EnglishMediterranean funeral culture underwent a fundamental metamorphosis in late antiquity. Despite a few scholarly objections it appears that this transformation can be explained by the gradual rise of Christianity. This article provides a sort of test of this theory by asking whether the attempt to restore pagan culture under Emperor Julian (361-363) had any effect on practices concerning death and burial. Of utmost interest are, on the one hand, Julian’s objections to the Christian martyr cults which led among other things to the removal of the Babylas relics from the Temple of Apollo in Daphne, and, on the other hand, his Burial Law with a particular interest in the often-overlooked Letter 136b. Also to be considered are the burial of Constantius II, the death of Julian himself, and various associated eschatological conceptions. One notices a culture-defining difference in the way in which late antique pagans such as Julian, Libanius, and Eunapius of Sardes assume a strict division between life and death, cult and burial, purity and impurity. With late antique Christianity this could slowly be overturned through faith in the resurrection. DeutschDie Sepulkralkultur der Mittelmeerwelt erlebte in der Spatantike eine grundlegende Metamorphose. Auch wenn es hierzu in der Forschung gewichtige Gegenstimmen gibt, so ist dieser Wandel doch mit dem sukzessiven Aufstieg des Christentums zu erklaren. Der Beitrag fuhrt hierzu eine Art Gegenprobe durch und setzt sich deshalb mit der Frage auseinander, ob der pagane Restaurationsversuch unter Kaiser Julian (361-363) Auswirkungen auf die Bereiche von Tod und Bestattung hatte. Im Mittelpunkt des Interesses stehen dabei zum einen Julians massive Vorbehalte gegen den christlichen Martyrerkult, die u.a. in der Entfernung der Babylas-Reliquien aus dem Apoll-Heiligtum von Daphne sichtbar wurden. Zum anderen wird Julians Bestattungsgesetz in den Blick genommen, der Aufsatz kommentiert dazu ausfuhrlich die bislang weitgehend vernachlassigte Epistola 136b. Daneben werden die Bestattung Konstantius’ II., Julians eigener Tod sowie dabei aufscheinende eschatologische Vorstellungen untersucht. Als kulturell pragende Grunddifferenz zeigt sich, dass spatantike Heiden wie Julian, aber auch Libanios oder Eunapios von Sardes von einer strikten Trennung zwischen Leben und Tod, Kult und Bestattung bzw. Reinheit und Befleckung ausgingen. Im spatantiken Christentum konnte diese hingegen nach und nach uberwunden werden, der Grund dafur liegt vor allem im Osterglauben.
英国地中海葬礼文化在古代晚期经历了一次根本性的转变。尽管有一些学者反对，但这种转变似乎可以用基督教的逐渐兴起来解释。这篇文章提供了一种对这一理论的测试，通过询问是否在朱利安皇帝(361-363)统治下恢复异教文化的尝试对有关死亡和埋葬的习俗有任何影响。最令人感兴趣的是，一方面，朱利安反对基督教殉道者崇拜这导致了达芙妮阿波罗神庙中巴比伦遗迹的移除，另一方面，他的《埋葬法》特别关注经常被忽视的136b号信。也要考虑的是康斯坦提乌斯二世的葬礼，朱利安本人的死亡，以及各种相关的末世论概念。我们注意到一种文化定义上的差异，晚期的古代异教徒，如朱利安，利巴尼乌斯，和萨迪斯的尤纳皮乌斯，对生与死，崇拜与埋葬，纯洁与不洁，有着严格的区分。在晚期的古代基督教中，这种观念可以通过对复活的信仰慢慢地被推翻。德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语:德语。每个人都有自己的圣诞假期，所以他的父母都有自己的圣诞假期。Der Beitrag fur hierzu eine Art Gegenprobe durch and setzt .这将会是Der Frage auseinander, or Der pagane Restaurationsversuch under Kaiser Julian (361-363)) Auswirkungen aufdie Bereiche von Tod and Bestattung hatte。我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说，我是说。[3][中文]:《人类基因组学研究进展与进展》，《人类基因组学研究进展与进展》，第136期。康斯坦提乌斯二世。，朱利安的特征托德索性dabei aufscheinende eschatologische Vorstellungen untersucht。所有的文化遗产都是Grunddifferenz的作品，如Heiden和Julian的作品，以及Libanios和unapios von Sardes的作品《Trennung zwischen lebenund Tod》、《Kult and Bestattung bzw》。Reinheit and Befleckung ausingen。我的名字是spatantiken Christentum，我的名字是the disese hinggenen nach，我的名字是berunden werden，我的名字是berunden werden。
