Pub Date : 2023-05-10DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2205074
S. Hutton
republicanism, and various forms of Chinese historical sociopolitical organisation” (215), to conclude that “the question therefore is not one of ‘defending’ commercial society from some putative alternative, but of encouraging us to see that our choices relate to what kind of commercial society we want to try to live in” (218). The results presented in Adam Smith Reconsidered offer immediate and relevant progress in Adam Smith scholarship, but, above all, they shall play an important role in repositioning the Scottish philosopher as an indispensable author for those engaged in researching the history of political thought.
{"title":"Modern Virtue: Mary Wollstonecraft and a tradition of dissent","authors":"S. Hutton","doi":"10.1080/17496977.2023.2205074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2023.2205074","url":null,"abstract":"republicanism, and various forms of Chinese historical sociopolitical organisation” (215), to conclude that “the question therefore is not one of ‘defending’ commercial society from some putative alternative, but of encouraging us to see that our choices relate to what kind of commercial society we want to try to live in” (218). The results presented in Adam Smith Reconsidered offer immediate and relevant progress in Adam Smith scholarship, but, above all, they shall play an important role in repositioning the Scottish philosopher as an indispensable author for those engaged in researching the history of political thought.","PeriodicalId":39827,"journal":{"name":"Intellectual History Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43239233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-24DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2194466
D. Sacks
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Pub Date : 2023-04-17DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2192585
V. Piazza
{"title":"Enslaved by African angels: Swedenborg on African superiority, evangelization, and slavery","authors":"V. Piazza","doi":"10.1080/17496977.2023.2192585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2023.2192585","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39827,"journal":{"name":"Intellectual History Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47916135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-06DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2191480
Thiago Vargas
that he wished to defend scripture and biblical history and when he compared Hinduism it was to other “paganisms”, not Christianity. He also moved away from the viewing Hinduism as a rational religion, repositioning it as “pious and sublime”, “mystical and esoteric” (268, 281). This was based on Vedānta school of Indian philosophy, which Jones viewed as like Platonism. Playing a key role in this shift is that Jones was sympathetic to the Rational Dissent of Richard Price and a believer in Christianity. Jones was neither a deist nor “spotless admirer of Hindu culture”, as his criticism of purportedly self-aggrandising, chauvinistic Brahmins indicates (280). To Jones, Hinduism was an ancient religion of a philosophical character but ultimately one of human creation, unlike Christianity. His account of Hinduism provided a “much neater complement to an ideological account of the British administration as a benevolent guardian of ‘native customs’ than Patterson’s other authors (313). Jones directed British perceptions of Indian religion away from rational religion and towards mysticism and sublimity, a position that had few heterodox implications, and indicated instead “the institutionalisation of orientalist knowledge as a branch of imperial governance” (31). Religion, Enlightenment and Empire is an exemplary work demonstrating how lesserknown figures contributed in significant ways to eighteenth-century European thought and imperial history. It is also a very fine first book. I am a little sceptical of Patterson’s definition of “Enlightenment” to describe the self-perception of individuals who believed they were living through an age of enlightenment. This untethers our notion of “Enlightenment” from the long eighteenth century and can be applied to anyone making that identification; similarly, eighteenth-century thinkers who believed they were living in an age of Enlightenment often believed that period began with the invention of print and the reformation of letters. Further, it may be a job for others, but we could have benefitted from Patterson’s assessment of how the shift in perceptions of Indian religion related to the wider practice of the “enlightened” study of religion. Thus, the “deistic” degeneration model of religious change suggests her cast were either at odds with or ignorant of progressive histories of civil society (including religion) and mainly reiterated the model of Christian mythography in deistic or universalistic guise. A similar observation could be made of the relationship between these accounts and changing “enlightened” notions of human nature, especially whether the Company Men believed that human nature was fundamentally prone to superstition or whether its existence in India was purely the result of Brahmic manipulation. These are less criticisms and more thoughts provoked by a stimulating, well-researched, and cogently argued book.
