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Entertainment, Chinese Culture, and Late Colonialism in Hong Kong 香港的娱乐、中国文化和晚期殖民主义
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000304
Allan T. F. Pang
This article argues that the late colonial government of Hong Kong shaped and reconstructed Chinese performances and festivities to secure public support, creating Chinese culture that was sui generis and historically produced. The disturbances of the 1960s prompted local officials to improve state–society communication and legitimize their rule. They utilized Hong Kong people's identification with Chinese culture to formulate their policies. Focusing on the Festival of Hong Kong, carnivals, Chinese opera shows, and the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra, this article shows that colonial administrators adopted policies that targeted people across generations and communities. They sought to cultivate a sense of belonging to Hong Kong by engaging both the older and younger generations in these cultural activities. Late colonialism became intertwined with notions of Chineseness in Hong Kong. Unlike colonial officials in other former British territories, those in Hong Kong went beyond British culture and focused on cultural elements that the people preferred. This cultural perspective, which has been underexplored, shows that late colonialism in Hong Kong not only made the colony's decolonization differ from other cases but also created diversified Chinese culture that was independent of the mainland China's and Taiwan's political discourses.
本文认为,香港晚期殖民政府塑造和重建了中国的表演和庆祝活动,以获得公众的支持,创造了独特的、历史产生的中国文化。20世纪60年代的骚乱促使地方官员改善国家与社会的沟通,并使他们的统治合法化。他们利用香港人对中国文化的认同来制定政策。这篇文章以香港艺术节、嘉年华、中国戏曲表演和香港中乐团为重点,展示了殖民统治者针对不同世代和不同社区的人采取的政策。他们希望透过让老一辈和年轻一代都参与这些文化活动,培养对香港的归属感。在香港,晚期殖民主义与中国观念交织在一起。与其他前英国领土的殖民官员不同,香港的官员超越了英国文化,专注于人们喜欢的文化元素。这一尚未被充分发掘的文化视角表明,香港晚期殖民主义不仅使殖民地的非殖民化有别于其他案例,而且创造了独立于中国大陆和台湾政治话语的多元中华文化。
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引用次数: 0
Prosperity and Precarity in Imperial Russia's Long Nineteenth Century 俄罗斯帝国漫长19世纪的繁荣与动荡
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000250
Alison K. Smith
This article looks at four families living in and around the small town of Gatchina, not far from St Petersburg, Russia, in the long nineteenth century. Their family histories are recreated from archival files based in tsarist Russia's system of social estates (soslovie), supplemented by city directories, newspapers, and many other sources. Taken together, the four family histories expand our understanding of tsarist Russia's middle classes in two ways. First, they highlight the role that women played in families as economic actors and as agents of their own destiny. Second, they demonstrate the role that social mobility did and did not play in maintaining families across the long nineteenth century. In addition, they demonstrate some of the ways in which the Russian empire's experience of the nineteenth century differed from a standard Eurocentric narrative, in particular in the way that ‘archaic’ and ‘modern’ worlds existed simultaneously.
