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Emerging Perspectives on Post-Conflict Police-Community Relations 冲突后警察与社区关系的新视角
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2019.15020001
I. Nyborg
The world is increasingly interconnected —insecurity in one country can both directly and indirectly affect the security of people, countries and regions that are far away. Therefore, when conflict erupts in one part of the world, the international community responds in various ways to mitigate its effects, both locally and internationally. Whether it be through the provision of police, military and/or civilian personnel, humanitarian assistance, or post-conflict development assistance, the international community has repeatedly attempted to mitigate the effects of conflict, as well as to contribute to reforms which might lead to the prevention of local and global insecurity in the future.
世界日益相互关联——一个国家的不安全可以直接或间接影响遥远的人民、国家和地区的安全。因此,当冲突在世界某一地区爆发时,国际社会以各种方式作出反应,以减轻其在当地和国际上的影响。无论是通过提供警察、军事和(或)文职人员、人道主义援助还是冲突后发展援助,国际社会都一再试图减轻冲突的影响,并为可能导致防止未来地方和全球不安全的改革做出贡献。
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引用次数: 11
Community-Based Policing in Nicaragua: Do the Claims of Communitarian, Proactive and Preventative Hold True? 尼加拉瓜社区警务:社群主义、主动与预防的主张是否正确?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-05-30 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2019.15020007
J. Mcneish, Skarlleth Martinez Prado, Hugo Frühling Ehrlich
Until the wave of political violence in 2018, the Nicaraguan model for community-based policing (COP) was viewed by many as the means by which the country had avoided the crime and insecurity reported elsewhere in Central America. Paralleling these positive claims, the Nicaraguan National Police have emphasized particular characteristics of the COP model as the basis of this success. The Nicaraguan COP model is founded on three ethical pillars i.e. that it is communitarian, proactive and preventative. In this article, we detail the development of the Nicaraguan community-policing model and evaluate its historical and persisting significance as the guarantor of law and order through a critical evaluation of these claims and characteristics. The article demonstrates the abiding significance of the Nicaraguan COP model, and the distinctive nature of its operation. In contrast to prevailing regional trends there is much to learn from policing that emphasizes dialogue with the community over a reliance on technological or strong-arm solutions. However, the article also observes severe challenges regarding its current capacities and its erosion as a result of the pressures of presidential authoritarianism, political corruption and securitization . This erosion of the COP model has negatively affected the conditions of human security in Nicaragua and is a significant factor explaining the character of recent violence.
在2018年的政治暴力浪潮之前,尼加拉瓜的社区警务模式(COP)一直被许多人视为该国避免中美洲其他地方报道的犯罪和不安全的手段。与这些积极的主张相类似,尼加拉瓜国家警察强调了缔约方会议模式的特殊特点,以此作为这一成功的基础。尼加拉瓜缔约方会议模式建立在三个道德支柱之上,即社群主义、积极主动和预防性。在本文中,我们详细介绍了尼加拉瓜社区警务模式的发展,并通过对这些主张和特征的批判性评估,评估了其作为法律和秩序保障者的历史和持久意义。文章论证了尼加拉瓜缔约方会议模式的持久意义及其运作的独特性质。与普遍的地区趋势相反,警务工作强调与社区对话,而不是依赖技术或强有力的解决方案,这一趋势有很多值得学习的地方。然而,文章也观察到,由于总统威权主义、政治腐败和证券化的压力,其目前的能力面临严峻挑战,并受到侵蚀。缔约方会议模式的这种侵蚀对尼加拉瓜的人类安全状况产生了负面影响,是解释最近暴力行为特点的一个重要因素。
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引用次数: 6
Violent non-State Actors and New Forms of Governance: Exploring the Colombian and Venezuelan Border Zone 暴力的非国家行为者和新的治理形式:探索哥伦比亚和委内瑞拉边境地区
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-03-05 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2019.15010006
R. Villa, Marília Carolina Souza Pimenta
This article explores the causes underlying a strong presence of violent non-state actors (VNSAs) in South America. Based on a case study of the border area between Colombia and Venezuela, the research relies on a broad empirical data collected from newspapers, official documents and interviews. The analytical perspective has been grounded on a theoretical framework of four dimensions: (i) funding and illegal activities, (ii) presence in strategic regions, (iii) low state presence and (iv) violence, which identifies different forms of presence of VNSAs. When questioned about how VNSAs create new forms of alternative governance in a territorial space of fragile statehood, the results tend to reveal a context in which state governance seems to overlap the alternative and illegal governance of VNSAs, creating a fragile and hybrid governance in the region.