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Pub Date : 2023-03-16DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2177244
O. Pot
ABSTRACT At the end of the sixteenth century, a new conception of history appeared that Jean Bodin theorized in France as geographistory. Building on the discoveries of the New World and the subsequent onset of globalization, and drawing on Polybius’s Histories as well as Stoic cosmopolitanism, geographistory aimed to impose a coherent and authentic order (“metre en ordre des choses tant désordonnees”) on the puzzle of fortuitous historical events by appealing to the immanent and material nature of things, presented as a kind of Fortune through which events would realize their universal telos. Configured after the model of the destiny of the Roman Empire, which at his apogee dominated all the world urbi et orbi, the growing world’s unity and universality would therefore providentially substitute for both God’s miraculous intervention and the Aristotelian epic hero’s action; which had failed in the eyes of Calvinists because of the historic fiasco of King Henri IV. In that respect, the poet Agrippa d’Aubigné hoped, with his Histoire universelle, to endow history with a new direction and progress (as Bacon and, still later, Bossuet will do) by methodically combining the parameters of time and space, in the manner of panoptic and rotating Baroque perspective.
摘要十六世纪末，让·博丁在法国提出了一种新的历史观，即地理史。地理史以新世界的发现和随后的全球化开始为基础，借鉴波利比乌斯的历史以及斯多葛世界主义，旨在通过吸引事物的内在和物质性质，在偶然历史事件的谜题上强加一个连贯而真实的秩序（“meter en ordre des choses tant désordonnees”），呈现为一种财富，通过这种财富，活动将实现其普遍性。罗马帝国的命运模式在其鼎盛时期统治着整个世界，因此，不断发展的世界的统一和普遍性将有力地取代上帝的奇迹干预和亚里士多德史诗英雄的行动；在加尔文主义者眼中，这是因为亨利四世国王的历史性惨败而失败的。在这方面，诗人阿格里帕·德奥比涅希望，通过全景和旋转巴洛克视角的方式，有条不紊地结合时间和空间的参数，赋予历史一个新的方向和进步（就像培根和后来的博叙特所做的那样）。
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Pub Date : 2023-03-13DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2183465
Nathalie Vuillemin
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Pub Date : 2023-03-09DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2179907
Audrey Borowski
ABSTRACT The French writer, explorer, and historian Constantin-François de Volney (1757–1820) has been interpreted as embracing a Eurocentric Orientalism and a typically Enlightenment progressivist historical understanding. In this article, however, I argue that, far from simply offering yet another rationalistic or teleological historical narrative, Volney set out to refound the historical discipline by erecting historiography on a firmly empirical basis in order to repudiate the idea of historical design altogether. In this respect, his best-known work, The Ruins, or Meditations on the Revolutions of Empires (1791), seems to occupy a special status in his oeuvre in that it did not confine its analyses to the epistemological realm and historiographical practice, but explicitly linked historical narratives and practice to historical developments themselves, ascribing civilizational decline and devastation predominantly to ignorance and blind faith in religion or myths of the past. According to this reasoning, a new, more critical historical practice – akin to social anthropology – would, by making people conscious of their historical agency, liberate historical development itself and ideally bring an end to seemingly unending cycles of political tyranny and social destruction.
{"title":"The universal history to bring all universal histories to an end: the curious case of Volney","authors":"Audrey Borowski","doi":"10.1080/17496977.2023.2179907","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2023.2179907","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The French writer, explorer, and historian Constantin-François de Volney (1757–1820) has been interpreted as embracing a Eurocentric Orientalism and a typically Enlightenment progressivist historical understanding. In this article, however, I argue that, far from simply offering yet another rationalistic or teleological historical narrative, Volney set out to refound the historical discipline by erecting historiography on a firmly empirical basis in order to repudiate the idea of historical design altogether. In this respect, his best-known work, The Ruins, or Meditations on the Revolutions of Empires (1791), seems to occupy a special status in his oeuvre in that it did not confine its analyses to the epistemological realm and historiographical practice, but explicitly linked historical narratives and practice to historical developments themselves, ascribing civilizational decline and devastation predominantly to ignorance and blind faith in religion or myths of the past. According to this reasoning, a new, more critical historical practice – akin to social anthropology – would, by making people conscious of their historical agency, liberate historical development itself and ideally bring an end to seemingly unending cycles of political tyranny and social destruction.","PeriodicalId":39827,"journal":{"name":"Intellectual History Review","volume":"33 1","pages":"491 - 505"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41589342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-09DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2179883
A. Thomson
ABSTRACT The Universal History, which had a complicated publishing history from the 1730s to the 1780s, was a commercial undertaking by a group of London booksellers, aimed at satisfying curiosity for reliable information about the rest of the world. It was finally composed of two separate parts, the Ancient and the Modern, which, while eventually published as a single work, were distinct. Its first author was George Sale, the noted translator of the Qur’an, who emphasized the recourse to original Arab manuscripts, although, after his death in 1736, later authors had a different approach. This article looks first at the work’s hostile view of Islam and claim that sympathy to it was a tactic of irreligious thinkers to undermine Christianity. It then analyses the somewhat confused discussion of the Arabs, which varies according to the sources used in the two parts, before highlighting the emphasis on Ottoman despotism. It finally evokes the call in the Modern Part for a European expedition to free North Africa from the Ottomans, destroy piracy in the Mediterranean, and encourage the North Africans to develop agriculture and trade. This call was copied in the best-selling French work, Raynal’s Histoire des Deux Indes.
