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Through a Glass Darkly: British Representations of the Polish-Lithuanian Union in the Late-16th and 17th Centuries 透过黑暗的玻璃:16世纪末和17世纪英国对波兰立陶宛联盟的代表
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-11-30 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02501001
A. Kalinowska
The article discusses how post-1569 relations between Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania were presented in various written materials produced in Britain in the late-16th and 17th centuries. It analyses both the materials produced by and for the court or professional elites, and widely circulating publications (books and newspapers) which were readily available to the general reading public. It argues that there is strong evidence that British readers were aware of the existence of the Polish-Lithuanian Union, although the union itself was rarely presented either accurately or in any detail. They therefore had a very blurred conception of how it functioned in practice, as can be illustrated, for example, by British authors downplaying or simply denying the fact that after the Union of Lublin Lithuania became a constituent part of the Commonwealth with a status equal to that of Poland. Moreover, few writers and editors considered it necessary to provide readers with a proper explanation of the union’s basic ‘rules of engagement’, or any reflections on how it functioned on an organisational level.
本文讨论了1569年后波兰和立陶宛大公国之间的关系是如何在16世纪末和17世纪英国生产的各种书面材料中呈现的。它分析了由法院或专业精英制作并为其提供的材料,以及普通读者可以随时获得的广泛传播的出版物(书籍和报纸)。它认为,有强有力的证据表明,英国读者意识到波兰-立陶宛联盟的存在,尽管该联盟本身很少被准确或详细地介绍。因此,他们对立陶宛在实践中的运作有一个非常模糊的概念,例如,英国作者淡化或简单地否认了这样一个事实,即卢布林联盟之后,立陶宛成为英联邦的组成部分,其地位与波兰相当。此外,很少有作家和编辑认为有必要向读者提供对工会基本“参与规则”的适当解释,或对工会如何在组织层面运作的任何反思。
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引用次数: 0
Andrea Griffante, Children, Poverty and Nationalism in Lithuania, 1900–1940, Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Pivot, 2019. 148 p. ISBN 978-3-030-30870-4 (eBook) Andrea Griffante,立陶宛的儿童,贫困和民族主义,1900-1940,Cham,瑞士:Palgrave Pivot, 2019。148页。ISBN 978-3-030-30870-4(电子书)
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401014
D. Cretu
This monograph explores the development of care for orphaned, destitute and poor children in Lithuania in the first half of the 20th century. It looks particularly at how nationbuilding agendas influenced the discourse and practices of private associations for children’s welfare. Andrea Griffante emphasises the ways nationalist elites influenced the emergence of private networks of care and the intrinsic ethno-national character of child rehabilitation efforts. In this, he argues that it was the competition between Lithuanian and Polish efforts that augmented the nationalist dimension of child rehabilitation in this period. Griffante engages with a wide array of documents, with a focus on Lithuanian and Polish material. He investigates state sources, organisational documents, private papers and newspapers, as he explores the development of a civil society working towards the rehabilitation of children, and the ways nationalist elites contributed to these efforts. The monograph is relatively short, and it is divided into four core chronological and thematic chapters (besides the introduction and final remarks). Chapter 2 is the first section that delves into the main theme of the book, as it contextualises the emergence of children’s care within a framework of nation-building in Lithuania at the turn of the 20th century. Here, Griffante argues that the social changes of the late 19th and early 20th centuries saw the growing attention of assistance towards poor and orphaned children in Lithuania. Chapter 3 highlights the relevance of the humanitarian crisis of the First World War, and the crystallisation of the ethno-national profile of private initiatives to rehabilitate children. Chapter 4 describes the negotiations, tension and collaboration between national child care associations and foreign (i.e. American and British) humanitarian organisations in the aftermath of the First World War. Lastly, Chapter 5 points to the change in method and discourse regarding child care; here, Griffante argues that the interwar period saw the waning of attention paid by associations to foundlings and poor and destitute children, and a growing focus on preventive health and hygiene measures and the education of indigent mothers.
