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Republicanism versus liberalism: towards a pre-history 共和主义与自由主义:走向史前
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2148324
David Craig
ABSTRACT This essay argues that the “republicanism versus liberalism” debate that came to prominence in the 1980s was largely an artificial construction made possible by the recent genealogies of its constituent terms. The first section suggests that the idea of “early modern liberalism” took shape from the 1930s, and identifies three broad schools of thought: Marxist, democratic and classical. Despite their differences, they pioneered a stereotype of “liberalism” that was well established – especially in the United States – by the 1950s. The second section examines the so-called “republican tradition,” arguing it did not acquire that identity until the early 1970s, and that earlier work excavating the “commonwealth tradition” did not intend it as an alternative to liberalism. That only came into focus as a result of Wood’s work. The third section looks at elements of the debate in the 1970s, stressing the attempt to displace Locke and exploring the contribution of Pocock. He increasingly argued for the complex and interwoven nature of both “republicanism” and “liberalism,” partly as a response to revisionist work on the natural law origins of liberalism. By contrast, Appleby restated the older “liberalism” and pitted it against “republicanism,” thereby reinforcing the binary.
摘要本文认为,20世纪80年代兴起的“共和主义与自由主义”之争,在很大程度上是由其组成术语的最近谱系所促成的人为建构。第一部分指出“早期现代自由主义”的思想形成于20世纪30年代,并确定了三大学派:马克思主义、民主主义和古典主义。尽管他们之间存在分歧,但他们开创了一种“自由主义”的刻板印象,这种刻板印象在20世纪50年代已经根深蒂固,尤其是在美国。第二部分考察了所谓的“共和传统”,认为它直到20世纪70年代初才获得这种身份,而早期挖掘“联邦传统”的工作并不打算将其作为自由主义的替代品。这只是伍德工作的结果。第三部分考察了20世纪70年代辩论的内容,强调了取代洛克的尝试,并探讨了波科克的贡献。他越来越多地主张“共和主义”和“自由主义”的复杂性和交织性,部分原因是对关于自由主义自然法起源的修正主义工作的回应。相比之下,阿普尔比重申了旧的“自由主义”,并将其与“共和主义”对立起来,从而强化了二元性。
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引用次数: 1
“Lockeian liberalism” and “classical republicanism”: the formation, function and failure of the categories “洛克式自由主义”与“古典共和主义”:范畴的形成、功能与失效
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2144822
J. Clark
ABSTRACT The contest between “Lockeian liberalism” and “classical republicanism” as explanatory frameworks for the intellectual history of the American Revolution, and therefore of the present-day United States, has been one of the longest running and most distinguished in recent U.S. historiography. It also has major implications for the history of political thought in the North Atlantic Anglophone world more widely. Yet this debate was merely suspended when it was held to have ended in an ill-defined compromise. Although some U.S. historians expressed doubts and qualifications, attention in U.S. historiography moved on to other themes while leaving the initial problem unsolved. This article reopens the question; it suggests that a historicization of both these two categories is now both possible and necessary, and that their supersession will advance understanding of the Revolution. It seeks to help solve this problem by the same means that the debate began: that is, by re-establishing a link between U.S. and U.K. historiographies.
“洛克式自由主义”和“古典共和主义”作为美国革命思想史乃至当今美国思想史的解释框架之争,是美国近代史上历时最长、最杰出的争论之一。它还对北大西洋英语国家的政治思想史产生了更广泛的影响。然而,当这场辩论被认为以一个不明确的妥协而结束时,它只是暂停了。尽管一些美国历史学家表达了怀疑和质疑,但美国史学的注意力转移到了其他主题上,而没有解决最初的问题。这篇文章重新提出了这个问题;它表明,这两个类别的历史化现在既是可能的,也是必要的,它们的取代将促进对革命的理解。它试图通过与争论开始时相同的方式来帮助解决这个问题:即重新建立美国和英国历史编纂之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
Of the origin of government: the afterlives of Locke and Filmer in an eighteenth-century British debate 论政府的起源:洛克和费尔默在18世纪英国辩论中的后事
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2147475
James A. Harris
ABSTRACT This article describes a debate about the basis of allegiance to government that is obscured from view by the historiographical controversy about whether it is liberalism or republicanism that is the key to understanding eighteenth-century Anglophone political thought. This debate is between those who subscribe, more or less, to the principles of Locke, and those who subscribe, more or less, to the principles of Filmer. Taking the Hanoverian succession as my point of departure, I present an outline account of what I take to be the mainstream eighteenth-century argument about the origin of government, up to and including the aftermath of the French Revolution. It played out largely in sermons and occasional pamphlets, written by individuals who, for the most part, did not acquire significant reputations, even in their own age. I then turn to a succession of more familiar writers, from Hume to Burke, who sought to transform argument about the source of political legitimacy by abandoning the question of the origins of government in favour, usually, of considerations of utility. Yet, as they attempted to change the terms of debate about the principles of government, these writers made constructive use of ideas and arguments usually associated with Filmer.
