Pub Date : 2011-01-19DOI: 10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1900
R. Hall
Current US-Philippine military relations is informed by tensions between Philippine nationalist versus local reactions to US ground deployment in Mindanao. The unequal military agreements and the legacy of internal-security oriented Philippine armed forces are juxtaposed with arguments that US presence served to empower traditional Muslim leaders against Manila. The management of bilateral relations is moving towards more representative and legitimacy-seeking mechanisms such as the Visiting Forces Agreement and Security Engagement Board that allow for cooperation across non-traditional security areas and down the chain of commands. US limited ground deployment for counter-terrorism under Operation Enduring Freedom and Joint Special Operations Task Force feature non-combat activities in Mindanao. The US and local Philippine military are undertaking short-term humanitarian and rehabilitation projects alongside US civilian agencies. The effects of these activities are contested as inimical to national sovereignty and benefi cial to local power holders. US assistance is also seen as strengthening the capacity and legitimizing the Philippine military’s development role. Keywords: Philippines; United States; military relations DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1900 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 25-42
{"title":"Boots on Unstable Ground: Democratic Governance of the Armed Forces under post 9/11 US-Philippine Military Relations","authors":"R. Hall","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1900","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1900","url":null,"abstract":"Current US-Philippine military relations is informed by tensions between Philippine nationalist versus local reactions to US ground deployment in Mindanao. The unequal military agreements and the legacy of internal-security oriented Philippine armed forces are juxtaposed with arguments that US presence served to empower traditional Muslim leaders against Manila. The management of bilateral relations is moving towards more representative and legitimacy-seeking mechanisms such as the Visiting Forces Agreement and Security Engagement Board that allow for cooperation across non-traditional security areas and down the chain of commands. US limited ground deployment for counter-terrorism under Operation Enduring Freedom and Joint Special Operations Task Force feature non-combat activities in Mindanao. The US and local Philippine military are undertaking short-term humanitarian and rehabilitation projects alongside US civilian agencies. The effects of these activities are contested as inimical to national sovereignty and benefi cial to local power holders. US assistance is also seen as strengthening the capacity and legitimizing the Philippine military’s development role. Keywords: Philippines; United States; military relations DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1900 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 25-42","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"15 1","pages":"25-42"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89625630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-19DOI: 10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1904
J. Houlahan
This book is a personal account of abuse to the author and her mother by the Japanese during World War II in the Philippines. It covers the author’s childhood, concentrating on slightly more than three years ending when she was 11. During this period, Ms. Finch writes that she and her mother were held as civilian Prisoners of War (POW) and slave laborers in a series of camps in the Philippines, China and Japan. Her tale is lively, interesting, and reasonably well-written. However, it contains descriptions of alleged Japanese atrocities that did not happen. It also contains “eyewitness” testimony that is impossible to believe. The author appears to have conflated, exaggerated, and sometimes invented events in the Philippines and elsewhere, and then placed herself and her mother in the midst of them.
