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The Biopolitics of Education in the Third Reich's ‘Special Schools’ and ‘Elite Schools’ 第三帝国“特殊学校”和“精英学校”中的教育生命政治
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-03 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X22000358
Helen Roche, L. Pine
Abstract While discussion of eugenics and biopolitics during the Third Reich has largely focused upon the regime's most destructive and genocidal policies, this article concentrates on Nazi ‘special schools’ and ‘elite schools’ as a crucial sphere of quasi-eugenic thought and praxis, drawing attention to education as a previously under-researched category of intervention in the history of modern biopolitics. The article also sheds new light on the racialized nature of the Nazi ‘national community’ (the Volksgemeinschaft), and contributes to recent debates on the Third Reich's status as a ‘racial state’ which suggest that the National Socialist regime was driven less by fanatical adherence to racial ideology, and more by a mixture of anthropological and eugenic racism, combined with productivist pragmatism. The two case-studies draw attention to less familiar corners of the National Socialist pedagogical landscape, covering both extremes of the spectrum of biological selection in education, from the negative, eugenic policies applied to supposedly ‘abnormal’ pupils at the so-called ‘special schools’ (Hilfsschulen), to the ‘positive’ biological selection of elite-school applicants at the National Political Education Institutes (Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten, NPEA), the regime's principal training institutions for the future elite of the Third Reich.
虽然关于第三帝国时期优生学和生命政治的讨论主要集中在该政权最具破坏性和种族灭绝的政策上,但本文将纳粹“特殊学校”和“精英学校”作为准优生学思想和实践的关键领域,引起人们对教育的关注,因为教育是现代生命政治史上一个先前研究不足的干预类别。这篇文章还揭示了纳粹“民族共同体”(Volksgemeinschaft)的种族化本质,并为最近关于第三帝国作为“种族国家”地位的辩论做出了贡献,该辩论表明,国家社会主义政权与其说是由对种族意识形态的狂热坚持所驱动,不如说是由人类学和优生种族主义的混合所驱动,并结合了生产主义的实用主义。这两个案例研究将人们的注意力吸引到国家社会主义教育领域中不太熟悉的角落,涵盖了教育中生物选择的两个极端,从适用于所谓“特殊学校”(hilfschulen)中所谓“异常”学生的消极优生政策,到国家政治教育学院(Nationalpolitische Erziehungsanstalten, NPEA)精英学校申请者的“积极”生物选择。该政权为第三帝国未来精英提供的主要培训机构。
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引用次数: 0
Old Documents – New Meanings. Some Interpretations of Danish Privilege Charters for North Estonian Towns 旧文件-新含义。对北爱沙尼亚城镇丹麦特权宪章的若干解释
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.2-3.04
T. Kala
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引用次数: 0
Estonia and Denmark in the Middle Ages 中世纪的爱沙尼亚和丹麦
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.2-3.01
Mihkel Mäesalu, S. Pajung
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引用次数: 0
Livonian-Danish relations in the first half of the 16th century 16世纪上半叶利沃尼亚与丹麦的关系
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.2-3.06
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引用次数: 0
The Status of Danish Estonia: a colony or part of Denmark? 丹麦爱沙尼亚的地位:是丹麦的殖民地还是一部分?
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.2-3.02
T. Riis
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引用次数: 0
The Royal Danish Ship Maria in Tallinn 1518–19 1518年至1519年在塔林的丹麦皇家玛利亚号船
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.3-4.05
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引用次数: 0
King Valdemar II and Tallinn in 1219 – just another of his conquests or part of a grand plan? 国王瓦尔德玛二世和塔林在1219年——只是他的又一次征服,还是他宏伟计划的一部分?
