural growth is a feature of all societies and states in the post-Yugoslav space. Migration, as one of the causes of depopulation, results in problems in the fundamental issues of building a democratic society and state. The implications of depopulation are multiple on political processes, and important effects are visible in the elections in these societies. The subjects of analysis in this paper are different approaches to regulating the voting rights of emigrants in electoral processes in the political systems of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro. These countries are the best examples of three different models of regulation of electoral processes, and they are good examples of mechanisms and shortcomings for exercising the right of emigrants to vote. In this regard, the first open question is the number of eligible voters and the effective number of voters in these countries. In these three countries, we encounter out-of-date and insufficiently accurate voter lists, which are the product of poor administration and the constant change in the number of inhabitants, which is insufficiently monitored. Another important issue that we analyze is the voting right of emigrants, where we come across different models and (in) possibilities to use the right to vote. Through the analysis, we show different solutions and their implications on the election process. The analysis of different approaches in the regulation of the right to vote of emigrants shows a number of dilemmas in the basic exercise of the right to vote, and often discriminatory treatment of voters outside the country. The third level of analysis is the analysis of the overall participation of emigrants and their participation in political and electoral processes through electoral cycles that show trends in this area.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"88 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67613011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper presents the results of a survey that assessed the impact of informal and formal agents of the political socialization (PS) process on a sample of students enrolled at the University of Rijeka (N = 635). The correlation between the participants' ideological self-identification (PIS) and the assessed ideological orientation of their parents (PIO) was analyzed. Students believe that no agent of socialization has even moderately influenced the formation of their political views and assess the weakest influence of the formal PS agent – teachers in primary and secondary schools. The participants believe that parents have influenced their political attitudes more than other agents, but assess this influence on average as weak, regardless of whether they place their parents in the same or different positions on the ideological orientation (IO) scale. Left- and right-oriented participants admit a somewhat stronger influence of their parents' informal PS than those who rank themselves in the center. Statistically significant correlations between PIS and the perceived PIO were obtained. A small share of participants does not perceive a similarity between their own and their parents' IO and there is a negligible share of those who place their parents in diametrically opposed positions on the scale. The participants who have a greater interest in politics and those from a more politically stimulating environment are more inclined to move away from the political center and their parents' IO. Concordance between family IOs increases with the perception of better relationships with parents.
{"title":"Does the Apple Fall Far from the Tree?","authors":"Željko Boneta, Marko Mrakovčić","doi":"10.20901/an.18.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.09","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents the results of a survey that assessed the impact of informal and formal agents of the political socialization (PS) process on a sample of students enrolled at the University of Rijeka (N = 635). The correlation between the participants' ideological self-identification (PIS) and the assessed ideological orientation of their parents (PIO) was analyzed. Students believe that no agent of socialization has even moderately influenced the formation of their political views and assess the weakest influence of the formal PS agent – teachers in primary and secondary schools. The participants believe that parents have influenced their political attitudes more than other agents, but assess this influence on average as weak, regardless of whether they place their parents in the same or different positions on the ideological orientation (IO) scale. Left- and right-oriented participants admit a somewhat stronger influence of their parents' informal PS than those who rank themselves in the center. Statistically significant correlations between PIS and the perceived PIO were obtained. A small share of participants does not perceive a similarity between their own and their parents' IO and there is a negligible share of those who place their parents in diametrically opposed positions on the scale. The participants who have a greater interest in politics and those from a more politically stimulating environment are more inclined to move away from the political center and their parents' IO. Concordance between family IOs increases with the perception of better relationships with parents.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48247352","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Namjera autora članka je upoznati hrvatsku akademsku i stručnu javnost sa specifičnim oblikom diplomacije – vojnom odnosno obrambenom diplomacijom. prvi odjeljak članka posvećen je diplomaciji kao sastavnom dijelu međunarodnih odnosa kao grane politologije, odnosno razlikovanju diplomacije od diplomatskih studija, drugi povijesti vojne i nastanku obrambene diplomacije, treći njenim zadaćama i osobitostima u 21. stoljeću, četvrti terminološkim nedoumicama između vojne i obrambene diplomacije, dok je posljednji odjeljak posvećen razvoju vojne diplomacije u republici Hrvatskoj. autori zaključuju da je diplomacija dio međunarodnih odnosa kao grane politologije, ali i to da međunarodni odnosi ne polažu monopol na diplomaciju, dok analizom definicija i zadaća diplomacije čiji su glavni akteri vojni ili obrambeni izaslanici, autori zaključuju da vojna diplomacija i obrambena diplomacija predstavljaju dvije faze razvoja vojno/obrambene diplomacije. Zbog promjene njezinih osnovnih zadaća, do pada berlinskog zida 1989. obavještajne aktivnosti bile su prioritetna djelatnost vojne diplomacije, dok je u poslijehladnoratovskom razdoblju težište obrambene diplomacije na unapređenju odnosa, partnerstvu i suradnji među državama, stoga je tijekom 1990-ih došlo do promjene naziva diplomacije. vezano za republiku Hrvatsku, autori smatraju da se iz povijesnih i tradicionalnih razloga i dalje koristi termin vojna diplomacija, iako se pod tim imenom obavljaju zadaće obrambene diplomacije.