{"title":"Fiction as Fact: False Memories of WWII in the Philippines","authors":"J. Houlahan","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1904","url":null,"abstract":"This book is a personal account of abuse to the author and her mother by the Japanese during World War II in the Philippines. It covers the author’s childhood, concentrating on slightly more than three years ending when she was 11. During this period, Ms. Finch writes that she and her mother were held as civilian Prisoners of War (POW) and slave laborers in a series of camps in the Philippines, China and Japan. Her tale is lively, interesting, and reasonably well-written. However, it contains descriptions of alleged Japanese atrocities that did not happen. It also contains “eyewitness” testimony that is impossible to believe. The author appears to have conflated, exaggerated, and sometimes invented events in the Philippines and elsewhere, and then placed herself and her mother in the midst of them.","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"73 1","pages":"1-1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86954102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-19DOI: 10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1902
Maribel Rodriguez
This article aims to provide an initial response to the question as to how states address the growing concern of transnational crime in a globalized environment. Recognizing this alongside other contemporary security concerns, policy makers and security planners reconceptualize their approach not only by enhancing law-enforcement strategies, but likewise expanding the role of the State and its government institutions and by going beyond the top-down approach of governance and shifting more to transnational cooperation. In Southeast Asia, initiatives to combat the threat of transnational organized crime and terrorism became an impetus for member countries to come up with an ASEAN Plan of Action to Combat Transnational Crime and for the Philippines to establish the Philippine Center for Transnational Crime under Executive Order No. 62 (1999). As these initiatives are commendable but somehow insufficient to address the problems of transnational crime, this paper argues that to address capacity gaps, states should consider the mixed public-private response as a policy prescription for managing transnational problems such as transnational organized crime. Supplementary to this, would be the enhancement of "transnational advocacy networks" to influence the interests and practices of the government. This would mean bringing together a diversity of nonstate actors such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and calls for the combined capabilities and resources by government institutions and the private sector. The paper likewise explores the possibilities of NGO and citizen group capabilities as partners to develop a new paradigm that will further increase international cooperation. Keywords: Transnational organized crime; mixed public-private responses; transnational advocacy networks DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1902 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 59-66
{"title":"The State and \"Transnational Advocacy Networks\" in the Prevention and Control of Transnational Crime","authors":"Maribel Rodriguez","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1902","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to provide an initial response to the question as to how states address the growing concern of transnational crime in a globalized environment. Recognizing this alongside other contemporary security concerns, policy makers and security planners reconceptualize their approach not only by enhancing law-enforcement strategies, but likewise expanding the role of the State and its government institutions and by going beyond the top-down approach of governance and shifting more to transnational cooperation. In Southeast Asia, initiatives to combat the threat of transnational organized crime and terrorism became an impetus for member countries to come up with an ASEAN Plan of Action to Combat Transnational Crime and for the Philippines to establish the Philippine Center for Transnational Crime under Executive Order No. 62 (1999). As these initiatives are commendable but somehow insufficient to address the problems of transnational crime, this paper argues that to address capacity gaps, states should consider the mixed public-private response as a policy prescription for managing transnational problems such as transnational organized crime. Supplementary to this, would be the enhancement of \"transnational advocacy networks\" to influence the interests and practices of the government. This would mean bringing together a diversity of nonstate actors such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and calls for the combined capabilities and resources by government institutions and the private sector. The paper likewise explores the possibilities of NGO and citizen group capabilities as partners to develop a new paradigm that will further increase international cooperation. Keywords: Transnational organized crime; mixed public-private responses; transnational advocacy networks DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1902 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 59-66","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"28 1","pages":"59-66"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87135387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-19DOI: 10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1899
P. Chambers
Like other young Asian democracies, Thailand has seen its military play a leading role in the country's authoritarian past. Yet despite the advent of democracy, vestiges of authoritarianism have continued to linger. This study analyzes relations of civilians and soldiers with regard to their balance of decision-making power in the case of Thailand, introducing a framework for analyzing civilian control. Yet exactly how has the civil-military balance-of-power shifted in Thailand? In what areas of civilian control do the armed forces today hold the most sway? What does continuing military involvement say about contemporary state Thai politics? What are the implications of our analysis for the study of civil-military relations, especially in emerging democracies of Asia? This study addresses these questions. Keywords: democracy; military; civilian; control; Thailand DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1899 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 1-24