本文探讨了南美洲暴力非国家行为者(VNSA)大量存在的原因。该研究以哥伦比亚和委内瑞拉边境地区的案例研究为基础,依赖于从报纸、官方文件和采访中收集的广泛实证数据。分析视角基于四个维度的理论框架:(i)资助和非法活动,(ii)在战略地区的存在,(iii)低国家存在和(iv)暴力,其中确定了VNSA存在的不同形式。当被问及越南国家安全局如何在国家地位脆弱的领土空间中创造新的替代治理形式时,研究结果往往揭示了国家治理似乎与越南国家安全机构的替代治理和非法治理重叠的背景,从而在该地区创造了脆弱的混合治理。
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引用次数: 8
Editorial 2019 社论2019
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-02-18 DOI: 10.12924/johs2019.15010001
Sabina Lautensach
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引用次数: 0
Migrants Meet Europeans 移民遇见欧洲人
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-10 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2018.14010024
A. Lautensach
Seldom have I come across a book that incited in me conflicting reactions of such intensity. They stem from Murray’s reporting of facts—necessarily selective but shockingly effective; his conceptual analysis—eye-opening where it works but shallow and incomplete in other places; his conclusions—shattering mainstream platitudes and mis- conceptions but at times suffering from a narrowness of worldview and a dearth of historical perspective, not to mention a problematic interpretation of human security.
我很少遇到一本书能在我心中激起如此强烈的矛盾反应。它们源于穆雷对事实的报道——必然是有选择性的,但效果惊人;他的概念分析——在有用的地方让人大开眼界,但在其他地方却肤浅而不完整;他的结论粉碎了主流的陈词滥调和错误的观念,但有时受到世界观狭隘和缺乏历史视角的影响,更不用说对人类安全的有问题的解释了。
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引用次数: 0
Refugees & Violent Group Grievance 难民和暴力团体的不满
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-08-21 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2018.14010013
J. Christensen
Do refugee inflows have an effect on state fragility? In this article I examine whether refugee inflows, commonly associated in the literature with economic and cultural pressures, result in a more fragile state by means of increased violent group grievance. Violent group grievance captures a distinct form of intrastate violence, specifically small-scale hate crimes and ethnic group clashes associated with powerlessness and discrimination. The main hypothesis in this paper is that refugee inflows may increase violent group grievance. I examine the effect of refugee inflows on the level of domestic violent group grievance using quantitative analyses based on original large-N datasets and cross-sectional longitudinal models to fill gaps in the literature on state fragility. This study controls for alternative explanations and covers the time period between 2006 and 2014. The analysis results confirm the main hypothesis of this paper.
难民流入对国家脆弱性有影响吗?在这篇文章中,我研究了在文献中通常与经济和文化压力相关的难民流入,是否通过增加暴力群体的不满,导致一个更脆弱的国家。暴力群体的不满反映了一种独特的国内暴力形式,特别是与无能为力和歧视有关的小规模仇恨犯罪和族裔群体冲突。本文的主要假设是难民流入可能会增加暴力群体的不满情绪。我使用基于原始大n数据集和横断面纵向模型的定量分析来研究难民流入对家庭暴力群体不满程度的影响,以填补关于国家脆弱性的文献空白。这项研究控制了其他解释,涵盖了2006年至2014年的时间段。分析结果证实了本文的主要假设。
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引用次数: 5
A Review of ‘Human Insecurities in Southeast Asia’ “东南亚人的不安全感”述评
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-08 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2018.14010011
M. Ferreira
Debates on human insecurities are crucial in a changing world that witnesses high social inequality, degradation of environment, social tensions and a growing violation of human rights. Unfortunately, all these issues permeate the social structures of Southeast Asian countries in different ways. In that region civil society faces problems that are diverse, as seen in the political tensions in Thailand, the deterritorialization of indigenous peoples in Philippines and Malaysia, human rights violations in Myanmar, and numerous other challenges. Such setting demands different approaches from institutions and communities to overcome pending risks threatening their populations.
在一个社会高度不平等、环境恶化、社会紧张和侵犯人权现象日益增多的不断变化的世界中,关于人类不安全的辩论至关重要。不幸的是,所有这些问题都以不同的方式渗透到东南亚国家的社会结构中。在该地区,民间社会面临着各种各样的问题,如泰国的政治紧张局势、菲律宾和马来西亚土著人民的非领土化、缅甸的侵犯人权行为以及许多其他挑战。这种情况要求各机构和社区采取不同的方法来克服威胁其人口的迫在眉睫的风险。
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引用次数: 0
“Food Security” versus Cash Transfers: Comparative Analysis of Social Security Approaches in India and Brazil “粮食安全”与现金转移:印度和巴西社会保障方法的比较分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-07 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2018.14010005
Carter Vance
Amongst Global South nations grappling with the problems of both food security and poverty relief, two of the largest are Brazil and India. Though the nations of course differ in a host of socioeconomic, cultural and geopolitical respects, they do face similar problems of sharp income inequality, displacement of rural populations into cities and increasing battles over land and agricultural ownership. At the same time, both countries have had, until recently, a long period of sustained economic growth, as well as centre-left governments (the Workers’ Party in the case of Brazil, the Indian National Congress in the case of India), attempting to spread the benefits of that growth to a wider social strata. The differential approaches that the social security systems in each nation took in attempting to address the problem of food security are, therefore, instructive in understanding how these questions should be approached on a policy level. Though of course constrained in each case by differing economic and political contexts, as well as path dependencies within each country’s existing social protection regime, there are lessons in their successes and failures. Moreover, an approach which would recognize the best aspects of each policy program could be instrumental in designing a food security policy which reconciles institutional and individual problem levels. This paper will examine the political logics which informed both approaches, with an eye to seeing how these were played out in their concrete effects as implemented.
