{"title":"Ein Fragment der Expositiunculae in evangelium Iohannis evangelistae Matthaei et Lucae (CPL 240) und eine evangelienexegetische Sammlung aus Mondsee","authors":"L. J. Dorfbauer","doi":"10.1553/wst135s173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst135s173","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"16 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73270661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Zu einigen Stellen in Plautus᾽ Miles","authors":"Walter Stockert","doi":"10.1553/wst135s41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst135s41","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78222445","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"De civitate Dei in Verona: The Relationship of Dependency between the Manuscripts Verona, B. Cap. XXVIII (26) and XXIX (27)","authors":"Julia Aguilar Miquel","doi":"10.1553/wst135s119","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst135s119","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"196 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77411296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The lament of Juturna at the end of the Aeneid (12,869–886) shows the features of a real funeral complaint, both in form and in the concepts it expresses. Virgil, however, is masterfully able to adapt the τόποι of this genre to the anomalous situation of his character, a goddess forced to regret her own immortality.
《埃涅伊德》(12,869-886)结尾的朱图纳的哀歌，无论在形式上还是在表达的概念上，都表现出了真正的葬礼哀歌的特征。然而，维吉尔巧妙地将这一体裁的τ ο π ι运用到他的角色的反常情况中，他的角色是一位被迫为自己的不朽感到遗憾的女神。
{"title":"Immortalis ego? Il lamento di Giuturna tra compianti reali e rielaborazione letteraria","authors":"Paola Gagliardi","doi":"10.1553/wst134s109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s109","url":null,"abstract":"The lament of Juturna at the end of the Aeneid (12,869–886) shows the features of a real funeral complaint, both in form and in the concepts it expresses. Virgil, however, is masterfully able to adapt the τόποι of this genre to the anomalous situation of his character, a goddess forced to regret her own immortality.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"547 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78889991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Heraclitus’ eschatology is largely derived from his concept of the soul. One groupof researchers holds that the dry souls of the wise, the well-informed and of soldiers endureafter death, while the souls of the ignorant, the sick, and of cowards perish with death in waterbecause of pleasures, disease, and obtuseness. Souls that are neither too dry nor too wet persistin the underworld. However, other specialists consider the presence of an eschatology inHeraclitus’ thinking to be unproven and contradictory. According to them, all souls cyclicallyarise from or vanish into water or fire, and the measure of their dryness or wetness has only amoral or intellectual meaning and not an eschatological one. Both of these interpretativepositions have their strong points, but they also come with some problems and questions thatare very serious and difficult to solve. It is possible that Heraclitus intentionally did not expresshimself clearly in this area, so that his statements included both positions without, in alllikelihood, giving priority to either.
{"title":"Heraclitus’ Eschatology: Was There One, or Not?","authors":"Tomáš Vítek","doi":"10.1553/wst134s27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s27","url":null,"abstract":"Heraclitus’ eschatology is largely derived from his concept of the soul. One groupof researchers holds that the dry souls of the wise, the well-informed and of soldiers endureafter death, while the souls of the ignorant, the sick, and of cowards perish with death in waterbecause of pleasures, disease, and obtuseness. Souls that are neither too dry nor too wet persistin the underworld. However, other specialists consider the presence of an eschatology inHeraclitus’ thinking to be unproven and contradictory. According to them, all souls cyclicallyarise from or vanish into water or fire, and the measure of their dryness or wetness has only amoral or intellectual meaning and not an eschatological one. Both of these interpretativepositions have their strong points, but they also come with some problems and questions thatare very serious and difficult to solve. It is possible that Heraclitus intentionally did not expresshimself clearly in this area, so that his statements included both positions without, in alllikelihood, giving priority to either.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75733732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
P. Meyvaert claimed that traces of a first (oral) version of Gregory’s Moralia in Iob,which was preached, were preserved in Isidore’s Sententiae and in quotations by an anonymousauthor from Bec (Paris, BNF lat. 2342, s. XII). In a philological comparison, evidence isprovided that the Anonymus Beccensis does not quote Gregory’s lost first version, but isdependent on the Collationes of Odo of Cluny, who paraphrased Gregory freely. Isidore, too,cannot serve as a witness for Gregory’s first (oral) version because of his paraphrastictechnique. In a text-critical appendix on Greg. M. epist. 1,41: verbis sensibusque tepentibus,the variant repentibus (“with improvised words and thoughts”) is preferred.