这本专著探讨了20世纪上半叶立陶宛对孤儿、贫困儿童的照顾发展。它特别关注国家建设议程如何影响儿童福利私人协会的言论和做法。Andrea Griffante强调了民族主义精英影响私人护理网络出现的方式,以及儿童康复工作的内在种族-民族特征。在这方面,他认为立陶宛和波兰的努力之间的竞争增加了这一时期儿童康复的民族主义层面。Griffante参与了一系列广泛的文件,重点是立陶宛和波兰的材料。他调查了国家资料、组织文件、私人文件和报纸,探索了致力于儿童康复的公民社会的发展,以及民族主义精英为这些努力做出贡献的方式。本专著相对较短,分为四个核心的时间和主题章节(除了引言和结束语)。第二章是第一部分,深入探讨了本书的主题,因为它将20世纪初立陶宛国家建设框架内儿童护理的出现置于背景下。在这里,Griffante认为,19世纪末和20世纪初的社会变化见证了立陶宛对穷人和孤儿援助的日益关注。第三章强调了第一次世界大战的人道主义危机的相关性,以及使儿童康复的私人倡议的种族-国家形象的具体化。第四章描述了第一次世界大战后,国家儿童保育协会与外国(即美国和英国)人道主义组织之间的谈判、紧张和合作。最后,第五章指出了儿童保育方法和话语的变化;在这里,Griffante认为,在两次世界大战之间的时期,协会对弃儿和贫穷和贫困儿童的关注逐渐减弱,而越来越关注预防保健和卫生措施以及对贫困母亲的教育。
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引用次数: 0
Preliminary Material 初步材料
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401000
Editors Lithuanian Historical Studies
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引用次数: 0
The Formation of Authorities of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Lithuania and Belarus on the Example of the People’s Commissariat for Health Care at the Beginning of 1919 立陶宛和白俄罗斯苏维埃社会主义共和国政权的形成——以1919年初人民卫生委员会为例
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401003
A. Kapliyev
The article presents an analysis of the formation and activity of the People’s Commissariat for Health Care of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Lithuania and Belarus at the beginning of 1919. The basic structure of the Commissariat was worked out on the basis of various sources. It was found that, due to the outbreak of the 1919–1921 Polish-Soviet war, the efficiency of the Commissariat during its time in Vilnius was limited. The relative stabilisation of the health-care management system was achieved after the Commissariat was evacuated to Minsk, and later to Bobruisk, away from the front line. It has been proven that at the beginning of the Polish-Soviet war, military and civil medical care was combined in a single system, and all medical professionals in the Lithuanian-Belarusian Soviet Republic were required to do military service. The worsening of the military situation for the Red Army in Lithuania and Belarus determined the split of the Health Care Commissariat into two separate divisions: the field division for medical care for Soviet troops near the front line, and the civil division for helping civilians.
本文分析了1919年初立陶宛和白俄罗斯社会主义苏维埃共和国人民保健委员会的形成和活动。政委的基本结构是在各种来源的基础上制定出来的。研究发现,由于1919–1921年波苏战争的爆发,政委在维尔纽斯期间的效率有限。在政委被疏散到明斯克,后来又被疏散到远离前线的博布鲁伊斯克后,医疗管理系统实现了相对稳定。事实证明,在波苏战争开始时,军事和民用医疗结合在一个单一的系统中,立陶宛-白俄罗斯苏维埃共和国的所有医疗专业人员都必须服兵役。立陶宛和白俄罗斯红军军事局势的恶化决定了卫生保健委员会拆分为两个独立的师:负责前线附近苏联军队医疗保健的野战师和负责帮助平民的民事师。
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引用次数: 0
The Contested Date of the Emergence of Modern Lithuania: Was 15 May an Alternative to 16 February? 现代立陶宛出现的争议日期:5月15日是2月16日的替代日期吗?