摘要本文描述了一场关于效忠政府基础的辩论,这场辩论被关于自由主义还是共和主义是理解18世纪英语政治思想的关键的历史争议所掩盖。这场辩论是在或多或少赞同洛克原则的人和或多或少赞同菲尔默原则的人之间进行的。以汉诺威王朝的继承为出发点,我简要介绍了我所认为的18世纪关于政府起源的主流论点,直到并包括法国大革命的后果。它主要表现在布道和偶尔的小册子中,这些小册子是由那些在很大程度上没有获得重大声誉的人写的,即使在他们自己的年龄也是如此。然后,我转向了一系列更熟悉的作家,从休谟到伯克,他们试图通过放弃政府起源的问题,转而考虑效用,来改变关于政治合法性来源的争论。然而,当他们试图改变关于政府原则的辩论条件时,这些作家建设性地利用了通常与菲尔默有关的想法和论点。
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引用次数: 0
The private is political: Anna Becker on the Renaissance household 私人就是政治:安娜·贝克尔(Anna Becker)谈文艺复兴时期的家庭
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2149141
Sara Miglietti
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引用次数: 0
The structure of Hume’s historical thought before the History of England 英国历史之前休谟历史思想的结构
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2154998
Pedro Faria
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引用次数: 0
Humanists and scholastics in early sixteenth-century Paris: new sources from the Faculty of Theology 16世纪早期巴黎的人文主义者和经院学者:来自神学院的新资料
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2152996
C. Lundberg
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引用次数: 0
Violent Fraternity: Indian Political Thought in the Global Age 暴力兄弟会:全球化时代的印度政治思想
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2149140
Milinda Banerjee
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引用次数: 3
La Vie de Monsieur Descartes 笛卡尔先生的生活
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-12 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2148353
Stephen Gaukroger
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引用次数: 0
Republican nostalgia, the division of labour, and the origins of inequality in the thought of the Abbé Sieyès 对共和的怀念,劳动分工,以及修道院修道院思想中不平等的根源
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2146977
Angus Brown
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引用次数: 0
Reforming the Law of Nature: The Secularisation of Political Thought, 1532–1682 改革自然法则:政治思想的世俗化(1532-1682
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1080/17496977.2022.2119038
W. Bradford Littlejohn
but a whole host of economic, social, military, technological and cultural factors which linked with that ideology. What was happening on the eastern front from 1941 mattered. The stress on the utility of the subject can dissolve into a generalised need to study history, one in which H.P.T. is vital but has no special status. Though he is confident in the subject’s utility, Whatmore also holds that H.P.T. is “facing a time of crisis” (30). This is part of a wider crisis of historical studies, marked by a turn towards “nationalist political narratives, manufactured political consensuses and social-media driven moral crusades” (30). Two attitudes towards the past are gaining strength in wider society: that the present is better than the past and therefore the past is of no interest to us, and that the past is to be judged by the moral standards of the present. More narrowly, H.P.T. is subject to criticism not only for its–real if declining–gender and geographical imbalances. The voluble accusation is that H.P.T. is Eurocentric in character and thus “necessarily racist, blinkered, imperialist, and colonialist”, both in terms of the ideas that are studied and the fact it has tended to exclude other viewpoints (114). “Hero and villain studies” are back in vogue, as recent productions by many of our North American colleagues demonstrate. Out of crisis, however, comes opportunity. Whatmore sets out a qualified defence but also a sense of how H.P.T. needs to develop. It is not the methods that need modifying – contextualist approaches are well suited to the study of non-canonical authors and ignored traditions. The expansion of the studies of gender, global histories or subaltern histories are all welcome developments, but are not ones antagonistic to established methods. Diversification of the subject would serve us better than its destruction during a “purity spiral”–our current moment has a faint whiff of 1793 (117). Such diversification is, Whatmore stresses, picking up pace too. Indeed, he is enthusiastic about the new themes and expanded geographical coverage of the subject and embodies this development in the global coverage of the examples he uses. Overall, Whatmore presents a realistic yet optimistic picture of the subject’s future, in which H.P.T. lays claim to substantial importance for future political thinking rooted in Whatmore’s unusually confident sense that we can directly learn from the past about the present.
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引用次数: 0
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