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.2-3.03
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引用次数: 0
Välisministeeriumi protokolliteenistus (1918–40): kujunemine ja kujundajad
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.1.05
Silver Loit
The emergence of diplomatic protocol service within the structure of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of Estonia (1918–40) is a subject that has hitherto not been researched. This is illustrated by the fact that even the complete list of chiefs of protocol (chef du protocole) of the MFA of Estonia has been missing until now. The strengthening of Estonia’s statehood by its international recognition, the accreditation of foreign envoys, and the first state visits brought about the need for a thorough understanding of all nuances of diplomatic protocol and ceremonial. Nevertheless, the office of a separate chief of protocol was created in the structure of the MFA of Estonia only according to the new Foreign Service Act, decreed by the Head of State Konstantin Päts on 13 March 1936; i.e. more than 18 years after the declaration of Estonia’s independence. Prior to 1936, the functions of protocol officers were usually fulfilled by the head of the MFA’s administrative or political department. This article focuses on three core issues: 1) who were the chiefs of protocol? 2) their functions and how diplomatic protocol was regulated in the MFA; 3) the reason why a separate office of the chief of protocol was not created earlier than 1936. The key source for this research is the MFA collection in the Estonian National Archives (RA, ERA.957). There are no clear sources regarding the functions of the chief of protocol before 1922. The field was most probably shaped and shared by several officials, including the head of the political department Hermann Karl Hellat (1872–1953) and William Tomingas (1895–1972), the junior private secretary of Foreign Minister Jaan Tõnisson (1868–1941?). Everything connected to international practices was probably influenced by the most experienced diplomats of the young state, namely the members of Estonia’s foreign delegation, which had already been created in 1917. Another major influence was Foreign Minister Jaan Poska (1866–1920), who as a former mayor of Tallinn, the former governor of the autonomous Governorate of Estonia, and the head of Estonia’s delegation at the peace talks with Soviet Russia, had extensive experience in protocol-related matters. Hans Johannes (Johan) Ernst