作者的意图是向克罗地亚学术界和专家公众介绍一种特定的外交形式——军事或防御性外交。会员国的第一部分致力于外交作为国际关系的一部分，如多神教分支，区分外交与外交研究，其他军事和国防外交史，第三部分的任务和个性21。几个世纪以来，军事外交和国防外交之间的第四次术语分歧致力于克罗地亚共和国军事外交的发展。作者认为，外交是国际关系的一部分，是多元论的一个分支，但国际关系在外交中并不具有垄断地位。在分析外交的定义和使命时，作者认为，军事外交和国防外交构成了军事/国防外交发展的两个阶段。由于基本任务的改变，柏林墙于1989年倒塌。obavještajne aktivnosti bile su prioritetna djelatnost vojne diplomacije，dok je u poslijehdnoratovskom razdoblju tež。关于克罗地亚共和国，提交人认为，由于历史和传统原因，军事外交一词仍然被使用，尽管国防外交是以这个名字进行的。
{"title":"Diplomacija u međunarodnim odnosima","authors":"Lidija Kos-Stanišić, Stjepan Domjančić","doi":"10.20901/an.18.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.12","url":null,"abstract":"Namjera autora članka je upoznati hrvatsku akademsku i stručnu javnost sa specifičnim oblikom diplomacije – vojnom odnosno obrambenom diplomacijom. prvi odjeljak članka posvećen je diplomaciji kao sastavnom dijelu međunarodnih odnosa kao grane politologije, odnosno razlikovanju diplomacije od diplomatskih studija, drugi povijesti vojne i nastanku obrambene diplomacije, treći njenim zadaćama i osobitostima u 21. stoljeću, četvrti terminološkim nedoumicama između vojne i obrambene diplomacije, dok je posljednji odjeljak posvećen razvoju vojne diplomacije u republici Hrvatskoj. autori zaključuju da je diplomacija dio međunarodnih odnosa kao grane politologije, ali i to da međunarodni odnosi ne polažu monopol na diplomaciju, dok analizom definicija i zadaća diplomacije čiji su glavni akteri vojni ili obrambeni izaslanici, autori zaključuju da vojna diplomacija i obrambena diplomacija predstavljaju dvije faze razvoja vojno/obrambene diplomacije. Zbog promjene njezinih osnovnih zadaća, do pada berlinskog zida 1989. obavještajne aktivnosti bile su prioritetna djelatnost vojne diplomacije, dok je u poslijehladnoratovskom razdoblju težište obrambene diplomacije na unapređenju odnosa, partnerstvu i suradnji među državama, stoga je tijekom 1990-ih došlo do promjene naziva diplomacije. vezano za republiku Hrvatsku, autori smatraju da se iz povijesnih i tradicionalnih razloga i dalje koristi termin vojna diplomacija, iako se pod tim imenom obavljaju zadaće obrambene diplomacije.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49615315","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jedna od bolje utvrđenih činjenica hrvatske politike jest geografska podjela na sjeverozapadni dio zemlje koji glasa za lijeve opcije i jugoistočni dio zemlje koji glasa za desne opcije. Hrvatska u tom pogledu nije iznimka s obzirom na to da više zemalja u regiji i šire dijeli isto obilježje geografskog grupiranja različitih vrsta političkih identiteta. koji bi dugoročni faktori mogli objasniti taj prostorni raspored, podjelu zemlje na "crvenu" i "crnu" Hrvatsku? Ovaj rad koristi kvantitativnu analizu podataka na razini geografski definiranih jedinica kako bi istražio efekt triju grupa faktora: (1) razvojnog naslijeđa socijalističke Jugoslavije kakvo je ono bilo u trenutku raspada te države, (2) dubokih strukturnih, ekonomskih i demografskih promjena koje su se dogodile od kraja socijalističke Jugoslavije do danas i (3) dugoročnog naslijeđa Drugog svjetskog rata (1941-1945) i Domovinskog rata (1991-1995).