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401004
V. Safronovas
Today in Lithuania, the day of the establishment of the modern nation-state is celebrated on 16 February. It is well known that the origins of this celebration go back to the period before the Second World War. However, historians have stated for some time now that in the 1920s, in addition to 16 February, there was another day that was also known as the National Day: 15 May. An attempt is made here for the first time to look at the two celebrations as alternatives set by political competition. The author seeks to find explanations why some politicians wanted to see 15 May as a counterbalance to 16 February, and examines whether this was influenced by their different experiences and different views as to what constituted the starting point of the independent Lithuanian state.
今天在立陶宛,2月16日是现代民族国家成立的日子。众所周知,这个庆典的起源可以追溯到第二次世界大战之前。然而,历史学家一段时间以来一直表示,在20世纪20年代,除了2月16日,还有一天也被称为国庆日:5月15日。这里首次尝试将这两个庆祝活动视为政治竞争的替代方案。提交人试图解释为什么一些政客希望将5月15日视为2月16日的制衡,并考察这是否受到他们对独立立陶宛国家起点的不同经历和不同观点的影响。
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引用次数: 0
The Punishment of Murderers in the Noble Courts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the Second Half of the 18th Century 18世纪下半叶立陶宛大公国贵族法庭对杀人犯的惩罚
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401002
A. Stankevič
This article gives an analysis of the punishment the noble courts of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania applied to murderers in the second half of the 18th century, where the noble courts acted as courts of first instance in hearing murder cases. The author aims to determine the catalogue of punishments applied in such cases and the trends in the application of punishments in terms of how they conformed with the valid legal norms of the day, and search for manifestations of the humanisation of the law. After an examination of 184 verdicts, the author found that in cases of wilful murder, the noble courts usually applied the death penalty as per the set laws. Exceptions applied only to individuals from the estate of nobles, who instead of receiving a death sentence were sometimes sentenced to lower or upper tower punishment, which was by law ordinarily applied to other crimes. At the same time, the executors avoided qualified ways of applying the death sentence (capital punishment). Of the qualified forms of punishment, only quartering was applied, usually to those convicted of the aforementioned crime, ritual murder, and, in some instances, in cases of robbery. Alternative forms of punishment were episodic, and were only applied to a small number of convicted persons: imprisonment as a form of punishment recommended by philosophers of the Age of Enlightenment was applied in only 5.3 per cent of murder cases. In most instances, imprisonment was related to the introduction of the 1782 Cardinal Laws of the Permanent Council. In this way, the research reveals the conservative nature of the estate of nobles in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and their efforts to continue to adhere to the strict law outlined in the Third Statute of Lithuania. It is likely that this practice could have been a result of the poor state of the penitentiary system, as there was not a single public prison in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at the time where long-term imprisonment could have been possible.
本文分析了18世纪下半叶立陶宛大公国贵族法院在审理谋杀案件中担任一审法院的刑罚。作者的目的是确定在此类案件中适用的惩罚目录,以及在如何符合当时有效的法律规范方面适用惩罚的趋势,并寻找法律人性化的表现。在审查了184份判决书后,提交人发现,在蓄意谋杀案件中,贵族法院通常根据既定法律适用死刑。例外情况只适用于来自贵族阶层的个人,他们有时不会被判处死刑,而是被判处较低或较高的刑罚,这是通常适用于其他罪行的法律。与此同时,执行人避免采用有条件的方式执行死刑(死刑)。在有条件的惩罚形式中,通常只适用于被判犯有上述罪行的人,即仪式谋杀,在某些情况下也适用于抢劫。替代的惩罚形式是偶发的,只适用于少数被定罪的人:启蒙时代的哲学家建议的监禁作为一种惩罚形式,只适用于5.3%的谋杀案件。在大多数情况下,监禁与1782年常设理事会的主要法律的实施有关。通过这种方式,研究揭示了立陶宛大公国贵族阶层的保守性质,以及他们继续坚持立陶宛第三规约中概述的严格法律的努力。这种做法很可能是由于监狱系统状况不佳造成的,因为当时立陶宛大公国没有一所可以实行长期监禁的公共监狱。