{"title":"“Alles habt ihr mit Grabmälern angefüllt …” Kaiser Julian und die Transformation spätantiker Funeralkultur","authors":"Thomas R. Karmann","doi":"10.1484/j.se.5.119445","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/j.se.5.119445","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishMediterranean funeral culture underwent a fundamental metamorphosis in late antiquity. Despite a few scholarly objections it appears that this transformation can be explained by the gradual rise of Christianity. This article provides a sort of test of this theory by asking whether the attempt to restore pagan culture under Emperor Julian (361-363) had any effect on practices concerning death and burial. Of utmost interest are, on the one hand, Julian’s objections to the Christian martyr cults which led among other things to the removal of the Babylas relics from the Temple of Apollo in Daphne, and, on the other hand, his Burial Law with a particular interest in the often-overlooked Letter 136b. Also to be considered are the burial of Constantius II, the death of Julian himself, and various associated eschatological conceptions. One notices a culture-defining difference in the way in which late antique pagans such as Julian, Libanius, and Eunapius of Sardes assume a strict division between life and death, cult and burial, purity and impurity. With late antique Christianity this could slowly be overturned through faith in the resurrection. DeutschDie Sepulkralkultur der Mittelmeerwelt erlebte in der Spatantike eine grundlegende Metamorphose. Auch wenn es hierzu in der Forschung gewichtige Gegenstimmen gibt, so ist dieser Wandel doch mit dem sukzessiven Aufstieg des Christentums zu erklaren. Der Beitrag fuhrt hierzu eine Art Gegenprobe durch und setzt sich deshalb mit der Frage auseinander, ob der pagane Restaurationsversuch unter Kaiser Julian (361-363) Auswirkungen auf die Bereiche von Tod und Bestattung hatte. Im Mittelpunkt des Interesses stehen dabei zum einen Julians massive Vorbehalte gegen den christlichen Martyrerkult, die u.a. in der Entfernung der Babylas-Reliquien aus dem Apoll-Heiligtum von Daphne sichtbar wurden. Zum anderen wird Julians Bestattungsgesetz in den Blick genommen, der Aufsatz kommentiert dazu ausfuhrlich die bislang weitgehend vernachlassigte Epistola 136b. Daneben werden die Bestattung Konstantius’ II., Julians eigener Tod sowie dabei aufscheinende eschatologische Vorstellungen untersucht. Als kulturell pragende Grunddifferenz zeigt sich, dass spatantike Heiden wie Julian, aber auch Libanios oder Eunapios von Sardes von einer strikten Trennung zwischen Leben und Tod, Kult und Bestattung bzw. Reinheit und Befleckung ausgingen. Im spatantiken Christentum konnte diese hingegen nach und nach uberwunden werden, der Grund dafur liegt vor allem im Osterglauben.","PeriodicalId":39610,"journal":{"name":"Sacris Erudiri","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75279012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a re-examination of the palimpsest fragments from a sixth-century codex of Augustine which were found in the Cairo Genizah and are now held in Cambridge University Library. The three largest fragments, with the shelfmark MS Add. 4320a-c, have already been identified as containing the end of De sermone domini and the beginning of Sermo 118. More recently, a smaller fragment of this manuscript was discovered in the Taylor-Schechter collection, also with text from De sermone domini (T-S AS 139.1). A full transcription of this fragment is published here for the first time. In addition, this article identifies the undertext on the two remaining substantial fragments of this manuscript (MS Add. 4320d). These contain part of Sermo 225 auct. and Contra sermonem Arrianorum, which means that they provide the oldest surviving witness to these works by several centuries. In addition to the editio princeps and images of these fragments, the article offers a small correction to Mutzenbecher’s edition of De sermone domini and briefly considers the nature of the original codex as a compilation of multiple writings by Augustine.