P. Meyvaert声称，在伊西多尔的《句子》和一位来自巴黎的匿名作者的引文中，保留了格利高里《摩利亚》的第一个(口头)版本的痕迹。2342, s. XII).在一个语言学比较中，有证据表明，无名氏贝西西斯没有引用格列高利丢失的第一版，而是依赖于克吕尼的奥多整理，他自由地转述了格列高利。伊西多尔也不能作为格列高利第一个(口头)版本的证人，因为他的套话技巧。在格雷格的文本关键附录中。m . epist。1,41: verbis sensibusque tepentibus，变体repentibus(“即兴的文字和思想”)是首选。
{"title":"Die erste Fassung von Gregors Moralia in Iob – ein verschollener Text. Mit einer textkritischen Appendix zu Greg. M. epist. 1","authors":"C. Weidmann","doi":"10.1553/wst134s223","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s223","url":null,"abstract":"P. Meyvaert claimed that traces of a first (oral) version of Gregory’s Moralia in Iob,which was preached, were preserved in Isidore’s Sententiae and in quotations by an anonymousauthor from Bec (Paris, BNF lat. 2342, s. XII). In a philological comparison, evidence isprovided that the Anonymus Beccensis does not quote Gregory’s lost first version, but isdependent on the Collationes of Odo of Cluny, who paraphrased Gregory freely. Isidore, too,cannot serve as a witness for Gregory’s first (oral) version because of his paraphrastictechnique. In a text-critical appendix on Greg. M. epist. 1,41: verbis sensibusque tepentibus,the variant repentibus (“with improvised words and thoughts”) is preferred.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73049769","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article deals with the textual transmission of Ps.-Oppian’s Cynegetica. It isbased on Papathomopoulos’ Teubner edition (2003) and provides new conjectures and acriticism of Papathomopoulos’ evaluation of MS K (Laur. 32,16). An appendix with a freshcollation of both A (Marc. gr. 479) and K, against the Teubner edition, is also offered.
{"title":"Die Cynegetica des Ps.-Oppian. Möglichkeiten einer Neuedition","authors":"C. D. Stefani","doi":"10.1553/wst134s73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s73","url":null,"abstract":"The article deals with the textual transmission of Ps.-Oppian’s Cynegetica. It isbased on Papathomopoulos’ Teubner edition (2003) and provides new conjectures and acriticism of Papathomopoulos’ evaluation of MS K (Laur. 32,16). An appendix with a freshcollation of both A (Marc. gr. 479) and K, against the Teubner edition, is also offered.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82929696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper aims to shed new light on the important role played by vision in the Dererum natura, by examining Lucretius’ use of metaphorical references to mountains in hisexplanation of the celestial meteora in book 6. This imagery firstly occurs at 6,156–159 whereLucretius employs the metaphor montes nimborum: this first image provides a starting point forthe development of a remarkable cluster of metaphors and similes, which expands the mountainimagery and links it with other metaphorical references (wild beasts, metallurgy). Interestingly,these images seem to stem from Epicurean meteorology itself, which accorded to mountains animportant role in the formation of clouds. The close link between this complex imagery andEpicurus’ theories, thus, offers an excellent example of Lucretius’ will of overcoming hismaster’s hostility towards poetry by shaping a poem that intimately reflected the Epicureantruth.