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引用次数: 1
The Introduction of the Transport Service Tax and Transport Service Treasury in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania 立陶宛大公国运输服务税和运输服务国库的引入
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401001
Karol Łopatecki
The article analyses actions taken and normative acts issued that formed the basis for the functioning of the transport service tax (podwoda tax) (1546–1578). The impact of Lithuanian solutions on the system introduced in the Polish Crown (1564–1565) is assessed. The tax base and characteristics of rules and collection are presented in the article. The resistance of the nobility to the introduction of this tribute is described. The resistance was much stronger than that observed for even extraordinary (one-off ) taxes several dozen times higher. Reasons for the marginalisation of this tribute and the ever smaller amounts going into the Land Treasury of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania are also shown.The article stresses that the only permanent annual tax in force in Lithuania was introduced in 1558. This state of affairs lasted until the reign of Władysław IV. He donated the quarterly tax (kwarta) to the treasury as income. The potential annual revenues resulting from the introduced tax ranged between 2,700 and 4,400 zlotys, and were allocated to the transport system based on transport service provision. The Transport Service Treasury (Podwoda Treasury) was to be supervised by the treasury guardian (skarbny), together with the treasury writer (pisarz skarbowy). Both were expected to pay the calculated amounts to messengers, envoys, and other people travelling for state purposes.
文章分析了为运输服务税(podwoda税)的运作奠定基础的所采取的行动和颁布的规范性法案(1546-1578)。评估了立陶宛解决方案对波兰王室(1564-1565)引入的制度的影响。文章介绍了税收的基础、征收规则和特点。描述了贵族对引入这种贡品的抵制。即使是高出几十倍的特殊(一次性)税收,阻力也比观察到的要大得多。还显示了这种贡品被边缘化的原因,以及进入立陶宛大公国土地金库的金额越来越少。文章强调,立陶宛唯一有效的永久性年度税是在1558年引入的。这种状况一直持续到瓦迪斯瓦夫四世统治时期。他将季度税(夸塔)作为收入捐赠给财政部。引入的税收产生的潜在年收入在2700至4400兹罗提之间,并根据运输服务的提供分配给运输系统。运输服务财政部(Podwoda Treasury)将由财政部监护人(skarbny)和财政部作家(pisarz skarbowy)监督。双方都应向信使、特使和其他为国家目的旅行的人支付计算好的金额。
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引用次数: 0
Equality just Over the Horizon: Soviet Gender Equality in Law and Policy 地平线上的平等:苏联法律和政策中的性别平等
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2020-12-09 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02401006
Valdemaras Klumbys
This article presents an analysis of Soviet law on the family which was valid in Lithuania from 1940, in order to ascertain how it reflected gender equality, how (or if ) it was formed, the legal measures the state harnessed in order to create family and gender relation models in various areas of life, and what kind of family and gender policy formed as a result. The law is contextualised in this paper by immersing it in the social reality of its time. This allows us to determine what norms and provisions determined the political and legal resolutions of the Soviet authorities, and to discuss their influence on society. The two most important periods in Soviet gender policy are distinguished. Initially revolutionary and radical in Lithuania, with the aim of changing society to realise its goals, after the 1950s, state policy became more reactive, and adapted to the changed, modernised society and its needs. This paper proposes to see changes to women’s situation during the Soviet period not as emancipation, but as (double) mobilisation. The reasons for the stagnation in masculinity in Soviet law and policy, for not keeping up with or adapting to the rapidly changing social reality, are also analysed. The contradictions in Soviet policy regarding the family and gender are shown, where it proved impossible to unambiguously apply ‘conservative-liberal’ or ‘traditional- liberal’ distinctions in both policy and reality.
