Pub Date : 2001-01-01DOI: 10.30965/25386565-00601005
R. Praspaliauskienė, A. Matulyte
The crimes committed by women in most societies account for only about 10 per cent. One would think that women are not inclined to commit crimes, but they dominate in some crimes. Women committed half the murders in nineteenth-century Lithuania. Violent deaths of infants constituted about half of the total cases of violent deaths. Infanticide was the most common type of murder in Lithuania in the nineteenth century. This study is based on the analysis of court cases of 85 women accused of infanticide. The article analyses the motivation of the accused women, it seeks to give the answer to the question whether these women were cruel. The fact that most of the accused women (88.2 per cent) belonged to the same social layer of unmarried hired farm labourers suggests that infanticide was not an ordinary, accidental crime. It had deep social causes in that society. The women were scared of the reaction of their parents and the entire rural community. Shame and fear of being turned out and becoming an outcast in the community constituted perhaps the main cause of that crime. Poverty was another important cause for committing a crime. Hired farm labourers were afraid of losing jobs. It was especially difficult for a single mother with a child to find employment and to earn a living for herself and her child; quite often she had to go begging. The accused women were familiar with the fate of single mothers. Such a girl had no future in a rural community. Nonetheless, one can think that getting rid of a baby was a primitive form of birth control in the nineteenth century. Therefore these women should not be regarded as cruel. Simply the way that they chose was more acceptable to that social environment in which they lived. Crimes and criminal behaviour in Lithuania in the nineteenth century are not a new theme and this problem has already been considered by historians. The policing system, the development of punishment, the attitude of the authorities and the public to crimes and criminals in the nineteenth century were discussed by Vladas Sirutavičius.1 In her monograph2 Dalia Marcinkevičienė drew at1 V. Sirutavičius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomenė XIX amžiaus Lietuvoje (Vilnius, 1999). 2 D. Marcinkevičienė, Vedusiųjų visuomenė: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje – XX amžiaus pradžioje (Vilnius, 1999). LITHUANIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89–105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM via free access 9 0 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ tention to the violent behaviour of women towards their spouses and the situation of illegitimate children in traditional Lithuanian society. However, the violent behaviour of women in Lithuania of the nineteenth century is still a new phenomenon, which practically has not been considered by Lithuanian historians so far. The subject of study of the present article is criminal behaviour of women and violent deaths of infants in Lithuania in the nineteenth and the early twentieth century. The study is