{"title":"Crvena i crna Hrvatska u dugoročnoj perspektivi","authors":"Marko Grdešić","doi":"10.20901/an.18.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.08","url":null,"abstract":"Jedna od bolje utvrđenih činjenica hrvatske politike jest geografska podjela na sjeverozapadni dio zemlje koji glasa za lijeve opcije i jugoistočni dio zemlje koji glasa za desne opcije. Hrvatska u tom pogledu nije iznimka s obzirom na to da više zemalja u regiji i šire dijeli isto obilježje geografskog grupiranja različitih vrsta političkih identiteta. koji bi dugoročni faktori mogli objasniti taj prostorni raspored, podjelu zemlje na \"crvenu\" i \"crnu\" Hrvatsku? Ovaj rad koristi kvantitativnu analizu podataka na razini geografski definiranih jedinica kako bi istražio efekt triju grupa faktora: (1) razvojnog naslijeđa socijalističke Jugoslavije kakvo je ono bilo u trenutku raspada te države, (2) dubokih strukturnih, ekonomskih i demografskih promjena koje su se dogodile od kraja socijalističke Jugoslavije do danas i (3) dugoročnog naslijeđa Drugog svjetskog rata (1941-1945) i Domovinskog rata (1991-1995).","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67612190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main goal of this article is to explore the relationship between populism and representative democracy. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, the paper offers a detailed analysis of the three criticisms of populism and the implications these criticisms have on our understanding of representative democracy. First, it addresses the argument that populism inevitably relies on demagogy and it examines the inference this argument has on the concept of political representation in democracy. Second, it discusses the claim that populism relies on the oversimplification of political issues and what this claim reveals about the democratic ideal of the informed and politically responsible voter. The third criticism deals with the anti-pluralist character of populist politics, which, the paper argues, can also be extended to the concept of popular sovereignty itself. In the second part, the article looks more closely at the relationship between populism and representative democracy. Relying on the insights from the first part, it examines different institutional restraints on the will of the majority and how populism redefines these restraints as anti-democratic and elitist barriers to popular will. Finally, the paper questions the prevailing view that sees populism as a phenomenon arising from the tension between liberal and democratic principles within representative democracy and offers an alternative framework for understanding the relationship between populism and democracy.
{"title":"What is Wrong with Populism?","authors":"Enes Kulenović","doi":"10.20901/an.18.14","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.14","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this article is to explore the relationship between populism and representative democracy. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, the paper offers a detailed analysis of the three criticisms of populism and the implications these criticisms have on our understanding of representative democracy. First, it addresses the argument that populism inevitably relies on demagogy and it examines the inference this argument has on the concept of political representation in democracy. Second, it discusses the claim that populism relies on the oversimplification of political issues and what this claim reveals about the democratic ideal of the informed and politically responsible voter. The third criticism deals with the anti-pluralist character of populist politics, which, the paper argues, can also be extended to the concept of popular sovereignty itself. In the second part, the article looks more closely at the relationship between populism and representative democracy. Relying on the insights from the first part, it examines different institutional restraints on the will of the majority and how populism redefines these restraints as anti-democratic and elitist barriers to popular will. Finally, the paper questions the prevailing view that sees populism as a phenomenon arising from the tension between liberal and democratic principles within representative democracy and offers an alternative framework for understanding the relationship between populism and democracy.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47802114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Dvodomna zakonodavna tijela dio su institucionalnog uređenja u sedamdeset devet država. Bikameralizam predstavlja jednu od najsnažnijih institucionalnih protuteža izvršnoj vlasti. Zbog svoje specifičnosti gornji su domovi zanimljivi za politologe, stoga se postavlja pitanje zašto su rijetko predmetom istraživanja. Rad nastoji popuniti istraživačku prazninu proučavanjem institucionalnih uređenja sedamnaest izbornih demokracija, koje imaju dvodomna zakonodavna tijela. Prvi dio rada donosi pregled povijesnog razvoja bikameralizma. Drugi dio rada prikazuje suvremeni bikameralizam i detaljno prikazuje četiri idealtipska primjera gornjih domova – Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Francuske i Poljske. Treći dio donosi osnovne značajke ostalih gornjih domova koji su predmet istraživanja. U četvrtom dijelu rada provodi se komparacija sedamnaest gornjih domova kako bi se dao odgovor na istraživačko pitanje što čini gornji dom snažnim prema njegovim formalnim ovlastima. Povodom dvadesete godišnjice njegova ukidanja, u posljednjem odlomku analiziraju se formalne ovlasti i demokratičnost izbora hrvatskog Županijskog doma Sabora Republike Hrvatske (1993-2001).