本文分析了1940年起在立陶宛生效的苏联家庭法,以确定它如何反映性别平等,它是如何(或是否)形成的,国家为在生活的各个领域建立家庭和性别关系模式而采取的法律措施,以及由此形成的家庭和性别政策。本文通过将法律沉浸在当时的社会现实中,将其置于情境中。这使我们能够确定哪些规范和规定决定了苏联当局的政治和法律决议,并讨论它们对社会的影响。苏联性别政策中最重要的两个时期是不同的。立陶宛最初是革命性和激进的,目的是改变社会以实现其目标,20世纪50年代后,国家政策变得更加被动,适应了变化的现代化社会及其需求。本文提出,苏联时期妇女状况的变化不是解放,而是(双重)动员。还分析了苏联法律和政策中男子气概停滞不前的原因,以及未能跟上或适应快速变化的社会现实的原因。苏联政策中关于家庭和性别的矛盾被证明是不可能在政策和现实中明确地应用“保守-自由”或“传统-自由”的区别的。
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引用次数: 0
Between National and Indigenous Communism. Some Broad Brushtrokes in the Political Biography of Justas Paleckis: 1944–1953 在民族和土著共产主义之间。尤斯塔斯·帕莱基斯政治传记中的一些笔触:1944–1953
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-12-28 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02301004
Vladas Sirutavičius
The article discusses the activities during the period of late Stalinism of Justas Paleckis, the chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of Soviet Lithuania. The paper puts forward the premise that from 1944 to 1953, Paleckis balanced between indigenous (local) communism and attitudes characteristic of some Central European national communists. To be more precise, he tried to emphasise the specifics of the historical development of Lithuania, and its differences from other Soviet republics, in which the formation of the Soviet regime started earlier. According to him, its tradition of statehood made Lithuania a unique republic, and this circumstance should be taken into account when making Lithuania Soviet. Paleckis was convinced that in order to make Soviet rule more attractive to the Lithuanians, it was necessary to cooperate with the nation’s cultural elite, that is, with the interwar Lithuanian intelligentsia. In his writings and speeches, he tried to merge organically the liberation of the Lithuanian nation from the ‘yoke’ of the exploiters, with the no less important liberation from the ‘national yoke’ or national revival of the Lithuanians. Social and national ‘liberation’, according to him, was crowned with the establishment of the socialist order in Lithuania. This ‘organic’ understanding of history was characteristic of other national communists in Central Europe. Finally, Paleckis tried to incorporate national elements into the system of symbols in Soviet Lithuania. The Lithuanianisation of symbols of Soviet rule was meant to strengthen the legitimacy of the authorities. However, this analysis shows that the Lithuanian Party leadership did not support Paleckis’ ideas and efforts. He was often strongly criticised in communist forums. It can be argued that in the period of late Stalinism, the ‘window of opportunity’ for national communism in Lithuania was finally closed. Tendencies towards unification and Russification became increasingly prevalent in politics. Thus, in this political-cultural context, Paleckis represented the type of communist that could be called an indigenous Lithuanian communist.