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Pub Date : 2023-03-06DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2178270
Elisabeth Décultot
ABSTRACT Winckelmann’s work inhabits an ambivalent place in the history of historiography. His Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums (1764) is often referred to as the foundational document of art history, but almost never without the obligatory mention of its rather unhistorical dimension. The aim of the following discussion is to evaluate Winckelmann’s position in the history of eighteenth-century European historiography, especially with regard to the early phase of his career as a historian, i.e. the decisive period between his studies in Halle and his stay in Nöthnitz (1738–1754). During these years, Winckelmann carefully excerpted historiographical literature and dealt intensively with the model of universal history, whose structural patterns deeply influenced his reflection on art historiography.
摘要：温克尔曼的作品在史学史上处于一个矛盾的位置。他的《交替艺术史》（Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums，1764）经常被称为艺术史的基础性文献，但几乎从来没有强制性地提到它的非历史维度。以下讨论的目的是评估温克尔曼在18世纪欧洲史学史上的地位，特别是关于他历史学家生涯的早期阶段，即他在哈雷学习和在诺思尼茨停留之间的决定性时期（1738-1754）。在这些年里，温克尔曼认真地摘录了史学文献，并深入探讨了普世史的模式，其结构模式深深地影响了他对艺术史学的反思。
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Pub Date : 2023-03-06DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2023.2176730
Maurice Olender
ABSTRACT From the Church Fathers to the nineteenth century, countless libraries bear witness to the quarrels in which scholars, using the exegetical and philological techniques of their times (notably those of etymology), had striven to make out the Adamic vestiges which have remained intact in post-Babelian languages. For them, languages were to remain outside historical time. However, at the same time there existed other currents of knowledge. Authors use diverse metaphors – bodily, botanical, etc. – to formulate a dynamic history of languages. Through the evocation of a few problematic metaphors, which create relationships between diverse forms of temporality employed to indicate the historicity of languages, this study underlines the tensions which presided over the genesis and the early development of linguistic knowledge. The Adamic language, endlessly appealed to, was also regularly called into question, and even outright rejected. No matter: recovering the purity of these origins managed to work as a powerful impetus for historic scholarship, and not only in the seventeenth century. This article was first published in French as “Quelques images problématiques du temps des langues” in Le Genre humain, 35 (autumn 1999–spring 2000): 273–290 (EHESS colloquium on “Actualités du contemporain”).
从教父到19世纪，无数的图书馆见证了学者们的争论，他们使用他们那个时代的训诂学和语言学技术(特别是词源学技术)，努力找出在后巴比伦语言中完好无损的亚当痕迹。对他们来说，语言应该保持在历史时间之外。然而，与此同时，也存在着其他的知识潮流。作者们使用各种各样的隐喻——身体的、植物的等等——来阐述语言的动态历史。通过对一些有问题的隐喻的唤起，这些隐喻在不同形式的时间性之间建立了关系，用以表明语言的历史性，本研究强调了主导语言知识起源和早期发展的紧张关系。亚当的语言，不断地受到欢迎，也经常受到质疑，甚至被彻底拒绝。无论如何:恢复这些起源的纯洁性成功地为历史学术提供了强大的推动力，而不仅仅是在17世纪。这篇文章首次以法语发表，题为“Quelques images problems of samims du temps des langues”，发表在Le Genre human, 35(1999年秋- 2000年春):273-290 (EHESS关于“actualitsamims du contemporain”的讨论会)。
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