这篇文章提供了对六世纪奥古斯丁手抄本的重写本碎片的重新检查，该手抄本在开罗Genizah发现，现在保存在剑桥大学图书馆。三个最大的片段，货架标记MS Add. 4320a-c，已经被鉴定为包含De sermone domini的结尾和Sermo 118的开始。最近，在泰勒-谢切特的收藏中发现了这个手稿的一个较小的碎片，也有来自De sermonone domini (T-S AS 139.1)的文本。此片段的完整抄本首次在此发表。此外，本文还识别了该手稿剩余的两个实质性片段(MS Add. 4320d)的底文。这些包含Sermo 225 auct的一部分。和Contra sermonem Arrianorum，这意味着他们为这些作品提供了几个世纪以来最古老的见证。除了这些片段的版本原则和图像之外，文章还对Mutzenbecher的De sermonone domini版本进行了小的修正，并简要地考虑了原始抄本的性质，即奥古斯丁的多部作品的汇编。
{"title":"New Identifications Among the Sixth-Century Fragments of Augustine in Cambridge University Library","authors":"H. Houghton","doi":"10.1484/j.se.5.119450","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/j.se.5.119450","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a re-examination of the palimpsest fragments from a sixth-century codex of Augustine which were found in the Cairo Genizah and are now held in Cambridge University Library. The three largest fragments, with the shelfmark MS Add. 4320a-c, have already been identified as containing the end of De sermone domini and the beginning of Sermo 118. More recently, a smaller fragment of this manuscript was discovered in the Taylor-Schechter collection, also with text from De sermone domini (T-S AS 139.1). A full transcription of this fragment is published here for the first time. In addition, this article identifies the undertext on the two remaining substantial fragments of this manuscript (MS Add. 4320d). These contain part of Sermo 225 auct. and Contra sermonem Arrianorum, which means that they provide the oldest surviving witness to these works by several centuries. In addition to the editio princeps and images of these fragments, the article offers a small correction to Mutzenbecher’s edition of De sermone domini and briefly considers the nature of the original codex as a compilation of multiple writings by Augustine.","PeriodicalId":39610,"journal":{"name":"Sacris Erudiri","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75680105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
EnglishJerome’s homiletic production, from Germain Morin’s research onwards, has been traditionally dated around the first decade of the fifth century, namely before the eruption of the Pelagian controversy. However, some scholars, such as Salvatore Cola, Giuseppe Caruso and Alessandro Capone, have questioned the traditional dating of Jerome’s homilies, proposing the hypothesis that some of his homilies were preached during the Pelagian controversy. In the present article, we further develop the hypothesis of Giuseppe Caruso, who believes that the Tractatus in psalmum 89 (series altera) would have been preached during the Pelagian controversy, due to the presence of an explicit reference to the Augustinian doctrine of original sin. This hypothesis is further corroborated through the analysis of the entire homiletic corpus of Jerome and through appropriate comparisons with the works of Augustine known to Jerome. Furthermore, we propose the hypothesis that also the following homily, the Tractatus in psalmum 90 (series altera), was composed during the Pelagian controversy. In conclusion, the present research invites to reassess, at least partially, the traditional dating of Jerome’s tractatus to the first decade of the fifth century, as proposed by Germain Morin, and to consider also the Pelagian controversy as the possible theological context during which Jerome preached some of his homilies. italianoLa produzione omiletica di Gerolamo, a partire dalle ricerche di Germain Morin, e stata generalmente datata attorno al primo decennio del quinto secolo, ovvero prima dello scoppio della controversia pelagiana. Tuttavia, alcuni studiosi, tra cui Salvatore Cola, Giuseppe Caruso e Alessandro Capone hanno messo in discussione la tradizionale datazione delle omelie di Gerolamo, avanzando l’ipotesi che alcune di esse siano state composte durante la controversia pelagiana. Nel presente contributo, ci proponiamo di approfondire ulteriormente l’ipotesi di Giuseppe Caruso secondo cui il Tractatus in psalmum 89 (series altera) sarebbe stato predicato durante la controversia pelagiana, in quanto in esso e contenuto un esplicito riferimento alla dottrina del peccato originale di matrice agostiniana. Tale ipotesi viene ulteriormente corroborata tramite l’analisi dell’intero corpus omiletico geronimiano e tramite alcuni opportuni raffronti con le opere di Agostino conosciute da Gerolamo. Inoltre, e stata proposta l’ipotesi che anche la successiva omelia, il Tractatus in psalmum 90 (series altera), sia stata composta durante il periodo della controversia pelagiana. In conclusione, la presente ricerca invita a rivedere, almeno parzialmente, la tradizionale datazione dei tractatus geronimiani al primo decennio del quinto secolo proposta da Germain Morin e a considerare anche la controversia pelagiana come uno dei contesti teologici durante i quali Gerolamo ha predicato alcune delle sue omelie.