本文论述了苏联立陶宛最高委员会主席团主席尤斯塔斯·帕莱基斯在斯大林主义后期的活动。本文提出了这样一个前提,即从1944年到1953年,帕勒克斯在本土(地方)共产主义和一些中欧民族共产主义者特有的态度之间取得了平衡。更准确地说,他试图强调立陶宛历史发展的细节,以及它与其他苏联共和国的区别,因为苏联政权的形成更早。据他说,立陶宛的建国传统使其成为一个独特的共和国,在使立陶宛成为苏联时应该考虑到这种情况。帕莱基斯确信,为了使苏联的统治对立陶宛人更有吸引力,有必要与该国的文化精英,即两次大战之间的立陶宛知识界合作。在他的著作和演讲中,他试图将立陶宛民族从剥削者的“枷锁”中解放出来,与立陶宛人从“民族枷锁”或民族复兴中解放出来的重要性有机地结合起来。据他说,立陶宛社会主义秩序的建立为社会和民族的“解放”加冕。这种对历史的“有机”理解是中欧其他民族共产主义者的特点。最后,帕莱基斯试图将民族元素融入苏联立陶宛的符号体系中。立陶宛化苏联统治的象征是为了加强当局的合法性。然而,这一分析表明,立陶宛党领导层并不支持帕莱基斯的想法和努力。他经常在共产主义论坛上受到强烈批评。可以说,在斯大林主义晚期,立陶宛民族共产主义的“机会之窗”终于关闭了。统一和俄罗斯化的趋势在政治中越来越普遍。因此,在这种政治文化背景下,帕莱基斯代表了一种可以被称为立陶宛本土共产主义者的共产主义者。
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引用次数: 1
Discovering the Empire: Julija Pranaitytė’s Guidebook to Europe and Asia 发现帝国:Julija pranitytnik的欧洲和亚洲指南
Q4 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-12-28 DOI: 10.30965/25386565-02301001
Juozapas Paškauskas
The significance of Iš kelionės po Europą ir Aziją (1914), the guidebook by Julija Pranaitytė, a Lithuanian intellectual from the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, depended not just on the fact that the author was the first Lithuanian female traveller to comprehensively document the experiences of a modern tourist in the early 20th century, but that the book itself was the first guidebook to the Russian Empire to be published in Lithuanian.The guidebook is an attempt by member of the intelligentsia with strong Catholic views to provide practical information about a modernizing and increasingly mobile world. Thus, the intended target of Pranaitytė book is twofold. Firstly, it is more mobile yet still poorly educated working-class reader who is being constantly warned about possible threads of being fooled or cheated. The reader could find advice in guidebook about things worth having while travelling, how to communicate, and what to expect. The guidebook also provides historical information about places visited, cultural insights, similarities and differences to Western society in such a way the book could be interesting and useful for middle-calls traveler as well.There is also a more general problem relating to the author’s approach to the guidebook: what representations of different cultures and nations did early 20th-century Lithuanians share, and what did these representations mean in the religious, imperial and international contexts of the time? As is often the case in travel literature, history is presented here selectively, taking into account the dominant cultural monologue. It has a clear purpose in Pranaitytė’s guidebook: to spread a vision of the moral and religious superiority of Western and Christian culture. However, having in mind that growing number of workers and middle class were engage in Lithuanian national movement at the beginning of 20th century, this prejudges becomes paradoxical because Empire’s religious and cultural values are shown as cultural foundation for discovering new parts of late Russian Empire.
19世纪和20世纪之交的立陶宛知识分子Julija Pranaitytë的指南《IškelionÉs po Euroṕir Azijń》(1914)的重要性不仅取决于作者是第一位全面记录20世纪初现代游客经历的立陶宛女旅行者,但这本书本身是第一本用立陶宛语出版的俄罗斯帝国指南。这本指南是具有强烈天主教观点的知识分子试图提供有关现代化和日益流动的世界的实用信息。因此,Pranaitytë这本书的目标是双重的。首先,它是一个流动性更强但教育程度仍然很低的工薪阶层读者,他们不断被警告可能会被愚弄或欺骗。读者可以在旅游指南中找到关于旅行中值得拥有的东西、如何沟通以及期望的建议。该指南还提供了有关访问地的历史信息、文化见解、与西方社会的异同,这本书对中间通话的旅行者来说也很有趣和有用。还有一个更普遍的问题与作者对指南的处理方式有关:20世纪初立陶宛人对不同文化和国家有哪些共同的表述,这些表述在当时的宗教、帝国和国际背景下意味着什么?正如旅行文学中经常发生的情况一样,历史在这里被选择性地呈现,考虑到了占主导地位的文化独白。在Pranaityt的指南中,它有一个明确的目的:传播西方和基督教文化的道德和宗教优越性。然而,考虑到20世纪初越来越多的工人和中产阶级参与立陶宛民族运动,这种预先判断变得自相矛盾,因为帝国的宗教和文化价值观被视为发现俄罗斯帝国晚期新部分的文化基础。
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引用次数: 0
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Lithuanian historical studies / Lithuanian Institute of History
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