{"title":"Analiza gornjih domova izbornih demokracija","authors":"Ante Zrile","doi":"10.20901/an.18.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.10","url":null,"abstract":"Dvodomna zakonodavna tijela dio su institucionalnog uređenja u sedamdeset devet država. Bikameralizam predstavlja jednu od najsnažnijih institucionalnih protuteža izvršnoj vlasti. Zbog svoje specifičnosti gornji su domovi zanimljivi za politologe, stoga se postavlja pitanje zašto su rijetko predmetom istraživanja. Rad nastoji popuniti istraživačku prazninu proučavanjem institucionalnih uređenja sedamnaest izbornih demokracija, koje imaju dvodomna zakonodavna tijela. Prvi dio rada donosi pregled povijesnog razvoja bikameralizma. Drugi dio rada prikazuje suvremeni bikameralizam i detaljno prikazuje četiri idealtipska primjera gornjih domova – Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva, Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Francuske i Poljske. Treći dio donosi osnovne značajke ostalih gornjih domova koji su predmet istraživanja. U četvrtom dijelu rada provodi se komparacija sedamnaest gornjih domova kako bi se dao odgovor na istraživačko pitanje što čini gornji dom snažnim prema njegovim formalnim ovlastima. Povodom dvadesete godišnjice njegova ukidanja, u posljednjem odlomku analiziraju se formalne ovlasti i demokratičnost izbora hrvatskog Županijskog doma Sabora Republike Hrvatske (1993-2001).","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67612314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Izbijanjem Prvoga svjetskoga rata, češko vodstvo u egzilu započinje diplomatsku borbu za uspostavu neovisne čehoslovačke države koja je trebala biti u bliskom savezništvu sa zapadnim silama Antante. Svjesni nepovoljnog geostrateškog položaja buduće države, češki lideri Masaryk i Beneš od samoga početka projekt uspostave neovisne Čehoslovačke vezuju uz stvaranje neovisne Poljske i južnoslavenske države. U tom kontekstu barataju i s idejom Slavenskog koridora koji bi preko zapadne Ugarske – naseljene Nijemcima, Mađarima, ali i gradišćanskim Hrvatima – trebao spojiti dvije slavenske države i onemogućiti obnavljanje Austro-Ugarske, ali i spriječiti daljnji njemački Drang nach Osten. Na temelju teorije strukturalnog realizma, rad proučava ideju koridora u ratnoj fazi, kada je inicijativa u rukama češke političke emigracije, te u fazi Pariške mirovne konferencije, kada inicijativu preuzima "Velika četvorka". Rad nastoji pružiti odgovor na pitanje je li Slavenski koridor predstavljao jedan od temeljnih zahtjeva političkih predstavnika Čehoslovačke ili je korišten kao pregovarački alat za ostvarenje važnijih geopolitičkih ciljeva.