在努力解决粮食安全和扶贫问题的全球南方国家中,最大的两个是巴西和印度。尽管两国在许多社会经济、文化和地缘政治方面当然存在差异,但它们确实面临着类似的问题,包括严重的收入不平等、农村人口向城市迁移以及围绕土地和农业所有权的斗争日益加剧。与此同时,直到最近,这两个国家都经历了长时间的持续经济增长,以及中左翼政府(巴西的工人党(Workers’Party),印度的印度国民大会党(Indian National Congress)),试图将这种增长的好处分享给更广泛的社会阶层。因此,每个国家的社会保障制度在试图解决粮食安全问题时所采取的不同方法,对于理解如何在政策层面上处理这些问题具有指导意义。当然,尽管每个案例都受到不同的经济和政治背景的制约,以及每个国家现有社会保护制度内部的路径依赖,但它们的成功和失败都有其教训。此外,认识到每项政策方案的最佳方面的办法可以有助于设计一项协调机构和个人问题的粮食安全政策。本文将考察影响这两种方法的政治逻辑,着眼于这些方法如何在实施时发挥具体效果。
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引用次数: 5
Editorial Volume 14 编辑第14卷
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-05-07 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2018.14010001
S. Lautensach
Dear Reader, “Are we nuts?“ asked recently one of my favourite bloggers. She was referring to human behaviour that contravened the actor’s own explicit interests, as routinely reported in a cross-section of the average daily news. Her deceivingly simple question can be interpreted at the individual level (e.g. junk food) and the collective levels (e.g. gun use), applied to the short or longer term, to human nature as it manifested historically or to human behaviour at the present time. Her question could also have been directed at events not usually covered by the mainstream media, such as ecology and population issues, or the fact that the world’s most powerful country is now governed by a kakistocracy [1,2]. But even without singling out its worst offenders, collective policies around the world show a deplorable lack of scientific reason[3].
尊敬的读者:,最近,我最喜欢的一位博主问道:“我们疯了吗?”她指的是违反演员自身明确利益的人类行为,正如普通日常新闻中经常报道的那样。她看似简单的问题可以从个人层面(如垃圾食品)和集体层面(如枪支使用)来解释,适用于短期或长期,适用于历史上表现出来的人性或当前的人类行为。她的问题也可能是针对主流媒体通常没有报道的事件,比如生态和人口问题,或者这个世界上最强大的国家现在由kakistocracy统治的事实[1,2]。但是,即使没有挑出最严重的罪犯,世界各地的集体政策也显示出令人遗憾的缺乏科学理性[3]。
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引用次数: 0
Women Refugees: An Imbalance of Protecting and Being Protected 妇女难民:保护与被保护的不平衡
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2017-08-20 DOI: 10.12924/JOHS2017.13010034
Sylvia Yazid, Agatha Lydia Natania
The recent refugee crisis in Europe has become a prominent human security issues that continues to receive international attention. The main debate has been on the accommodation of refugees in European countries and the issues that arise from the sudden influx of people into those countries. Camps were established with limited time and information to prepare, leading to issues within these temporary living arrangements. Conditions are worse for women refugees, who suffer similarly to the men but have higher rates of insecurity. This paper attempts to argue for greater protection for women refugees. To do so, it will describe women refugees’ conditions and needs and relate them to an enforced moral responsibility. It argues for more attention to be given to women refugees with specific conditions, those who have been marginalized in most refugee policies. The main argument is that better protection for and empowerment of women refugees is urgently needed due to their own conditions and needs alongside the moral obligations to take care of children and the elderly. To do so, policies have to consult the specific needs of women. An important step towards this effort is to develop further and more detailed classification of women and their specific needs: women refugees’ needs are not merely determined by their own conditions but also the conditions of those they are responsible for.
最近发生在欧洲的难民危机已经成为一个突出的人类安全问题,继续受到国际社会的关注。主要的辩论是关于在欧洲国家安置难民的问题,以及由于难民突然涌入这些国家而引起的问题。建立营地的时间和准备资料有限,导致这些临时生活安排出现问题。女性难民的情况更糟,她们遭受的苦难与男性相似,但不安全感更高。本文试图为妇女难民争取更大的保护。为此,它将描述妇女难民的状况和需求,并将其与强制的道德责任联系起来。它主张更多地注意具有特殊条件的妇女难民,她们在大多数难民政策中被边缘化。主要论点是,由于妇女难民自身的条件和需要,以及照顾儿童和老人的道德义务,迫切需要更好地保护和赋予妇女权力。为此,政策必须考虑到妇女的具体需要。朝着这一努力的一个重要步骤是对妇女及其具体需要进行进一步和更详细的分类:妇女难民的需要不仅取决于她们自己的条件,而且取决于她们所负责的人的条件。
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引用次数: 8
期刊
Journal of Human Security
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