这篇文章着眼于在漫长的19世纪,居住在俄罗斯圣彼得堡不远的小镇加特契纳及其周边的四个家庭。他们的家族史是根据沙皇俄国社会等级制度(soslovie)的档案文件重新创建的,辅以城市目录、报纸和许多其他来源。总之,这四个家族的历史从两个方面扩展了我们对沙皇俄国中产阶级的理解。首先,它们强调妇女在家庭中作为经济行动者和作为自己命运的代理人所发挥的作用。其次,它们证明了在漫长的19世纪,社会流动性在维持家庭方面发挥了或没有发挥作用。此外,它们还展示了俄罗斯帝国在19世纪的经历与标准的欧洲中心叙事的一些不同之处,特别是“古代”和“现代”世界同时存在的方式。
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引用次数: 0
The Scottish Enlightenment and the Remaking of Modern History 苏格兰启蒙运动与现代历史的重塑
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X23000225
Tom Pye
Abstract This article offers a new interpretation of the history-writing produced in Enlightenment Scotland. It argues that after the Jacobite rebellion of 1745 was blamed on Scotland's ‘feudal’ institutions, Scottish jurists and historians began to interrogate what it meant to become 'modern'. Instead of accepting the Whig claim that England provided the ideal model for social and political development, they subsumed English history into a broader debate about whether and how modern Europe had emerged from its feudal past. By reconstructing this debate, the article shows how Scots rewrote European history in ways that subverted the English whig tradition while rejecting universal or ‘cosmopolitan’ explanations of social progress. In doing so, the article reopens the question of how the Scottish Enlightenment shaped British imperial culture across the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
本文对苏格兰启蒙运动时期的历史书写进行了新的解读。书中认为,1745年詹姆斯二世党叛乱被归咎于苏格兰的“封建”制度后,苏格兰法学家和历史学家开始质疑什么是“现代”。他们没有接受辉格党的主张,即英格兰是社会和政治发展的理想典范,而是将英国历史纳入了一场更广泛的辩论,即现代欧洲是否以及如何摆脱了封建历史。通过重构这场辩论,本文展示了苏格兰人如何以颠覆英国辉格党传统的方式重写欧洲历史,同时拒绝对社会进步的普遍或“世界主义”解释。在此过程中,这篇文章重新开启了苏格兰启蒙运动如何在18世纪和19世纪初塑造了大英帝国文化的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Clerical Child Sexual Abuse and the Culture Wars in France, 1891–1913 牧师儿童性虐待和法国的文化战争,1891-1913
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X23000249
Timothy Verhoeven
Abstract This article investigates clerical child sexual abuse in the first decades of the French Third Republic. Thanks in large part to the difficulty of accessing relevant archival records, we know very little about this crime or how it was investigated by judicial officials. This study addresses this gap by drawing on a rich and untapped collection of correspondence between local prosecutors and the Ministry of Justice in Paris. The files reveal the process for investigating and prosecuting abusive priests, as well as the reverberations within local communities. Though generated by the state rather than the church, they offer an insight as well into the response of ecclesiastical authorities. Finally, they shed light on the relationship between clerical crime and the culture wars pitting French republicans against Catholics, a conflict that was reaching a peak of intensity in this period. What emerges from this study is an appreciation of the personal toll and political impact of clerical sexual abuse, as well as a new perspective on the recent scandals which have engulfed the Catholic church in a range of nations.
本文研究了法兰西第三共和国前几十年神职人员对儿童的性虐待。在很大程度上,由于很难获得相关的档案记录,我们对这一罪行知之甚少,也不知道司法官员是如何调查的。本研究通过利用巴黎地方检察官与司法部之间的大量未开发的通信收集来解决这一差距。这些文件揭示了调查和起诉虐待牧师的过程,以及在当地社区的反响。虽然它们是由国家而不是教会产生的,但它们也为教会当局的反应提供了一种见解。最后,他们揭示了神职人员犯罪与法国共和党人与天主教徒之间的文化战争之间的关系,这一冲突在这一时期达到了顶峰。从这项研究中得出的结论是对神职人员性虐待的个人损失和政治影响的认识,以及对最近席卷多个国家天主教会的丑闻的新视角。
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引用次数: 0
Myth, Manchester, and the Battle of British Public Opinion during the American Civil War 神话、曼彻斯特和美国内战期间的英国舆论之战
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000237
David Brown
Abstract Manchester ‘working men’ approved an address in support of Abraham Lincoln's emancipation policy and the American Union at the Free Trade Hall on 31 December 1862. The US president described their gesture as ‘sublime Christian heroism’ when hopes of restoring the cotton supply and reopening the mills were better served by Confederate recognition. This transatlantic exchange became an integral part of the scholarly traditional interpretation that the British working class frustrated the pro-Confederate designs of the upper classes during the American Civil War. It formed the historiographical orthodoxy until revisionists countered that Lancashire workers advocated Confederate recognition. The Manchester meeting, revisionists claimed, was contrived to give the impression of working-class support for Lincoln which was, in fact, a myth. These two incompatible interpretations simplify and flatten the complexity of an event with local, national, and international ramifications. This article presents the first detailed examination of who organized the Free Trade Hall meeting and why. It moves scholarly understanding of the British public response to the American Civil War beyond its current stasis of ‘traditional’ versus ‘revisionist’ by placing the field in conversation with the recent history of radicalism and ‘class’ in the Victorian era.