{"title":"Slavenski koridor u češkim planovima stvaranja bedema protiv njemačkog Drang nach Osten","authors":"J. Bekić","doi":"10.20901/an.18.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.16","url":null,"abstract":"Izbijanjem Prvoga svjetskoga rata, češko vodstvo u egzilu započinje diplomatsku borbu za uspostavu neovisne čehoslovačke države koja je trebala biti u bliskom savezništvu sa zapadnim silama Antante. Svjesni nepovoljnog geostrateškog položaja buduće države, češki lideri Masaryk i Beneš od samoga početka projekt uspostave neovisne Čehoslovačke vezuju uz stvaranje neovisne Poljske i južnoslavenske države. U tom kontekstu barataju i s idejom Slavenskog koridora koji bi preko zapadne Ugarske – naseljene Nijemcima, Mađarima, ali i gradišćanskim Hrvatima – trebao spojiti dvije slavenske države i onemogućiti obnavljanje Austro-Ugarske, ali i spriječiti daljnji njemački Drang nach Osten. Na temelju teorije strukturalnog realizma, rad proučava ideju koridora u ratnoj fazi, kada je inicijativa u rukama češke političke emigracije, te u fazi Pariške mirovne konferencije, kada inicijativu preuzima \"Velika četvorka\". Rad nastoji pružiti odgovor na pitanje je li Slavenski koridor predstavljao jedan od temeljnih zahtjeva političkih predstavnika Čehoslovačke ili je korišten kao pregovarački alat za ostvarenje važnijih geopolitičkih ciljeva.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"73 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67612803","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u "mrtvom kutu" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća.
近年来，关于国际关系的理论文献在视听国家类型的扩展和澄清方面有了很大的改进，这些国家更难在国际体系中分配权力和/或改变规范秩序。与此同时，现状状态的概念很少受到关注，这意味着一个寻求维持当前状态的权力和保护的国家。国家的现状主要基于现状偏见，这些偏见涉及那些不愿在外交政策决策中承担风险、不以国际政策的形式积极参与的国家，或者毕竟是那些寻求在无政府体制中生存的国家。然后，文学在这个范畴的背景下被称为重要的：与修正主义的冲突和国家现状。特别是，对审计状态的公开反对和对变革的积极抵制经常被标记为另一种修订愿景。这项工作表明，在国际关系的“死角”理论中，国家的现状范畴不是随机的。原因是，在目前的情况下，她的可能性条件——一个双方同意的国际秩序——并不存在。历史表明，在某些极为罕见的情况下，国家出于侵略动机、很少采取攻击性手段的协商一致的国际秩序可以成为国家的现状。Pokazatće da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna meÇunarodna poretkačinila现状državu mogućom：euroski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže stuga u 18。20世纪下半叶的冷战细节几个世纪以来。
{"title":"Status quo država","authors":"Petar Popović","doi":"10.20901/an.18.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.11","url":null,"abstract":"Posljednjih je godina teorijska literatura o međunarodnim odnosima znatno napredovala u proširivanju i preciziranju tipologije revizionističkih država – država koje teže preraspodjeli moći u međunarodnom sistemu i/ili promjeni normativnog poretka. Istovremeno je malo pozornosti posvećeno pojmu status quo države, kojim se označava država koja teži zadržavanju moći i očuvanju postojećeg stanja. Status quo država uglavnom se svodi na status quo predrasudu koja se odnosi na države koje imaju averziju prema riskiranju u vanjskopolitičkim odlukama i ne sudjeluju aktivno u oblikovanju međunarodne politike ili pak na države koje nastoje egzistencijalno preživjeti u anarhičnom sustavu. Literatura pritom previđa ono bitno u opreci kategorija: sukob revizionističke i status quo države. Naime, otvoreno suparništvo s revizionističkom državom i agresivno pružanje otpora promjeni redovito se označava kao još jedan vid revizionizma. U ovom se radu pokazuje da kategorija status quo države nije slučajno u \"mrtvom kutu\" teorije međunarodnih odnosa. Razlog je tomu što uvjet njezine mogućnosti – konsenzualni međunarodnopravni poredak – u suvremenim okolnostima nije prisutan. Povijesno iskustvo pokazuje da u određenim, veoma rijetkim uvjetima konsenzualnoga međunarodnopravnog poretka države s agresivnim motivima i nerijetko ofenzivnim sredstvima mogu biti status quo države. Pokazat će se da su u moderno doba samo dva razmjerno kratkotrajna međunarodna poretka činila status quo državu mogućom: europski vestfalski sustav ravnoteže snaga u 18. stoljeću i hladnoratovski detant u drugoj polovici 20. stoljeća.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67612513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper reaffirms the methodological potentials of Lacanian psychoanalysis for the theories of nationalism. From the Lacanian perspective, national consciousness and self-determination are only possible in the fantasmatic framework through the (mis)recognition and retroactive construction. National imagination is the form of transference, necessary for performing the nation through invented traditions and rituals. However, beyond symbolization and imaginary (mis)recognition, there is always something that resists closure, linked with the subjects' desire and organized around the lack of the subjects' full enjoyment. Taking together all these aspects, we build an analytical framework for the study of nationalism, which comprises a quadruple system of identifications by referring to the concepts of Ideal-Ego, Ego-Ideal, Super-Ego and specular Other, and illustrate it through the example of the AKP's Turkish nationalism.