Markus (1884–1969) can be deemed the first chief of protocol to be mentioned in the hitherto known sources of the MFA. According to an MFA report to the Estonian government from July of 1922, Markus was the head of the MFA’s Western political department and performed the duties of ‘master of ceremonies’ as well. In January of 1923, Markus was appointed head of the MFA’s administrative department. He remained in this office until April of 1927, coordinating the state visits of the President of Latvia Jānis Čakste (February of 1924), the Secretary General of the League of Nations Eric Drummond (February of 1924), and the President of Finland Lauri Kristian Relander (May of 1925), as well as the state visits of Estonia’s Head of State, the prese
爱沙尼亚外交部(1918 - 1940)结构内外交礼宾服务的出现是一个迄今尚未研究的课题。爱沙尼亚外交部礼宾司司长的完整名单直到现在都没有,这就说明了这一点。爱沙尼亚的国家地位得到国际承认,外国使节获得认可,第一次进行国事访问,这些都使我们有必要彻底了解外交礼仪和礼仪的所有细微差别。然而,在爱沙尼亚外交部的结构中设立了一个单独的礼宾司司长办公室,这是根据国家元首康斯坦丁Päts于1936年3月13日颁布的新的《外交事务法》设立的;也就是说,在爱沙尼亚宣布独立18年后。在1936年之前,礼宾官的职能通常由外交部行政或政治部门的负责人履行。本文主要关注三个核心问题:1)谁是礼宾司司长?2)它们的职能以及外交部如何规范外交礼宾;3)为什么在1936年之前没有设立礼宾司司长的单独办公室。这项研究的主要资料来源是爱沙尼亚国家档案馆的MFA收藏(RA, ERA.957)。关于1922年以前礼宾司司长的职能,没有明确的资料来源。这个领域很可能是由几位官员共同塑造和分享的,其中包括政治部门的负责人赫尔曼·卡尔·赫拉特(1872-1953)和外交部长让·Tõnisson(1868-1941 ?)的初级私人秘书威廉·托明加斯(1895-1972)。与国际惯例有关的一切都可能受到这个年轻国家最有经验的外交官的影响,即1917年成立的爱沙尼亚外国代表团的成员。另一个重要的影响是外交部长扬·波斯卡(Jaan Poska, 1866-1920),他曾担任塔林市市长、爱沙尼亚自治区前省长、爱沙尼亚与苏俄和谈代表团团长,在协议相关事务方面有着丰富的经验。汉斯·约翰内斯(约翰)恩斯特·马库斯(1884-1969)可以被认为是迄今为止已知的外交部资料中提到的第一位礼宾司司长。根据外交部1922年7月提交给爱沙尼亚政府的一份报告,马库斯是外交部西方政治部的负责人,同时也履行了“司仪”的职责。1923年1月,马库斯被任命为外交部行政部门的负责人。他一直在这个办公室工作到1927年4月,协调拉脱维亚总统Jānis Čakste(1924年2月)、国际联盟秘书长埃里克·德拉蒙德(1924年2月)和芬兰总统劳里·克里斯蒂安·瑞兰德(1925年5月)的国事访问,以及爱沙尼亚国家元首的国事访问、国书的提交和有关外交特权和豁免的日常工作。由于礼宾司司长负责组织与国家元首(Riigivanem)有关的仪式,Markus不仅可以被视为外交部礼宾司事务的协调员,而且可以被视为国家礼宾司司长。Markus当然不是孤军奋战。他可以依靠行政部门,基本上是整个外交部来履行他的职能,同时也可以依靠国家元首的副官的支持。然而,正是马库斯为最佳实践奠定了“基石”,他的继任者可以将这些实践系统化并加以利用。1927年4月,礼宾司司长的职务由前波兰和罗马尼亚特使、捷克斯洛伐克临时代办约翰·莱皮克(1894-1965)接任。1927年8月,莱皮克被任命为外交部政治部部长。根据外交部的工作安排,从1928年1月开始,莱皮克在他的新办公室保留了礼宾主任的职能。1929年6月,瑞典国王古斯塔夫五世对爱沙尼亚进行了首次盛大的国事访问,1930年8月,波兰总统伊格纳齐Mościcki对爱沙尼亚进行了国事访问(在此之前,爱沙尼亚国家元首对这两个国家进行了国事访问),由于这两次访问都需要大量的准备工作,莱皮克可以依靠他的下属——政治局局长兼礼宾部副主任埃尔马尔-约翰·基罗塔尔(Elmar-Johann Kirotar, 1899-1985)的工作。1931年6月,法律局局长Artur Haman (Tuldava)(1897-1942)接替Leppik担任礼宾司司长。哈曼(图尔达瓦)付出了巨大的努力,将现有的与礼仪相关的实践(包括证书的提交和接待)系统化,形成一个全面的纲要,一直保存到今天。 基罗塔尔和图尔达瓦的高效率工作很可能被爱沙尼亚的领导层注意到,因为一旦在外交部的结构中设立了礼宾司司长的独立办公室,这个职位首先由基罗塔尔(1936 - 1939),然后由图尔达瓦(1939 - 1940)担任。对稳定的追求很可能与20世纪30年代后半期塑造爱沙尼亚政治生活的强大总统权力有关。国家元首的个人影响力在填补国家结构中的高级职位时变得更加重要。