{"title":"Understanding Civil-Military Relations Today: The Case of Thailand with Implications for Emerging Democracies in Asia","authors":"P. Chambers","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1899","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1899","url":null,"abstract":"Like other young Asian democracies, Thailand has seen its military play a leading role in the country's authoritarian past. Yet despite the advent of democracy, vestiges of authoritarianism have continued to linger. This study analyzes relations of civilians and soldiers with regard to their balance of decision-making power in the case of Thailand, introducing a framework for analyzing civilian control. Yet exactly how has the civil-military balance-of-power shifted in Thailand? In what areas of civilian control do the armed forces today hold the most sway? What does continuing military involvement say about contemporary state Thai politics? What are the implications of our analysis for the study of civil-military relations, especially in emerging democracies of Asia? This study addresses these questions. Keywords: democracy; military; civilian; control; Thailand DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1899 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 1-24","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"19 1","pages":"1-24"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88100978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-19DOI: 10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1901
Napisa Waitoolkiat
What causes corruption? Most literature on corruption take into account the role of culture and socio-economic development though few studies have not even begun to look for another explanation such as institutions in explaining this corruption menace. Within institutionalist literature, there are generally two strands which center upon two different concepts in explaining corruption - accountability and personal vote. Yet, the theoretical framework in this study will rely exclusively on the concept of personal voting since it would be more compatible with the nature of research used in this study - within country analysis. By exploring Thailand's three general elections for the lower house (1992, 1995, 2007) with the same type of electoral rules- block vote, the study aims to examine the impact of district magnitude (elements of electoral rules: ballot structure, district magnitude, electoral formulas) as a key determinant of the level of corruption. The effect of district magnitude on corruption will be analyzed against the backdrop of the block vote system controlling for year and region. Based upon the personal vote argument, the study contends that in the context of block vote, large district magnitude would put more pressure on a candidate to distinguish himself/ herself from his/her party’s teammates as well as candidates from different parties, which in turn provide the likelihood for the use of corruption as one of their electoral strategies. The findings from this study show that the levels of corruption at a nationwide level for all three years are relatively the same. More importantly, the study found that district magnitude is related with corruption, that is, a large district magnitude is associated with a greater degree of corruption. Finally, the study shows that region is strongly associated with the level of corruption - highest in the Northeast and lowest in the South and in Bangkok. Keywords: Thailand; electoral corruption; personal vote; candidate-centered electoral rules; block vote; district magnitude DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1901 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 43-58
{"title":"Effect of District Magnitude on Electoral Corruption under a Block Vote System: The Case of Thailand","authors":"Napisa Waitoolkiat","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1901","url":null,"abstract":"What causes corruption? Most literature on corruption take into account the role of culture and socio-economic development though few studies have not even begun to look for another explanation such as institutions in explaining this corruption menace. Within institutionalist literature, there are generally two strands which center upon two different concepts in explaining corruption - accountability and personal vote. Yet, the theoretical framework in this study will rely exclusively on the concept of personal voting since it would be more compatible with the nature of research used in this study - within country analysis. By exploring Thailand's three general elections for the lower house (1992, 1995, 2007) with the same type of electoral rules- block vote, the study aims to examine the impact of district magnitude (elements of electoral rules: ballot structure, district magnitude, electoral formulas) as a key determinant of the level of corruption. The effect of district magnitude on corruption will be analyzed against the backdrop of the block vote system controlling for year and region. Based upon the personal vote argument, the study contends that in the context of block vote, large district magnitude would put more pressure on a candidate to distinguish himself/ herself from his/her party’s teammates as well as candidates from different parties, which in turn provide the likelihood for the use of corruption as one of their electoral strategies. The findings from this study show that the levels of corruption at a nationwide level for all three years are relatively the same. More importantly, the study found that district magnitude is related with corruption, that is, a large district magnitude is associated with a greater degree of corruption. Finally, the study shows that region is strongly associated with the level of corruption - highest in the Northeast and lowest in the South and in Bangkok. Keywords: Thailand; electoral corruption; personal vote; candidate-centered electoral rules; block vote; district magnitude DOI: 10.3860/apssr.v10i2.1901 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 10:2 (2010), pp. 43-58","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"43-58"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78689471","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-01-19DOI: 10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1903
J. Taguibao
This study investigates the interaction and dynamics between regulatory agencies and businesses in the context of developing the Philippine renewable energy sector using the perspectives and experiences of selected industry managers. Primary data were gathered through in-depth interviews with seven industry managers – three project developers of hydroelectric and geothermal plants, a managing director of a supply fi rm for renewable energy sources, and three executive secretaries from various renewable energy developers. The study analyzes the institutional arrangements for renewable energy development, particularly the pertinent legislations that were enacted since the restructuring of the electric power industry in 2001. Furthermore, using the interview data, the author probes into the interaction and dynamics between regulators and businesses, as well as issues, obstructions and constraints that were identified by the interviewees in developing the Philippine renewable energy sector. The study concludes, focusing on the effects of transaction costs and political connections on the future of the renewable energy sector in the Philippines.