{"title":"Montagne di nuvole: su un’immagine lucreziana","authors":"Luca Beltramini","doi":"10.1553/wst134s95","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s95","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to shed new light on the important role played by vision in the Dererum natura, by examining Lucretius’ use of metaphorical references to mountains in hisexplanation of the celestial meteora in book 6. This imagery firstly occurs at 6,156–159 whereLucretius employs the metaphor montes nimborum: this first image provides a starting point forthe development of a remarkable cluster of metaphors and similes, which expands the mountainimagery and links it with other metaphorical references (wild beasts, metallurgy). Interestingly,these images seem to stem from Epicurean meteorology itself, which accorded to mountains animportant role in the formation of clouds. The close link between this complex imagery andEpicurus’ theories, thus, offers an excellent example of Lucretius’ will of overcoming hismaster’s hostility towards poetry by shaping a poem that intimately reflected the Epicureantruth.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90519038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In his Nicias, Plutarch compares Nicias to Pericles quite unfavourably. From themethodological point of view, however, it is better not to conflate his account with that ofThucydides, where Nicias emerges as a competent and brave general with considerablediplomatic skills. It will be argued here that the Athenian historian intentionally juxtaposes thetwo men and favours both of them, although the degree of his evaluation differs. The parallelismbetween the two is achieved by literary and historiographical tools: verbal resonances in theirrespective speeches and similarity of their respective visions of Athens. As well, there is aparallelism concerning their life circumstances and careers, which came abruptly to a tragicend. Their deaths marked the ends of significant eras in Athenian history.
{"title":"Nicias and Pericles: Parallel Lives in Thucydides’ Narrative","authors":"N. Marinatos","doi":"10.1553/wst134s51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s51","url":null,"abstract":"In his Nicias, Plutarch compares Nicias to Pericles quite unfavourably. From themethodological point of view, however, it is better not to conflate his account with that ofThucydides, where Nicias emerges as a competent and brave general with considerablediplomatic skills. It will be argued here that the Athenian historian intentionally juxtaposes thetwo men and favours both of them, although the degree of his evaluation differs. The parallelismbetween the two is achieved by literary and historiographical tools: verbal resonances in theirrespective speeches and similarity of their respective visions of Athens. As well, there is aparallelism concerning their life circumstances and careers, which came abruptly to a tragicend. Their deaths marked the ends of significant eras in Athenian history.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83726030","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While Iliad 10,251–253 has often been translated correctly, Odyssey 12,312 (≈14,483) has not fared nearly as well, although the meaning is basically the same. Whether this means that the author of Iliad 10 improved on the Odyssey or not, Odyssey 12,312 is best understood as meaning “But when it was the third part of the night and the stars had already completed a considerable part of their paths.” In the second part of this article it is argued that τeίρeα in Iliad 18,485 means not all stars or constellations, but just the most conspicuous ones, which explains why in Iliad 18,487–489 = Odyssey 5,273–275 it is asserted that only the Great Bear is barred from bathing in the ocean, a problem already debated in antiquity: the seven stars of Ursa maior forming the Big Dipper constitute the only conspicuous group of stars which was circumpolar in archaic Greece. The latter theory, an overlooked explanation of Walter Leaf, can be supported by further evidence.
{"title":"Mehr zur Astronomie in den homerischen Epen","authors":"Otta Wenskus","doi":"10.1553/wst134s7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1553/wst134s7","url":null,"abstract":"While Iliad 10,251–253 has often been translated correctly, Odyssey 12,312 (≈14,483) has not fared nearly as well, although the meaning is basically the same. Whether this means that the author of Iliad 10 improved on the Odyssey or not, Odyssey 12,312 is best understood as meaning “But when it was the third part of the night and the stars had already completed a considerable part of their paths.” In the second part of this article it is argued that τeίρeα in Iliad 18,485 means not all stars or constellations, but just the most conspicuous ones, which explains why in Iliad 18,487–489 = Odyssey 5,273–275 it is asserted that only the Great Bear is barred from bathing in the ocean, a problem already debated in antiquity: the seven stars of Ursa maior forming the Big Dipper constitute the only conspicuous group of stars which was circumpolar in archaic Greece. The latter theory, an overlooked explanation of Walter Leaf, can be supported by further evidence.","PeriodicalId":39627,"journal":{"name":"Wiener Studien","volume":"10 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88655024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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