根据议会于1930年5月30日通过的《外交事务法》,各部门主任由外交部长任命。1936年3月13日国家元首颁布的《外交事务法》改变了这一程序。根据后者,各部门主任(包括礼宾司司长)由国家元首任命和解聘(考虑到外交部长的建议)。为什么在20世纪20年代没有礼宾司司长的独立办公室,这个问题没有明确的答案,因为这些职能无论如何都需要履行。这很可能与预算限制有关,即需要避免各种“不必要”的费用。20世纪30年代,行政处长janan Mölder(1880-1942, 1935-6)和领事局长August kon(1900-89, 1936年)也短暂地履行了礼宾司长的职能。后者特别参与使外交惯例的规则和条例系统化。像他的前任和继任者一样,他多次向爱沙尼亚驻外代表发出询问,收集有关特权和豁免、勋章、出席、组织国葬等事项的资料。据爱沙尼亚国家档案馆的消息来源说,爱沙尼亚外交部在其驻外使团所代表的任何地方收集有关国际外交惯例的资料。早在爱沙尼亚独立的头几年,外交部就拥有欧内斯特·梅森·萨托爵士(Ernest Mason Satow)撰写的广受欢迎的《外交实践指南》(1917年首次发行),以及芬兰、美国、英国等国提供的一些与协议相关的汇编。可以得出的结论是,由于爱沙尼亚本身没有丰富的外交实践传统,它很快就能够在外交礼仪方面成功地适应国际环境。 基罗塔尔和图尔达瓦的高效率工作很可能被爱沙尼亚的领导层注意到,因为一旦在外交部的结构中设立了礼宾司司长的独立办公室,这个职位首先由基罗塔尔(1936 - 1939),然后由图尔达瓦(1939 - 1940)担任。对稳定的追求很可能与20世纪30年代后半期塑造爱沙尼亚政治生活的强大总统权力有关。国家元首的个人影响力在填补国家结构中的高级职位时变得更加重要。根据议会于1930年5月30日通过的《外交事务法》,各部门主任由外交部长任命。1936年3月13日国家元首颁布的《外交事务法》改变了这一程序。根据后者,各部门主任(包括礼宾司司长)由国家元首任命和解聘(考虑到外交部长的建议)。为什么在20世纪20年代没有礼宾司司长的独立办公室,这个问题没有明确的答案,因为这些职能无论如何都需要履行。这很可能与预算限制有关,即需要避免各种“不必要”的费用。20世纪30年代,行政处长janan Mölder(1880-1942, 1935-6)和领事局长August kon(1900-89, 1936年)也短暂地履行了礼宾司长的职能。后者特别参与使外交惯例的规则和条例系统化。像他的前任和继任者一样,他多次向爱沙尼亚驻外代表发出询问,收集有关特权和豁免、勋章、出席、组织国葬等事项的资料。据爱沙尼亚国家档案馆的消息来源说,爱沙尼亚外交部在其驻外使团所代表的任何地方收集有关国际外交惯例的资料。早在爱沙尼亚独立的头几年,外交部就拥有欧内斯特·梅森·萨托爵士(Ernest Mason Satow)撰写的广受欢迎的《外交实践指南》(1917年首次发行)
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引用次数: 0
“Kunstiajalugu on ju siinses ülikoolis uus distsipliin.” Tartu ülikooli kunstiajaloo kabineti rajamine
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.1.04
Eero Kangor
The aspiration for truth that was a feature of the Age of Enlightenment was also a driving force for studying Baltic history, and for describing and drawing old buildings and ruins. This activity became more systematic in the next century, when the Baltic educated literati established learned societies. However, when the University of Tartu was reopened in 1802, the professor of aesthetics and related subjects focused on classical antiquity and neglected local art history. It was only in 1919, when the University was reorganised as a national institution of the independent Republic of Estonia, that a separate chair was established for art history. The competition for the first professor of art history resulted in the invitation of a Swedish art historian Tor Helge Kjellin (1885–1984), who launched the systematic study of local mediaeval heritage, especially churches. His arrival in Tartu in 1922 can be considered the starting point of the professionalisation of the research of Estonian art history. Estonian art historiography has been studied