杰罗姆的布道作品，从杰曼·莫兰的研究开始，传统上被认为是在五世纪的第一个十年左右，即在伯拉纠之争爆发之前。然而，一些学者，如萨尔瓦托·科拉、朱塞佩·卡鲁索和亚历山德罗·卡彭，对杰罗姆布道的传统日期提出了质疑，提出了他的一些布道是在伯拉纠论战期间布道的假设。在本文中，我们进一步发展了Giuseppe Caruso的假设，他认为诗篇89(系列altera)中的Tractatus将在伯拉纠争议期间布道，因为存在对奥古斯丁原罪学说的明确参考。通过对杰罗姆的整个说教语料库的分析，并通过与杰罗姆所知的奥古斯丁的作品进行适当的比较，这一假设进一步得到证实。此外，我们提出假设，下面的讲道，在诗篇90(系列交替)的Tractatus，是在伯拉纠论战期间创作的。综上所述，本研究邀请我们重新评估，至少部分地，杰曼·莫兰提出的杰罗姆的《论》的传统日期是在五世纪的第一个十年，并考虑到伯拉纠之争可能是杰罗姆布道时的神学背景。意大利:意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局，意大利国家统计局。Tuttavia, alcuni studiosi, tra cui Salvatore Cola, Giuseppe Caruso和Alessandro Capone hanno messso讨论了一个传统的数据，一个新的数据，一个新的数据，一个新的数据，一个新的数据，一个新的数据，一个新的数据。在《圣训》第89篇(系列altera)第2篇中，我向朱塞佩·卡鲁索(Giuseppe Caruso)的第2篇《论文集》提出了一项贡献，即在《论文集》第89篇(系列altera)第2篇中，我认为这是一篇关于在有争议的情况下，对所有有争议的情况进行预测的文章，在《论文集》中，我认为这是一篇关于在有争议的情况下对所有有争议的情况进行预测的文章。在此基础上，研究人员提出了一种新的研究方法，即在老年医学研究的基础上，对老年医学的研究进行了分析。此外，我们还建议制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策，制订一项新政策。综上所述，“现在的国家”可以邀请一个国家、一个国家、一个传统的国家、一个传统的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个有争议的国家、一个有争议的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家、一个新的国家。
{"title":"Sulla datazione dei Tractatus in psalmos 89 e 90 series altera di Gerolamo","authors":"G. Malavasi","doi":"10.1484/j.se.5.119447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1484/j.se.5.119447","url":null,"abstract":"EnglishJerome’s homiletic production, from Germain Morin’s research onwards, has been traditionally dated around the first decade of the fifth century, namely before the eruption of the Pelagian controversy. However, some scholars, such as Salvatore Cola, Giuseppe Caruso and Alessandro Capone, have questioned the traditional dating of Jerome’s homilies, proposing the hypothesis that some of his homilies were preached during the Pelagian controversy. In the present article, we further develop the hypothesis of Giuseppe Caruso, who believes that the Tractatus in psalmum 89 (series altera) would have been preached during the Pelagian controversy, due to the presence of an explicit reference to the Augustinian doctrine of original sin. This hypothesis is further corroborated through the analysis of the entire homiletic corpus of Jerome and through appropriate comparisons with the works of Augustine known to Jerome. Furthermore, we propose the hypothesis that also the following homily, the Tractatus in psalmum 90 (series altera), was composed during the Pelagian controversy. In conclusion, the present research invites to reassess, at least partially, the traditional dating of Jerome’s tractatus to the first decade of the fifth century, as proposed by Germain Morin, and to consider also the Pelagian controversy as the possible theological context during which Jerome preached some of his homilies. italianoLa produzione omiletica di Gerolamo, a partire dalle ricerche di Germain Morin, e stata generalmente datata attorno al primo decennio del quinto secolo, ovvero prima dello scoppio della controversia pelagiana. Tuttavia, alcuni studiosi, tra cui Salvatore Cola, Giuseppe Caruso e Alessandro Capone hanno messo in discussione la tradizionale datazione delle omelie di Gerolamo, avanzando l’ipotesi che alcune di esse siano state composte durante la controversia pelagiana. Nel presente contributo, ci proponiamo di approfondire ulteriormente l’ipotesi di Giuseppe Caruso secondo cui il Tractatus in psalmum 89 (series altera) sarebbe stato predicato durante la controversia pelagiana, in quanto in esso e contenuto un esplicito riferimento alla dottrina del peccato originale di matrice agostiniana. Tale ipotesi viene ulteriormente corroborata tramite l’analisi dell’intero corpus omiletico geronimiano e tramite alcuni opportuni raffronti con le opere di Agostino conosciute da Gerolamo. Inoltre, e stata proposta l’ipotesi che anche la successiva omelia, il Tractatus in psalmum 90 (series altera), sia stata composta durante il periodo della controversia pelagiana. In conclusione, la presente ricerca invita a rivedere, almeno parzialmente, la tradizionale datazione dei tractatus geronimiani al primo decennio del quinto secolo proposta da Germain Morin e a considerare anche la controversia pelagiana come uno dei contesti teologici durante i quali Gerolamo ha predicato alcune delle sue omelie.","PeriodicalId":39610,"journal":{"name":"Sacris Erudiri","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88997650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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