{"title":"Enjoying an Empty Edifice","authors":"N. Blanuša, Vedran Jerbić","doi":"10.20901/an.18.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.13","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reaffirms the methodological potentials of Lacanian psychoanalysis for the theories of nationalism. From the Lacanian perspective, national consciousness and self-determination are only possible in the fantasmatic framework through the (mis)recognition and retroactive construction. National imagination is the form of transference, necessary for performing the nation through invented traditions and rituals. However, beyond symbolization and imaginary (mis)recognition, there is always something that resists closure, linked with the subjects' desire and organized around the lack of the subjects' full enjoyment. Taking together all these aspects, we build an analytical framework for the study of nationalism, which comprises a quadruple system of identifications by referring to the concepts of Ideal-Ego, Ego-Ideal, Super-Ego and specular Other, and illustrate it through the example of the AKP's Turkish nationalism.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67612601","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We examine the 1914-1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a form of the ultimatum game. The negotiations among the Serbian Cabinet and the yugoslav Committee representatives of the Habsburg Souths Slavs from 1914-1918 exemplify three versions of this game. The first version is a typical (rational choice) type of the ultimatum game in which the receiver is satisfied with any offer by the Proposer. The second version is an instance of behavioral game theory. When the Proposer gives an unfair offer, it provokes an emotional reaction in the receiver who will reject it at the cost of harming themselves. We observe this behavior in the emotional behavior of frano Supilo, a Croat and one of the leaders of the yugoslav Committee. The third version of the behavioral ultimatum game can be observed in the behavior of Serbian Prime minister nikola Pašić who opposed any concessions to the yugoslav Committee, thus giving an ultimatum to the Croat side to accept the Serbian offer or remain with nothing, which was harmful to the Serbian side, too. This example is important because it produces two conclusions. first, historical games are often a mixture of several versions. Second, Proposers, too, can have an emotional reaction and give an offer that can hurt themselves. This aspect of the ultimatum game is less mentioned because it is difficult to simulate in experiments.
{"title":"The Three Versions of the Ultimatum Game","authors":"D. Pavlović, Stevo Đurašković","doi":"10.20901/an.18.15","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.20901/an.18.15","url":null,"abstract":"We examine the 1914-1918 creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes as a form of the ultimatum game. The negotiations among the Serbian Cabinet and the yugoslav Committee representatives of the Habsburg Souths Slavs from 1914-1918 exemplify three versions of this game. The first version is a typical (rational choice) type of the ultimatum game in which the receiver is satisfied with any offer by the Proposer. The second version is an instance of behavioral game theory. When the Proposer gives an unfair offer, it provokes an emotional reaction in the receiver who will reject it at the cost of harming themselves. We observe this behavior in the emotional behavior of frano Supilo, a Croat and one of the leaders of the yugoslav Committee. The third version of the behavioral ultimatum game can be observed in the behavior of Serbian Prime minister nikola Pašić who opposed any concessions to the yugoslav Committee, thus giving an ultimatum to the Croat side to accept the Serbian offer or remain with nothing, which was harmful to the Serbian side, too. This example is important because it produces two conclusions. first, historical games are often a mixture of several versions. Second, Proposers, too, can have an emotional reaction and give an offer that can hurt themselves. This aspect of the ultimatum game is less mentioned because it is difficult to simulate in experiments.","PeriodicalId":39082,"journal":{"name":"Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67612266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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