sporadically since the 1960s, with only a few articles published before the 2010s on the beginnings of professional art history education at the University of Tartu. The Soviet occupation of Estonia made it impossible to travel abroad to study Helge Kjellin’s written legacy in Swedish archives. After the restoration of Estonia’s independence, a new interest in Estonian art historiography emerged. The leading researchers of Estonian art historiography have been Juta Keevallik and Professor Krista Kodres, who have inspired me to study the 1920s. In 1919, following the example of the Nordic countries, a ‘chair of aesthetics and general history of art’ was also established at the University of Tartu. Yet it was not until the Estonian state had acquired part of the art collection of the Liphart Baltic German noble family that the competition for the chair of art history was launched in June of 1920. A year later, the Viennese professor Josef Strzygowsky was elected as the first professor of art history, but since he declined, the next candidate in the competition, the art history docent from Lund University, Helge Kjellin, was invited. He arrived in Tartu the next year, on 17 January 1922. On 23 January, he already appealed to the university rector to allocate rooms for his art history seminar: After all, art history is a new discipline at this university and so the university library is not stocked well enough with special literature on art history. Therefore, I have brought with me my own library […], and picture collection (photographs, slides, etc). Professor Kjellin pointed out that the art history seminar should also be provided with drawings and graphic art collections for the students to study different artistic techniques. He mentioned 15 chairs for students as part of the furniture needed for the seminar. However, a week later it turned out that about 40 students had registered for his seminars and
对真理的渴望是启蒙时代的一个特征,也是研究波罗的海历史、描述和绘制古老建筑和废墟的动力。这种活动在下个世纪变得更加系统化,当时波罗的海受过教育的文人建立了学术团体。然而,当塔尔图大学于1802年重新开放时,美学和相关学科的教授专注于古典古代,而忽视了当地的艺术史。直到1919年,当大学重组为独立的爱沙尼亚共和国的国家机构时,才为艺术史设立了一个单独的主席。在争夺第一位艺术史教授的竞争中,瑞典艺术史学家Tor Helge Kjellin(1885-1984)邀请了他,他启动了对当地中世纪遗产,尤其是教堂的系统研究。他于1922年抵达塔尔图,可以被认为是爱沙尼亚艺术史研究专业化的起点。自20世纪60年代以来,爱沙尼亚艺术史的研究一直很零星,在2010年之前,只有几篇关于塔尔图大学(University of Tartu)专业艺术史教育开始的文章发表。由于苏联对爱沙尼亚的占领,人们不可能出国去瑞典档案馆研究海尔格·凯林的书面遗产。爱沙尼亚恢复独立后,人们对爱沙尼亚艺术史产生了新的兴趣。爱沙尼亚艺术史研究的领军人物是朱塔·基瓦利克和克里斯塔·科德雷斯教授,他们激发了我对20世纪20年代的研究。1919年,以北欧国家为例,塔尔图大学也设立了“美学和艺术通史主席”。然而,直到爱沙尼亚政府获得了波罗的海德国贵族利法特家族的部分艺术收藏,艺术史主席的竞争才于1920年6月开始。