{"title":"Renewable Energy (RE) Sector Development in the Philippines Based on the Perspectives and Experiences of Selected Industry Managers","authors":"J. Taguibao","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V10I2.1903","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the interaction and dynamics between regulatory agencies and businesses in the context of developing the Philippine renewable energy sector using the perspectives and experiences of selected industry managers. Primary data were gathered through in-depth interviews with seven industry managers – three project developers of hydroelectric and geothermal plants, a managing director of a supply fi rm for renewable energy sources, and three executive secretaries from various renewable energy developers. The study analyzes the institutional arrangements for renewable energy development, particularly the pertinent legislations that were enacted since the restructuring of the electric power industry in 2001. Furthermore, using the interview data, the author probes into the interaction and dynamics between regulators and businesses, as well as issues, obstructions and constraints that were identified by the interviewees in developing the Philippine renewable energy sector. The study concludes, focusing on the effects of transaction costs and political connections on the future of the renewable energy sector in the Philippines.","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"59 1","pages":"1-1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82034108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Book Review: Singh, Bilveer. (2007). The Talibanization of South East Asia: Losing the War on Terror to Islamist Extremists. U.S.A.: Praeger Security International.
{"title":"Bilveer Singh on the 'Taliban' of Southeast Asia","authors":"S. Regilme","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1850737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1850737","url":null,"abstract":"Book Review: Singh, Bilveer. (2007). The Talibanization of South East Asia: Losing the War on Terror to Islamist Extremists. U.S.A.: Praeger Security International.","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73925808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Degree of Social Distance between Japanese and Filipinos in Manila","authors":"S. Ito, Rachel Varona","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V9I2.1460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V9I2.1460","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"16 1","pages":"1-1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74922716","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article argues that the 2008 Presidential election campaign of the KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou witnessed a shift in the identity content of the KMT concept of “New Taiwanese” from the civic side of the spectrum towards the ethnic side. In order to become electable, Ma Ying-jeou had to portray a very “Taiwanized” image. This suggests the strong impact of two decades of Taiwanization policies, focused on the ethnic and cultural realm, on the political market of Taiwan. The emergence of the “culturally enhanced” concept of “New Taiwanese” emphasizes the importance of cultural and ethnical discourses in national identity formation. After Ma’s election, his stance towards China has lacerated once again the conflict of identities that will continue to shape the future of the islands.
{"title":"Taiwanized “New Taiwanese”: The Effect of Taiwanization on the 2008 Presidential Election Campaign of Ma Ying-jeou","authors":"M. Kaeding","doi":"10.3860/APSSR.V9I2.1459","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3860/APSSR.V9I2.1459","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that the 2008 Presidential election campaign of the KMT candidate Ma Ying-jeou witnessed a shift in the identity content of the KMT concept of “New Taiwanese” from the civic side of the spectrum towards the ethnic side. In order to become electable, Ma Ying-jeou had to portray a very “Taiwanized” image. This suggests the strong impact of two decades of Taiwanization policies, focused on the ethnic and cultural realm, on the political market of Taiwan. The emergence of the “culturally enhanced” concept of “New Taiwanese” emphasizes the importance of cultural and ethnical discourses in national identity formation. After Ma’s election, his stance towards China has lacerated once again the conflict of identities that will continue to shape the future of the islands.","PeriodicalId":39323,"journal":{"name":"Asia-Pacific Social Science Review","volume":"5 1","pages":"1-1"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-08-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78750180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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