1862年12月31日,曼彻斯特“工人”在自由贸易大厅批准了一项支持亚伯拉罕·林肯的解放政策和美国联盟的演讲。美国总统称他们的举动是“崇高的基督教英雄主义”,因为邦联的承认更有利于恢复棉花供应和重新开放纺织厂。这种跨大西洋的交流成为学术传统解释的一个组成部分,即在美国内战期间,英国工人阶级挫败了上层阶级亲邦联的设计。它形成了史学上的正统观点,直到修正主义者反驳说,兰开夏郡的工人主张承认邦联。修正主义者声称,曼彻斯特会议是为了给人一种工人阶级支持林肯的印象,实际上,这是一个神话。这两种互不相容的解释简化和平面化了具有地方、国家和国际影响的事件的复杂性。本文首次详细介绍了是谁组织了自由贸易大厅会议,以及为什么要这样做。它将英国公众对美国内战的反应的学术理解超越了目前“传统”与“修正主义”的停滞状态,将该领域与维多利亚时代激进主义和“阶级”的近代史进行了对话。
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引用次数: 0
Librarians as Agents of German Foreign Policy and the Cultural Consequences of the First World War 图书馆员作为德国外交政策的代理人和第一次世界大战的文化后果
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X23000213
D. Gusejnova
Abstract In this article I explore the cultural impact of the First World War by analysing the work of libraries and librarians in different settings, from German-occupied Belgium and prisoner-of-war camps to Germany's own public and private libraries. By examining the work of German, Russian, Polish, Ukrainian, and American librarians, the article makes a case for applying the notion of a ‘long’ First World War to cultural and intellectual history. Considering ephemeral and established libraries, along with new types of collections generated by the war itself, the article sheds light on the changes to library work as a result of mobilization, censorship, and the growth of mass readership. While these changes concerned librarians in all belligerent states, German librarians were particularly affected after the burning of the Leuven library during the city's occupation by German forces. This singular event damaged Germany's national reputation and thereby laid the groundwork for a significant politicization of library work all the way to the Second World War. In addition to tracing the importance of librarians for German foreign policy, the article reconstructs how this professional community, whose intellectual formation was ultimately supranational, responded to the First World War.
在这篇文章中,我通过分析图书馆和图书馆员在不同环境下的工作,探讨了第一次世界大战对文化的影响,从德国占领的比利时和战俘营到德国自己的公共和私人图书馆。通过研究德国、俄罗斯、波兰、乌克兰和美国图书馆员的工作,本文提出了将“漫长”的第一次世界大战的概念应用于文化史和思想史的案例。考虑到短暂的和建立的图书馆,以及战争本身产生的新类型的藏书,这篇文章揭示了由于动员、审查和大量读者的增长而导致的图书馆工作的变化。虽然这些变化涉及所有交战国的图书馆员,但德国图书馆员在德国军队占领鲁汶期间被烧毁后受到的影响尤其大。这一独特的事件损害了德国的国家声誉,从而为图书馆工作的重大政治化奠定了基础,一直持续到第二次世界大战。除了追溯图书馆员对德国外交政策的重要性之外,这篇文章还重建了这个专业团体是如何对第一次世界大战做出反应的,其智力形成最终是超国家的。
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引用次数: 0
Rethinking Conceptual History in an Iberian Atlantic Perspective 从伊比利亚大西洋的角度重新思考概念历史
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X23000171
Maria Elisa Noronha de Sá
Javier Fernández Sebastián's outstanding book, Historia conceptual en el Atlántico ibérico: lenguajes, tiempos, revoluciones, is already an essential reference for all those interested not only in conceptual history or the history of Ibero-American societies, but also in reflecting on history itself, as well as on the dilemmas and challenges involved in its writing. Its text is the fruit of a seasoned and remarkably erudite intellectual trajectory, which expresses the successful endeavour of uniting the theoretical, methodological, and empirical dimensions in the historian's work. This bid is unambiguous in the structure of the book, as well as in the divisions and linkages among its sections and chapters, and is embodied in its very narrative and in the way it unfolds.