一年后,维也纳教授Josef Strzygowsky被选为第一位艺术史教授,但由于他拒绝了,下一位候选人,隆德大学艺术史讲解员Helge Kjellin被邀请。翌年,1922年1月17日,他抵达塔尔图。1月23日,他已经请求大学校长为他的艺术史研讨会分配房间:毕竟,艺术史在这所大学是一门新学科,所以大学图书馆没有足够的艺术史专门文献。因此,我带来了我自己的图书馆[…]和图片收藏(照片,幻灯片等)。Kjellin教授指出,艺术史讲座亦应提供绘画及平面艺术收藏品,让学生学习不同的艺术技巧。他提到,研讨会需要为学生准备15把椅子。然而,一周后,大约有40名学生注册了他的研讨会,大约100名学生希望听他的讲座,其中大多数是渴望知识的女孩。在爱沙尼亚,艺术史仍然被视为受过教育的精英的一门常识学科,而不是德国学者自19世纪末以来所设想和渴望的艺术科学研究,柏林和维也纳的大学是最重要的中心。然而,Kjellin想要在塔尔图建立的恰恰是这种新的科学(或学术)艺术史。凯林直接把塔尔图和柏林联系在一起。他曾在乌普萨拉大学跟随瑞典艺术史学家,然后是讲解员约翰尼·罗斯瓦尔,后来在隆德大学跟随埃沃特·弗兰格尔教授学习。反过来,海因里希Wölfflin和阿道夫·戈德施密特是罗斯福在柏林的教授。罗斯瓦尔想要按照德国的模式来塑造瑞典的艺术史。他鼓励他的学生选择瑞典中世纪艺术作为他们的主题,Kjellin是听从他建议的学生之一。1913年从乌普萨拉大学毕业后,凯林在斯德哥尔摩和Malmö的博物馆工作,但随后被弗兰格尔邀请到隆德继续他的研究,并于1917年在那里为他的博士论文辩护。凯林专注于中世纪瑞典教堂的研究。在爱沙尼亚,他也想发现中世纪哥特兰岛对旧立沃尼亚岛Ösel和威克县(爱沙尼亚西部)教堂的影响。凯林设法让他的一些爱沙尼亚学生帮助他进行学术研究。事实上,当时塔尔图大学的学习系统鼓励学生在第一年就实践研究方法。研讨会在20世纪初的艺术史教学中发挥了重要作用。Kjellin在塔尔图的艺术史研讨会上给学生们提供了实践练习,例如,他们必须描述塔尔图市的新古典主义建筑。 后来,他们为大学图书馆的图画收藏编目。在研讨会上,他们会就选定或给定的主题发表一篇论文,但他们也会讨论同学们发表的论文。在暑假期间,一些学生有机会将他们的知识付诸实践,帮助Kjellin描述萨雷马的教堂。一些更有能力的学生选择艺术史作为他们的主要学科,他们甚至会在塔尔图、塔林和里加的档案馆进行独立研究,在那里他们也会收集(照片)关于历史建筑和艺术的图形和描述材料。1924年9月,由于经济原因,凯林离开了塔尔图的主席职位。塔尔图大学无法向Kjellin支付他所要求的薪水,因为这超出了教育部的规定。反正外国教授的薪水比爱沙尼亚教授高。Kjellin也同意在1925年检查他的学生,并在1926年和1928年审查了他的一些学生的硕士论文。他还继续他对爱沙尼亚中世纪建筑的研究,并在1928年和1932年发表了一些研究,但后来从他感兴趣的领域中放弃了爱沙尼亚主题。如前所述,Kjellin有大约100名艺术史学生。三分之一的学生参加了艺术史的期末考试。他们中只有七人参加了最难的考试,这使他们能够获得艺术史硕士学位。在这七人中,只有两人捍卫了他们的学位,其中只有一个人——沃尔德马尔·瓦加——成为了一名艺术史学家,后来成为了塔尔图大学的艺术史教授。与凯林一起学习美术史的女学生中,很多都成为了学校的历史教师。然而,Kjellin对爱沙尼亚艺术史的研究和教学,以及遗产保护的贡献是至关重要的。他与考古学教授阿尔恩·迈克尔·塔尔格伦(Aarne Michael Tallgren)一起起草了爱沙尼亚第一部遗产保护法草案,该法于1925年在爱沙尼亚议会获得通过。这些研究收藏——照片、幻灯片、测量图和艺术史研讨会(后来的内阁)的描述,即使在今天也保留了它们的学术价值。虽然美术史教授的职位从1925年开始空缺,但1932年,瑞典再次成为第二位美术史教授斯滕·英格瓦·卡林被邀请到塔尔图的地方。凯林为新教授和未来的学生在塔尔图大学学习艺术史创造了良好的教学条件。 后来,他们为大学图书馆的图画收藏编目。在研讨会上,他们会就选定或给定的主题发表一篇论文,但他们也会讨论同学们发表的论文。在暑假期间,一些学生有机会将他们的知识付诸实践,帮助Kjellin描述萨雷马的教堂。一些更有能力的学生选择艺术史作为他们的主要学科,他们甚至会在塔尔图、塔林和里加的档案馆进行独立研究,在那里他们也会收集(照片)关于历史建筑和艺术的图形和描述材料。1924年9月,由于经济原因,凯林离开了塔尔图的主席职位。塔尔图大学无法向Kjellin支付他所要求的薪水,因为这超出了教育部的规定。反正外国教授的薪水比爱沙尼亚教授高。Kjellin也同意在1925年检查他的学生,并在1926年和1928年审查了他的一些学生的硕士论文。他还继续他对爱沙尼亚中世纪建筑的研究,并在1928年和1932年发表了一些研究,但后来从他感兴趣的领域中放弃了爱沙尼亚主题。如前所述,Kjellin有大约100名艺术史学生。三分之一的学生参加了艺术史的期末考试。他们中只有七人参加了最难的考试,这使他们能够获得艺术史硕士学位。在这七人中,只有两人捍卫了他们的学位,其中只有一个人——沃尔德马尔·瓦加——成为了一名艺术史学家,后来成为了塔尔图大学的艺术史教授。与凯林一起学习美术史的女学生中,很多都成为了学校的历史教师。然而,Kjellin对爱沙尼亚艺术史的研究和教学,以及遗产保护的贡献是至关重要的。他与考古学教授阿尔恩·迈克尔·塔尔格伦(Aarne Michael Tallgren)一起起草了爱沙尼亚第一部遗产保护法草案,该法于1925年在爱沙尼亚议会获得通过。这些研究收藏——照片、幻灯片、测量图和艺术史研讨
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引用次数: 0
Ajaloolise Ajakirja uus algus