在大多数社会中，女性犯下的罪行只占大约10%。人们会认为女性不倾向于犯罪，但她们在某些犯罪中占主导地位。在19世纪的立陶宛，妇女犯下了一半的谋杀案。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡总数的一半。杀婴是19世纪立陶宛最常见的谋杀形式。这项研究是基于对85名被控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件的分析。本文分析了被指控妇女的动机，试图回答这些妇女是否残忍的问题。大多数被指控的妇女(88.2%)属于同一社会阶层的未婚雇工，这一事实表明，杀婴不是一种普通的意外犯罪。在那个社会里，它有着深刻的社会原因。这些妇女害怕她们的父母和整个农村社区的反应。羞耻感和害怕被赶出社交圈，成为社会的弃儿，可能是造成这种犯罪的主要原因。贫穷是犯罪的另一个重要原因。雇工害怕失去工作。有孩子的单身母亲找工作和为自己和孩子谋生尤其困难;她常常不得不去乞讨。被指控的女性对单身母亲的命运很熟悉。这样的女孩在农村没有前途。尽管如此，人们可以认为，在19世纪，让孩子离开是一种原始的节育方式。因此这些女人不应该被认为是残忍的。只是他们选择的方式更容易被他们所生活的社会环境所接受。19世纪立陶宛的犯罪和犯罪行为并不是一个新主题，历史学家已经研究过这个问题。Vladas sirutaviius讨论了19世纪的治安制度、惩罚的发展、当局和公众对犯罪和罪犯的态度在她的专著中，达丽娅·马金克·维<e:1>伊恩维画了1页。sirutavi<e:1> ius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomennixix amžiaus Lietuvoje(维尔纽斯，1999年)。2 D. marcinkevi<e:1> ienkv, Vedusiųjų visuomenkv: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje - XX amžiaus pradžioje(维尔纽斯，1999年)。立陶宛历史研究6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89-105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM通过免费获取90 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ关注传统立陶宛社会中妇女对配偶的暴力行为和私生子的情况。然而，19世纪立陶宛妇女的暴力行为仍然是一个新现象，迄今为止立陶宛历史学家实际上还没有考虑到这一点。本文的研究主题是19世纪和20世纪初立陶宛妇女的犯罪行为和婴儿的暴力死亡。这项研究是基于对因杀婴而提起的刑事诉讼的分析在许多社会中，过去只有大约10%的罪行是由妇女犯下的。人们很容易认为女性不倾向于犯罪，但她们在某些类型的犯罪中占主导地位。妇女犯下的谋杀案几乎占总数的一半，而且最常见的是新生儿成为她们的受害者。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡案件的一半。在19世纪的立陶宛，杀婴通常是最常见的谋杀类型。1884年至1900年的统计数据记录了考纳斯省696起杀婴案，即平均每年有40.9名婴儿死亡。维尔纽斯省的数据非常零碎，1896年至1900年记录了106起这样的案件，即平均每年有21.2名婴儿死亡。关于这一问题，没有涵盖整个19世纪的可靠的犯罪统计数据。然而，人们可能会认为，记录的数字以及法庭调查的案件只是冰山一角，这些罪行的实际范围只能猜测。为什么妇女要抛弃她们的私生子?这是否意味着他们很残忍?为了回答这些问题，我们分析了85个被指控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件。针对杀害婴儿的妇女提起的现有刑事案件使我们能够得出这样的结论:19世纪立陶宛村庄里没有人对非法婴儿的暴力死亡感到意外。根据法律，谋杀要受到严厉的惩罚。这项研究是根据立陶宛最高法院(立陶宛历史国家档案馆，第443页)、维尔纽斯民事和刑事联合法院刑事案件部(第447页)和维尔纽斯地区法院(第447页)的案件进行的。 在大多数社会中，女性犯下的罪行只占大约10%。人们会认为女性不倾向于犯罪，但她们在某些犯罪中占主导地位。在19世纪的立陶宛，妇女犯下了一半的谋杀案。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡总数的一半。杀婴是19世纪立陶宛最常见的谋杀形式。这项研究是基于对85名被控杀婴的妇女的法庭案件的分析。本文分析了被指控妇女的动机，试图回答这些妇女是否残忍的问题。大多数被指控的妇女(88.2%)属于同一社会阶层的未婚雇工，这一事实表明，杀婴不是一种普通的意外犯罪。在那个社会里，它有着深刻的社会原因。这些妇女害怕她们的父母和整个农村社区的反应。羞耻感和害怕被赶出社交圈，成为社会的弃儿，可能是造成这种犯罪的主要原因。贫穷是犯罪的另一个重要原因。雇工害怕失去工作。有孩子的单身母亲找工作和为自己和孩子谋生尤其困难;她常常不得不去乞讨。被指控的女性对单身母亲的命运很熟悉。这样的女孩在农村没有前途。尽管如此，人们可以认为，在19世纪，让孩子离开是一种原始的节育方式。因此这些女人不应该被认为是残忍的。只是他们选择的方式更容易被他们所生活的社会环境所接受。19世纪立陶宛的犯罪和犯罪行为并不是一个新主题，历史学家已经研究过这个问题。Vladas sirutaviius讨论了19世纪的治安制度、惩罚的发展、当局和公众对犯罪和罪犯的态度在她的专著中，达丽娅·马金克·维<e:1>伊恩维画了1页。sirutavi<e:1> ius, Nusikaltimas ir visuomennixix amžiaus Lietuvoje(维尔纽斯，1999年)。2 D. marcinkevi<e:1> ienkv, Vedusiųjų visuomenkv: santuoka ir skyrybos Lietuvoje XIX amžiuje - XX amžiaus pradžioje(维尔纽斯，1999年)。立陶宛历史研究6 2001 ISSN 1392-2343 pp. 89-105 Heruntergeladen von Brill.com02/13/2020 04:37:18AM通过免费获取90 RIMA PRASPALIAUSKIENĖ关注传统立陶宛社会中妇女对配偶的暴力行为和私生子的情况。然而，19世纪立陶宛妇女的暴力行为仍然是一个新现象，迄今为止立陶宛历史学家实际上还没有考虑到这一点。本文的研究主题是19世纪和20世纪初立陶宛妇女的犯罪行为和婴儿的暴力死亡。这项研究是基于对因杀婴而提起的刑事诉讼的分析在许多社会中，过去只有大约10%的罪行是由妇女犯下的。人们很容易认为女性不倾向于犯罪，但她们在某些类型的犯罪中占主导地位。妇女犯下的谋杀案几乎占总数的一半，而且最常见的是新生儿成为她们的受害者。婴儿暴力死亡约占暴力死亡案件的一半。在19世纪的立陶宛，杀婴通常是最常见的谋杀类型。1884年至1900年的统计数据记录了考纳斯省696起杀婴案，即平均每年有40.9名婴儿死亡。维尔纽斯省的数据非常零碎，1896年至1900年记录了106起这样的案件，即平均每年有21.2名婴儿死亡。关于这一问题，没有涵盖整个19世纪的可靠的犯罪统计数据。然而，人们可能会认为，记录的数字以及法庭调查的案件只是冰山一角，这些罪行的实际范围只能猜测。为什么妇女要抛弃她们的私生子?这是否意味着他们很残忍?为了回答这些问题