Javier Fernández Sebastián的杰出著作《Historia conceptual en el Atlántico ib: lenguajes, tiemppos, revolutioniones》,不仅对概念史或伊比利亚-美洲社会史感兴趣,而且对历史本身的反思,以及在写作过程中所涉及的困境和挑战感兴趣,对于所有这些人来说,这本书已经是必不可少的参考。它的文本是一个经验丰富和非常博学的知识轨迹的成果,它表达了在历史学家的工作中统一理论,方法和经验维度的成功努力。这种要求在书的结构中是明确的,在它的部分和章节之间的划分和联系中也是如此,并体现在它的叙述和展开的方式中。
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引用次数: 0
Learning ‘To Read Again’ 学习“再次阅读”
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-30 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X2300016X
E. Posada-Carbó
Javier Fernández Sebastián's latest book is truly a tour de force. While it offers a lucid appraisal of conceptual history, with a focus on the ‘conceptual revolution’ that the Iberian Atlantic underwent during the first half of the nineteenth century, it is also a serious statement on the profession – indeed, ‘no discipline’, as he tells us, can sustain itself ‘if it is not based on a theoretical reflection about its own status as a discipline’ (p. 17). His is an invitation to engage more fully with an approach to history that prizes above all the language of contemporaries to make sense of the past.
哈维尔Fernández Sebastián的新书真是一部杰作。虽然它提供了对概念史的清晰评价,重点关注伊比利亚大西洋在19世纪上半叶经历的“概念革命”,但它也是对这一专业的严肃陈述——事实上,正如他告诉我们的那样,“如果不是基于对其自身作为一门学科地位的理论反思”,“任何学科”都无法维持自身”(第17页)。他邀请人们更全面地参与到一种研究历史的方法中来,这种方法首先重视同时代人的语言,以理解过去。
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引用次数: 0
Finland and Military Volunteers in the Swedish Fascist Imaginary, 1809–1944 1809-1944年,瑞典法西斯想象中的芬兰和军事志愿军
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0018246X23000183
Nathaniël Kunkeler
Abstract This article explores the place of Finland and the Swedish military volunteers of the 1918 civil war, and 1939–44 Finno-Soviet wars, in the Swedish fascist imaginary. The loss of Finland to Russia in 1809 was heavily romanticized in Swedish nationalist culture, and shaped Swedish responses to both conflicts, mediated through famous literary works which encouraged a sense of shame and betrayal. Through examination of the historical relationship between the two countries, the volunteer effort in 1918, and the subsequent emergence of fascism in the interwar period, it is shown that this imaginary of the Finnish–Swedish relationship strongly shaped Swedish fascism. The article traces key military volunteer veterans in various fascist organizations, and the symbolic appropriation of the veterans. Rather than a comparatively peaceful manifestation of fascism in neutral Sweden, Swedish fascism was possessed of a heavily militarized imaginary rooted in violent proxy conflicts in its former eastern borderlands – in this regard it also showed substantial overlap with Swedish conservative nationalism.
本文探讨了1918年芬兰内战和1939-44年芬苏战争中芬兰和瑞典军事志愿者在瑞典法西斯想象中的地位。1809年芬兰被俄国占领,这在瑞典民族主义文化中被严重浪漫化,并影响了瑞典对这两场冲突的反应,通过著名的文学作品来调解,这些作品鼓励了一种羞耻感和背叛感。通过考察两国之间的历史关系,1918年的志愿活动,以及随后两次世界大战期间法西斯主义的出现,可以看出,这种对芬兰-瑞典关系的想象强烈地塑造了瑞典法西斯主义。文章追溯了各个法西斯组织中重要的军事志愿老兵,以及这些老兵的象征性挪用。而不是法西斯主义在中立的瑞典相对和平的表现,瑞典法西斯主义是一种严重军事化的想象,植根于其前东部边境地区的暴力代理冲突——在这方面,它也与瑞典保守的民族主义有很大的重叠。
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引用次数: 0
HIS volume 66 issue 3 Cover and Front matter 他的66卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.1 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0018246x23000195
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Ajalooline Ajakiri-The Estonian Historical Journal
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