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.12697/aa.2022.1.02
P. Piirimäe
Kui ma 2006. aastal pärast Cambridge’i ülikoolis doktoritöö kaitsmist Tartu ülikoolis tööle asusin, oli Ajalooline Ajakiri sisuliselt varjusurmas. Viimane number oli ilmunud 2003. aastal kaanenumbriga 2002, nr 3 (118). Eesti teadusajakirjade maastikuga kursisolevad inimesed teavad, et meie kitsukeses teadusruumis nõuab ajakirja täitmine kvaliteetse sisuga pidevat aktiivset suhtlust potentsiaalsete autoritega, mis tähendab, et peatoimetaja töö maht on suurem, kui see väljastpoolt paistab. Kahjuks ei olnud professor Aadu Mustal, kes oli olnud ajakirja taaskäivitaja ja peatoimetaja alates 1989. aastast, viimastel aastatel muude oluliste ühiskondlike ametikohtade (Tartu linnavolikogu esimees 2001–7, riigikogu liige) kõrval enam ajakirja jaoks piisavalt aega, mistõttu kaastööde portfell oli jäänud kiratsema ja numbrid järjest rohkem hilinema. Nii tegigi ta mulle 2006. aastal ettepaneku ajakirja toimetamine üle võtta. Aadu eestvõttel taotlesin Euroopa Liidu meetme 1.1. raames rahastust kaheaastasele teadus-arendusprojektile, mille üheks eesmärgiks oli ajakirja uuesti käimalükkamine. Peatoimetamise töö moodustas vastavalt projektile 50% minu töökoormusest. Taotlus osutus edukaks, mis võimaldas paar aastat üsna intensiivselt ajakirjaga tegeleda. Pärast seda jätkasin peatoimetaja ametiga muude töökohustuste kõrvalt. Toimetuse töö järjepidevuse tagas Anu Lepp, kes oli ajakirja juures olnud alates 1999. aasta viimasest numbrist ning ilma kelleta poleks taaskäivitamine võimalik olnud. Anu vastutas asjaajamise ja finantsidega seotud bürokraatliku poole eest, aga võttis enda peale ka keelelise toimetamise ja pildimaterjali otsimise. Diplomeeritud ajaloolasena oli ta abiks ka sisu puudutavates küsimustes. Minu kui peatoimetaja hooleks jäi artiklite komplekteerimine, suhtlemine autorite ja retsensentidega ning tekstide sisuline toimetamine. Ajakirja juures jätkas ka senine toimetuskolleegium. Et osa neist oli juba emeriteerunud, kutsusime lisaks mõned nooremad kolleegid nii Tartust kui mujalt maailmast. Esimestel nõupidamistel jõudsime arusaamisele, et pole mõtet jätkata täpselt sealt, kust ajakiri pooleli jäi. Uuesti graafikusse jõudmine polnud realistlik ning otsustasime võlgu olevad numbrid vahele jätta ja alustada 2007. aastal n-ö puhtalt lehelt. Seega tuli leppida asjaoluga, et lisaks
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Ajalooline Ajakiri-The Estonian Historical Journal
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