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Pub Date : 2001-01-01DOI: 10.30965/25386565-00601002
J. Sarcevičienė
the ideal female image in occasional literature of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the analysis of the wife's place in the family, her relations with her husband and children, her place in the religious community and her behaviour in the face of death, the author discusses the main social roles of the noblewoman as obedient wife, devoted mother, pious churchgoer and generous patron of the poor. Attention is also paid to training for these social roles and how they are described in the sources. The issues raised in the paper are investigated against the general background of European Christian culture. In 1615 Nicholas Breton wrote: A quiet w o m a n is like a still wind, which neither chills the body nor b lows dust in the face. Her patience is a virtue that wins the heart o f love , and her w i s d o m makes her wil l wel l worthy regard. She fears God and flieth sin, showeth kindness and loveth peace. Her tongue is tied to discretion, and her heart is the harbour o f goodness . She is comfort o f calamity and in prosperity a companion, a physician in sickness and a musician in help. Her ways are the walk toward heaven, and her guide is the grace o f the Almighty. She is her husband's down-bed, where his heart l ies at rest, and her children's glass in the notes o f her grace; her servants' honour in the keeping o f her house, and her neighbours' example in the notes o f a good nature. She scorns fortune and loves virtue, and out o f thrift gathereth charity. She is a turtle in her love, a lamb in her meekness , a saint in her heart, and an angel in her soul. In sum, she is a jewel unprizcable and her j o y unspeakable, a comfort in nature uncomparable, and a wife in the world unmatchablc. 1 1 The Cultural Identity of Seventeenth-Century Woman (London New York, 1994), p. 98. 24 JOLITA SARCEVIČIENĖ In these words one English writer of religious and pastoral works succinctly but precisely expressed the ideal female image, her so cial role and the main features of her character. Although Christianity offered the same moral code and hope of salvation to men and women alike, it was commonly considered that woman was morally weaker by nature. Consequently she was more liable to vices than a man, and therefore only certain virtues were required of her. A comparison of sets of virtues, considered peculiar to men and women, shows that dynamic virtues were pronounced fit for men, and passive ones for women. Courage, magnanimity and domination were treated as male features, while modesty, submissiveness and self-denial were female traits. Con temporaries clearly distinguished between male and female models of behaviour as depending on their respective differing natures. It went without saying that male and female virtues were different, and it would have been not only unjust but also godless to ignore them. 2 In the analysis of the ideal female image, recorded in the occa sional writings of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the late sixteenth and early s
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